BIN那里,做过那个:基础比率与外部视角

2020 · report · 原文约 7779 词
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康德菲尔德全球洞察

Counterpoint Global Insights

宾至如归,预测已毕:如何减少预测错误的根源

BIN There, Done That How to Reduce the Sources of Forecasting Error

CONSILIENT OBSERVER | 2020 年 3 月 19 日

CONSILIENT OBSERVER | March 19, 2020

Introduction

Introduction

作为投资者,预期市场预期的变化,是创造长期超额收益的关键。这个过程要求你理解当前预期是什么,以及它们为何可能改变。一家公司的基本面业绩,是预期变化的主要催化剂。

Anticipating revisions in market expectations is the key to generating long-term excess returns as an investor. This process requires you to understand current expectations and why they are likely to change. A company’s fundamental results are the primary catalyst in expectations

修订时考虑的因素包括销售增长、营业利润率和投入资本回报率等驱动指标。成功的长期投资者能够根据自己对基本面结果的预测,判断市场预期将走向何方。

revisions. These include drivers such as sales growth, operating profit margins, and return on invested capital. Successful long-term investors see where expectations are headed based on their forecasts for fundamental results.

大量研究表明,大多数专家并不能做出准确的预测。1 如果你从事预测工作,这似乎是个问题。但事实证明,事后解释已发生事件的能力——而且往往以一种美化你错误预测的方式进行——是一种极为有效的应对机制。宾夕法尼亚大学心理学教授芭芭拉·梅勒斯(Barbara Mellers)指出:“我们发现做出预测相当困难,但寻找解释却相当容易。”2 我们对自己和他人讲故事,以此掩盖自己糟糕的预测。

Ample research shows that most experts do not make great forecasts.1 This might appear to be a problem if you are in the business of making predictions. But it turns out that the ability to explain what happened after the fact, often in a way that flatters your faulty prediction, is an incredibly effective coping mechanism. Barbara Mellers, a professor of psychology at the University of Pennsylvania, says, “We find prediction really hard, but we find explanation fairly easy.”2 We tell stories to ourselves and others to paper over our poor predictions.

消息并不那么悲观。美国情报界赞助了一场预测比赛,让科学家们得以衡量那些关乎社会、政治和经济事件的预测准确性。分析显示,五十分之一的预测者——被称为“超级预测者”——始终比其他参与者做出更准确的判断。

The news is not so gloomy. The U.S. intelligence community sponsored a forecasting tournament that allowed scientists to measure the accuracy of predictions pertaining to social, political, and economic events. That analysis revealed that one-in-fifty forecasters, dubbed “superforecasters,” consistently made better predictions than did the other participants.3

超级预测者的成功部分源于他们的自身特质,包括较强的数感、求知欲、概率思维以及思维开放性。但另一部分成功则依赖于一些习惯,这些习惯“任何聪明、有思想、有决心的人都可以学习和培养”。⁴ 尽管超级预测者的水晶球比其他人看得更清楚,但我们其他人也有办法让自己所见之物更清晰。

Part of the success of the superforecasters reflects their qualities, including numeracy, intellectual curiosity, probabilistic thinking, and open-mindedness. But part of their success relies on habits that can be “learned and cultivated by any intelligent, thoughtful, determined person.”4 While the superforecasters had a clearer crystal ball than the other forecasters, there are ways the rest of us can sharpen what we see.

统计学家和心理学家们挽起袖子,深入数据之中,试图找出优等生与其他人之间的区别。5 他们用所谓的“BIN 模型”来解释自己的发现,其中“B”指偏差,“I”指信息,“N”指噪声。多数投资者都非常了解,各种形式的偏差会如何降低决策质量。6 投资者也同样敏锐地意识到,自己是在一个信息不完整的世界里运作。

Statisticians and psychologists rolled up their sleeves and delved into the data to find out what distinguished the best from the rest.5 They explain their results using what they call the “BIN Model,” where “B” refers to bias, “I” to information, and “N” to noise. Most investors are very familiar with how various forms of bias can degrade the quality of decisions.6 Investors are also acutely aware that they operate in a world of incomplete information.

而噪音,则往往受关注较少。丹尼尔·卡尼曼——他因在偏见研究方面的贡献而部分获得诺贝尔经济学奖——曾与几位合作者撰文指出:“凡有判断之处,必有噪音——而且通常比你想象的更多。”

Noise, on the other hand, tends to get less attention. Daniel Kahneman, who won the Nobel Prize in Economics based in part on his work on bias, wrote an article with some collaborators where he stated, “Where there is judgment, there is noise―and usually more of it than you think.”7

这就引出了数据揭示的最惊人发现:超级预测者与普通预测者之间的差异,“更多来自噪声而非偏差或信息不足”。研究人员得出结论,“减少噪声的效果大约是减少偏差或增加信息的两倍。”8

This leads to the most striking finding the data revealed: the difference between superforecasters and regular forecasters is “due more to noise than bias or lack of information.” The researchers conclude that “reducing noise is roughly twice as effective as reducing bias or increasing information.”8

我们现在定义 BIN 模型的要素,并考察它们如何适用于投资机构。接着,我们在一个价格的世界中审视 BIN 模型。最后,我们讨论如何降低噪音与偏差,并增加信息量。

We now define the elements of the BIN Model and examine how they apply to investment organizations. We then review the BIN Model in a world of prices. We finish with a discussion of how to reduce noise and bias, and to increase information.

解析 BIN 模型

Unpacking the BIN Model

尽管该模型的缩写在英文中存在特定顺序,但我们调整了各组成部分的次序,先讨论噪音与偏差,再谈信息。这样调整,是为了凸显噪音的重要性,以及业界对这一概念及其后果的普遍陌生。投资界对偏差的理解相对更成熟,但运用时仍需格外谨慎。信息是最容易理解的部分,却依然是预测中潜在优势的来源。

Notwithstanding the model’s acronym, we shuffle the order of the components and discuss noise, bias, and then information. This rearrangement reflects the importance of noise and the relative lack of familiarity with the concept and its implications. Bias is better understood in the investment community but must be applied carefully. Information is the easiest to appreciate yet remains a source of potential forecasting edge.

噪音。噪音是指“判断中的随机可变性”。9 它在多种情境下都相关。首先是当可互换的专业人士基于同一组事实做出判断时。例如,《财富》杂志曾让 50 位会计师为一个年收入 13.2 万美元的假想四口之家计算应缴税款。

Noise. Noise is “the chance variability of judgments.”9 It is relevant in a number of settings. First is when interchangeable professionals make a judgment based on the same set of facts. For example, Money magazine asked 50 accountants to calculate the taxes due for a hypothetical family of 4 with an income of $132,000.

图表 1 展示了每位会计师的估算与实际应缴税款之间的差异。这些会计师面对的是同一套税法,常常使用相同的软件,摆在面前的也是相同的事实。然而,他们通常会依赖各自的判断来确定应缴税款。噪声衡量的就是两位会计师在基于同一案例时给出的答案之间的差异。

Exhibit 1 shows the difference between each of their estimates and the actual taxes due. The accountants all deal with the same tax code, often use the same software, and have the same facts in front of them. However, they commonly rely on their individual judgment to arrive at the tax due. Noise measures the difference between the answers that two accountants provide based on the same case.

举个例子,假设会计师 A 报出 1 万美元,会计师 B 报出 1.4 万美元。噪声的计算方式是两数之差除以平均值。在这个例子中,噪声指数将是 33%(4000 美元 / 1.2 万美元)。管理者认为,在需要做出判断时,噪声指数在 10% 左右是可以接受的。

For instance, say Accountant A provides a figure of $10,000 and Accountant B says $14,000. Noise is calculated as the difference between the numbers divided by the average. In this case, the noise index would be 33 percent ($4,000/$12,000). Managers find a noise index of around 10 percent acceptable when judgment is necessary.

《金钱》杂志组织的测试中,会计师们算出的应缴税额从 9806 美元到 21216 美元不等,平均噪声指数为 20%,这是一个“令人沮丧”的结果。10 在保险和金融行业进行的噪声审计显示,平均指数更高,在 40% 到 60% 之间。

The accountants in the test by Money magazine came up with a range of taxes due from $9,806 to $21,216 and an average noise index of 20 percent, a “depressing” result.10 Noise audits in the insurance and finance industries reveal even higher average indexes, in the range of 40-60 percent.

附表 1:50 位会计师对应缴税款的估算 10,000

Exhibit 1: Estimates by 50 Accountants of Taxes Due 10,000

8,000

8,000

与实际的差额(美元)

Difference from Actual ($)

 6,000
 4,000
 2,000
   0
-2,000
-4,000
 6,000
 4,000
 2,000
   0
-2,000
-4,000

来源:Denise M. Topolnicki,“专家们在我们第三届年度纳税申报测试中不及格”,《金钱》杂志,1990 年 3 月,第 90-98 页。

Source: Denise M. Topolnicki, “The Pros Flub Our Third Annual Tax-Return Test,” Money, March 1990, 90-98.

一个拥有多位分析师评估不同投资机会的组织,必须考虑噪声的作用。如果让多位分析师评估同一家公司的股票,会发生什么?他们是否可能得出不同甚至截然相反的结论?我们在课堂和实地都做过噪声审计,得出的范围与其他领域类似。

An organization that has a group of analysts who assess various investment opportunities has to consider the role of noise. What would happen if multiple analysts were assigned to appraise the stock of the same company? Might they come to different or even opposite conclusions? We have done noise audits in the classroom and in the field with ranges similar to other domains.

另一个噪声相关的场景,是同一个人在不同时间点评估类似决策时可能出现的差异。11 你可能会因为当下的情绪、饥饿程度、疲劳状态或近期经历等因素,对同一个决策做出截然不同的判断。

Another setting where noise is relevant is when the same person evaluates similar decisions over time.11 You might treat the same decision differently from one moment to the next based on factors such as your mood, hunger, fatigue, or recent experience.

在一项经典研究中,研究人员让病理学家——也就是通过研究人体组织来识别疾病的专家——在不同时间查看同一张活检切片。他们对疾病整体判断的平均相关系数为 0.63。如果病理学家每次对活检的判断都完全一致,相关系数本应为 1.0。品酒师的表现更差。他们对同一款葡萄酒在短时间内给出的评分,平均相关系数仅为 0.50。

In a classic study, researchers showed pathologists, experts who study body tissue to identify disease, the same biopsy slides at two different times. The average correlation between their overall judgments of disease was 0.63.12 The correlation would have been 1.0 had the pathologists judged the biopsies the same each time. Wine judges do even worse. Their ratings of the same wine over a short span had an average correlation of just 0.50.13

你可以想象分析师向投资组合经理推荐投资想法的场景。这位投资组合经理可能会根据一些与投资想法本身优劣关系不大的细节来决定是否行动。例如,研究显示,如果一个人最近亏损了钱,他会心甘情愿地放弃一个净现值为正的机会。¹⁴ 卡尼曼和他的同事们指出,“噪音的水平往往远超高管们所能容忍的程度——而他们对此完全浑然不觉。”¹⁵

You can imagine analysts presenting ideas to a portfolio manager. That portfolio manager may choose to act or not based on details that have little to do with the merit of the investment idea. For example, research reveals that individuals willingly pass on an opportunity with a positive net present value if they have recently lost money.14 Kahneman and his colleagues note that “often noise is far above the level that executives would consider tolerable—and they are completely unaware of it.”15

当一个群体需要基于大量复杂信息的评估来做出一项独特的战略决策时,噪音也很值得重视。例子包括聘用新员工、推进代价高昂的收购,或是给一家初创公司注资。在这些情况下,大量信息必须被浓缩成“做”或“不做”的最终判断。

Noise is also important to consider when a group makes a unique strategic decision that relies on the evaluation of a lot of complex information. Examples include hiring a new employee, proceeding with a costly acquisition, or funding a start-up. In these cases, a lot of information has to be refined into a go or no-go decision.

噪音的一个关键特征在于它不是系统性的。你可以想象一下朝靶心随机散落的射击(见图表 2 右侧面板)。因此,你无法预判任何特定预测会如何偏离真实信号。噪音的另一个特征是,即便你不知道正确答案,也可以计算出它。

A key feature of noise is that it is not systematic. You can imagine shots at a target that are scattered randomly around the bullseye (see the right panels of exhibit 2). As a result, it is not possible to anticipate how any particular forecast will deviate from the true signal. Another feature of noise is that you can calculate it without knowing the right answer.

附表 2:偏差与噪音

Exhibit 2: Bias and Noise

低偏差,低噪声 低偏差,高噪声

Low Bias, Low Noise Low Bias, High Noise

高偏差,低噪音 高偏差,高噪音

High Bias, Low Noise High Bias, High Noise

来源:Counterpoint Global。

Source: Counterpoint Global.

偏见。大多数人会用经验法则(更正式的说法叫启发式判断)来应对决策时高强度的信息需求。例如,可得性启发式指的是决策者通过回忆类似案例的难易程度来评估某个事件的发生概率。正是这种可得性启发式解释了为什么人们在听闻飞机失事后会比平时更害怕乘坐飞机。

Bias. Most people use rules of thumb, more formally called heuristics, to cope with the high information demands of decision making. For example, the availability heuristic describes when a decision maker assesses the likelihood of an event by how easy it is to remember similar instances. The availability heuristic explains why people fear flying more than normal after hearing about a plane crash.

启发式方法之所以有价值,是因为它们能节省决策时间。16 偏见则是不恰当运用启发式方法做出决策的结果。看到飞机失事的新闻后拒绝乘飞机,就说明了这一点。

Heuristics can be valuable because they save time in making decisions.16 A bias is the result of an inappropriate application of a heuristic to come to a decision. The refusal to fly after news about a plane crash illustrates the point.

投资中普遍存在的两种偏差是过度自信和确认偏误。过度自信的表现形式包括高估自身、高估排名和过度精确。 ¹⁷ 高估自身意味着你对自己的能力过于自信,而高估排名则与“你比周围人更优秀”这种自信相关。当某些条件满足时,这些形式就会显现出来。

Two biases that are widespread in investing are overconfidence and confirmation. The forms of overconfidence include overestimation, overplacement, and overprecision.17 Overestimation means you are overconfident in your abilities and overplacement relates to the confidence that you are better than those around you. These forms are relevant when certain conditions are met.

过度精确在投资和商业中尤为重要。当回答困难的问题时,人们往往对自己有多正确过分自信。这与预测密切相关。

Overprecision is particularly important in investing and business. People tend to be overconfident about how right they are when answering questions that are difficult. This is relevant for forecasting.

我们向超过 1 万名受试者提出了 50 道是非判断题,要求他们回答“对”或“错”,并标明对自己答案的确信程度。图表 3 显示了结果。50% 的确信度相当于猜测,100% 则代表完全确定。

We presented 50 true-false questions to more than 10,000 subjects and asked them to answer either true or false and to indicate how confident they are in their answer. Exhibit 3 displays the results. Fifty percent confidence is equivalent to a guess and 100 percent confidence suggests certainty.

我们观察到,整体而言,人们给出的平均置信度为 70%,但实际正确的概率只有 60%。而且,当受试者最自信时,出错的可能性也往往最大。这一结论已在心理学文献中得到了充分证实。¹⁸ 过度自信的一种表现,便是无利可图的过度交易。¹⁹

We saw that overall, people assign an average confidence of 70 percent but are correct 60 percent of the time. Error also tends to be greatest when the subjects are most confident. This finding is well established in the psychological literature.18 One manifestation of overconfidence is unprofitable excess trading.19

表 3:超过 1 万名受试者的信心与校准度

Exhibit 3: Confidence and Calibration for More Than 10,000 Subjects 100

90

90

Correct (Percent)

Correct (Percent)

原件此处是表格,PDF 抽取时列结构已丢失,下面只剩按列读出的数字,行列对应关系无法还原。核对数据请打开来源正文。

80
70
60
50
40
30
   30   40   50   60   70   80   90   100
80
70
60
50
40
30
   30   40   50   60   70   80   90   100

Confidence (Percent)

Confidence (Percent)

Source: http://confidence.success-equation.com.

Source: http://confidence.success-equation.com.

确认偏差是指人们倾向于忽略或贬低与自己已有观点不一致的信息。同时,你也会以确认自身信念的方式来解读模棱两可的信息。20 有效更新观点的能力,对于确保你的信念准确反映现实世界至关重要。投资者有时在短期内对信息反应不足,这与信念更新缓慢是一致的。21

Confirmation bias is the tendency to dismiss or discount information that is inconsistent with your prior view. You also interpret ambiguous information in a way that confirms your belief.20 The ability to update your views effectively is crucial to making sure your beliefs accurately reflect the world. That investors sometimes underreact to information in the short term is consistent with slow belief updating.21

我们提到了投资者必须克服的两大显著偏见,但还有其他偏见同样存在。²²

We have mentioned two prominent biases investors must overcome, but other biases exist as well.22

启发式方法(heuristics)可能导致具有系统性偏差的决策。这些偏差是可预测的。你现在可以想象射向靶心的箭矢,偏离靶心的幅度相近且朝同一方向偏移(见图表 2 下方板块)。但要计算偏差,你需要知道正确答案。误差的性质——噪音是非系统性误差,偏差是系统性误差——是一个关键区别,正是这一点让研究人员能够将两者的影响区分开来。

Heuristics can lead to decisions that have systematic bias. They are predictable. You can now imagine shots at a target that miss the bullseye by similar amounts in the same direction (see the bottom panels of exhibit 2). But to calculate bias you need to know the answer. The nature of the error, nonsystematic for noise and systematic for bias, is a crucial difference and is what allows researchers to separate the impact of each.

信息。完全信息让预测者能够以绝对精准度进行预测。这里的“信息”衡量的是预测者所使用的信号占完全信息的子集。导致预测者之间信息水平差异的几个因素包括:发掘新信息、更新观点的速度和准确性、对信息各组成部分赋予不同权重,以及更擅长处理信号复杂性。

Information. Full information allows forecasters to predict with complete accuracy. Information in this context measures the subset of signals that forecasters use relative to full information. There are a few factors that can lead to disparate levels of information among forecasters, including unearthing new information, the speed and accuracy of updating views, placing different weights on the components of information, and being more skillful at dealing with signal complexity.

研究人员在统计超级预测者为何远优于普通预测者时发现,差异中约 50% 来自降低噪音,25% 来自减少偏差,另外 25% 来自增加信息。认识到这一点很重要,因为噪音和偏差是独立的误差来源,减少其中任何一个都能改进预测。

When the researchers tallied why the superforecasters were so much better than the regular forecasters, they found the difference was roughly 50 percent from reducing noise, 25 percent from reducing bias, and 25 percent from increasing information. It’s important to recognize that because noise and bias are independent sources of error, reducing either one of them improves forecasts.

表 4 总结了 BIN 模型的关键特征。

Exhibit 4 summarizes the key characteristics of the BIN Model.

以下是 Exhibit 4:BIN 模型 的译文。

Exhibit 4: The BIN Model BIN Contribution to

BIN 模型的贡献

Component   Description   Nature of Error   Superforecaster Edge
Bias   Inappropriately applying a rule of thumb   Systematic   ~25 percent
Information   Forecasters have incomplete information   ~25 percent
Noise   Chance variability of judgments   Nonsystematic   ~50 percent
组件  描述  错误性质  超级预测者的优势
偏差  不恰当地应用经验法则  系统性  约 25%
信息  预测者拥有不完整的信息  约 25%
噪声  判断的随机变异  非系统性  约 50%

Source: Counterpoint Global.

来源:Counterpoint Global。

The BIN Model in a World with Prices

在有价格的世界中的 BIN 模型

The BIN Model clearly captures concepts that are important in decision making and forecasting. But here’s an interesting intellectual exercise to consider: Does noise, bias, or a lack of information matter in an efficient market where stock prices reflect information about future prospects with perfect accuracy?

BIN 模型清晰地捕捉了决策和预测中重要的概念。但这里有一个有趣的智力练习值得思考:在一个股票价格完美准确地反映未来前景信息的高效市场中,噪声、偏差或信息不足真的重要吗?

Noise suggests that two interchangeable analysts might place very different values on the stock of the same company. But what if there is already a price? Noise is irrelevant because the stock price is the correct answer.

噪声表明,两位可以互换的分析师对同一家公司的股票可能会给出截然不同的估值。但如果已经存在一个价格呢?噪声就无关紧要了,因为股票价格就是正确答案。

Bias does not matter for the same reason. And while you may not have full information, the market does and it is in the price.

出于同样的原因,偏差也不重要。而且,虽然你可能没有完整的信息,但市场拥有它,并且它已经反映在价格中。

Markets are not perfectly efficient, of course, but large and liquid markets are very good.23 The impact of noise and bias is much smaller on stock market investors than it is for accountants or insurance underwriters because there is a baseline of price determined by the collective of investors. Those prices tend to capture a lot of information in a market comprised of investors with diverse models and points of view.24 That said, we believe the elements of the BIN Model offer investors useful lessons in assessing an investment process.

当然,市场并非完全有效,但规模大且流动性强的市场非常有效。23 对于股市投资者来说,噪声和偏差的影响远比会计师或保险承保人要小,因为存在一个由投资者集体决定的价格基准。在一个由拥有不同模型和观点的投资者组成的市场中,这些价格往往能够捕捉大量信息。24 尽管如此,我们认为 BIN 模型的要素能为投资者评估投资流程提供有益的经验。

Financial economists have used the concepts of “noise traders” and “noise allocators” to explain markets for decades.25 Noise traders “make random trades in financial markets,” trade “on noise as if it were information,” and “would be better off not trading.” Noise allocators “make random allocations to asset managers.”26 Noise traders provide liquidity and earn below-market returns that allow informed investors to generate excess returns to offset the cost of gathering information.

几十年来,金融经济学家一直使用“噪声交易者”和“噪声配置者”的概念来解释市场。25 噪声交易者“在金融市场中进行随机交易”,他们“像交易信息一样交易噪声”,并且“不交易会过得更好”。噪声配置者“对资产管理者进行随机配置”。26 噪声交易者提供流动性,并赚取低于市场平均水平的回报,这使得信息充分的投资者能够产生超额收益,以弥补信息收集的成本。

Some models that include noise traders portray the market more accurately than models that rely solely on rational investors.27 The impact that noise traders have on markets is a function of arbitrage costs, which include identifying and verifying mispricing, implementing and executing trades, and financing and funding securities.

一些包含噪声交易者的模型比那些仅依赖理性投资者的模型更准确地描绘了市场。27 噪声交易者对市场的影响是套利成本的函数,套利成本包括识别和验证错误定价、执行交易、以及融资和资金支持。

When those costs are low, informed investors quickly correct mispricings and markets converge rapidly to fair value. When arbitrage costs are high, gaps between price and value can persist.

当这些成本较低时,信息充分的投资者会迅速纠正错误定价,市场会迅速收敛至公允价值。当套利成本较高时,价格与价值之间的差距可能会持续存在。

The obvious recommendation is to avoid being a noise trader or noise allocator. That means investing based on signals, which requires gathering and properly assessing information. Understanding the investor on the other side of any investment is crucial to having a clear sense of your edge and the motivations of your counterparty.

显而易见的建议是避免成为噪声交易者或噪声配置者。这意味着要基于信号进行投资,这需要收集并正确评估信息。理解任何投资交易对手方的情况,对于清晰认识自身优势以及对手方的动机至关重要。

Another area where noise can creep in is position sizing. Effective investing has two components. The first is finding edge, where a security is mispriced and hence offers the prospect of excess returns. The second is position sizing, or how much money to invest in the idea.

噪声可能渗入的另一个领域是仓位规模。有效投资有两个组成部分。第一个是寻找优势,即证券存在错误定价,从而提供超额回报的前景。第二个是仓位规模,即针对该想法投入多少资金。

The investment industry spends a lot of time on edge and little time on sizing, and it is likely that sizing decisions are noisy for many portfolio managers. Research shows that investment managers leave returns on the table by failing to follow the position sizes suggested by their own processes.28

投资行业在寻找优势上花费了大量时间,而在仓位规模上投入甚少,许多投资经理的仓位决策可能充满了噪声。研究表明,投资经理未能遵循其自身流程建议的仓位规模,从而白白损失了回报。28

Individual bias, systematic departures from ideal decisions, are hard to pinpoint in a market that is mostly efficient. But there is some evidence that it exists. For example, recent research suggests that portfolio managers make buy decisions that add value but sell decisions that are poor. A study of more than 780 portfolios and 4.4 million trades from 2000 through 2016 found that portfolio managers would have been better off selling a random position in their portfolio than the security they did sell. The poor selling resulted in raw portfolio returns that were 70 basis points lower per year.29

在一个大体有效的市场中,个体偏差(即系统性地偏离理想决策)很难被精确定位。但有一些证据表明它确实存在。例如,最近的研究表明,投资经理的买入决策能创造价值,但卖出决策却很糟糕。一项针对 2000 年至 2016 年间超过 780 个投资组合和 440 万笔交易的研究发现,如果投资经理卖出其投资组合中的随机一个头寸,其表现会比他们实际卖出的证券更好。糟糕的卖出导致投资组合的年化原始回报率降低了 70 个基点。29

Consultants studied the portfolios of their clients and found that risk-adjusted excess returns of individual stocks follow an inverted-U pattern, the “alpha lifecycle,” and that portfolio managers tend to hold stocks too long, on average.30

顾问们研究了其客户的投资组合后发现,个股的风险调整后超额收益呈倒 U 形模式,即“阿尔法生命周期”,并且投资经理平均而言持有股票的时间过长。30

Most major market dislocations are not the result of vagaries in individual forecasting but rather in collective behavior, where investors converge to the same set of beliefs. The dot-com bubble of the late 1990s is a good example. In these cases, the wisdom of crowds flips to the madness of crowds and substantial opportunity presents itself. However, the psychological, professional, and business toll of going against the crowd in these cases can be very high.31

大多数重大的市场动荡并非源于个人预测的反复无常,而是源于集体行为,即投资者趋同于同一套信念。20 世纪 90 年代末的互联网泡沫就是一个很好的例子。在这些情况下,群体的智慧会转变为群体的疯狂,巨大的机会随之显现。然而,在这些情况下,逆势而为所需付出的心理、职业和商业代价可能非常高。31

How to Avoid the BIN Sin

如何避免 BIN 之罪

The goal of training is to improve results. The scientists involved in recruiting competitors for this tournament provided some of the forecasters with training and withheld it from others. This allowed them to measure the impact of training by comparing the group who received it to the control group who did not. Training improved forecasting accuracy by about 10 percent, as captured by a measure of the accuracy of probabilistic predictions called a Brier Score.32

培训的目标是提高结果。参与招募本次比赛中竞争对手的科学家为一些预测者提供了培训,而对其他人则未提供培训。这使他们能够通过比较接受培训的小组和未接受培训的对照组来衡量培训的影响。培训使预测准确性提高了约 10%,这是通过一种称为 Brier Score 的概率预测准确性度量来衡量的。32

Training comes in various categories. Teaching subjects about judgment errors and biases is cheap but useless.

培训有多种类型。教授学员关于判断错误和偏差的知识虽然成本低廉,但毫无用处。

Teaching subjects how to check for bias is more effective, as is providing timely feedback. There is also value in learning how to ask good questions and reframe problems.33 The main point here is that knowing about how you are likely to go wrong isn’t as valuable as adopting methods to improve decisions.

教授学员如何检查偏差则更有效,提供及时的反馈也是如此。学习如何提出好问题以及重新构建问题也是有价值的。33 这里的要点是,了解自己可能如何出错,不如采用改进决策的方法更有价值。

When the researchers examined the impact of training on overall accuracy, they found something that surprised them: The training improved accuracy more by reducing noise than by tamping down bias. This finding raises provocative questions about how exactly training affects the various aspects of decision making.

当研究人员考察培训对整体准确性的影响时,他们发现了一个令他们惊讶的结果:培训通过减少噪声而不是抑制偏差来更显著地提高准确性。这一发现引发了关于培训究竟如何影响决策各个方面的发人深省的问题。

We now turn to methods to improve decisions for each component of the BIN Model.

现在,我们转向针对 BIN 模型每个组成部分改进决策的方法。

Noise. The three primary ways to reduce noise are combining judgments, using algorithms, and adopting the “Mediating Assessments Protocol.”

噪声。减少噪声的三种主要方式是:组合判断、使用算法以及采用“中介评估协议”。

Because noise is nonsystematic, the first way to reduce it is to combine forecasts.34 This is the core idea behind the wisdom of crowds.35 While each individual may be off the mark in a random way, combining the forecasts reduces the error and increases accuracy. Jack Treynor, a luminary of the investment industry, offered this as a means to understand market efficiency.36

由于噪声是非系统性的,减少噪声的第一种方法是组合预测。34 这是群体智慧背后的核心思想。35 尽管每个个体的预测可能随机地偏离目标,但组合预测可以减少误差并提高准确性。投资界的杰出人物杰克·特雷诺曾将此作为理解市场效率的一种方式。36

Abraham de Moivre produced the math to support this principle in the early 1700s. De Moivre’s equation says that the standard error of the mean is equal to the standard deviation of the sample divided by the square root of the sample size. In plain words, the equation says that the error decreases as the sample size increases.37 A key underlying assumption, which is consistent with the very definition of noise, is that errors are independent and follow a normal, bell-shaped distribution around the correct answer. Forecasting accuracy is compromised when there is no effective way to aggregate the information, or if the errors become correlated and noise transitions to collective bias.

亚伯拉罕·棣莫弗在 18 世纪初就为解决这一原理提供了数学基础。棣莫弗的方程表明,均值的标准误差等于样本标准差除以样本量的平方根。用通俗的话说,该方程表明,误差随着样本量的增加而减小。37 一个关键的潜在假设(与噪声的定义一致)是,误差是独立的,并且围绕正确答案呈正态的钟形分布。当没有有效的方法来汇总信息,或者当误差变得相关并且噪声转变为集体偏差时,预测的准确性就会受到影响。

Markets are a mechanism to aggregate views. The involvement of money means there is an incentive to figure out and express a correct view. Negative feedback, where departures from equilibrium are pushed back toward

市场是一种汇总观点的机制。资金的参与意味着存在动力去弄清楚并表达一个正确的观点。负反馈,即当价格偏离均衡时被拉回均衡,通常在公开市场中占主导地位。套利者利用小的错误定价,买入便宜的资产并卖出昂贵的资产。这使得价格更加准确。

equilibrium, tends to prevail in public markets. Arbitrageurs buy what’s cheap and sell what’s dear to take advantage of small mispricings. This makes prices more accurate.

但市场有时会从负反馈转变为正反馈,从而强化趋势。在某些情况下,正反馈是有用且必要的。但在市场背景下,它往往是所有人想法一致的信号,这引发了存在效率低下的可能性。

But from time to time markets flip from negative to positive feedback, which reinforces a trend. There are instances when positive feedback is useful and necessary. In the context of markets it is often a signal that everyone is thinking the same way, which raises the specter of inefficiency.

企业或个人常常因为成本原因而不使用汇总法。想想会计师计算应缴税款的例子。所有猜测的平均值远比单个税务准备人的平均猜测更接近正确答案,但雇佣 50 名会计师为你报税是非常昂贵的。

Businesses and individuals often don’t use aggregation because of the cost. Think of the example of the accountants calculating the taxes due. The average of all the guesses was much closer to the correct answer than the average guess of the individual tax preparers, but retaining 50 accountants to do your taxes is very expensive.

如果你处理的是充满噪声的预测,并且有一种经济有效的方法来组合它们,那就去做。组合后的预测很可能比单个预测更准确。

If you are dealing with noisy forecasts and have a cost-effective way to combine them, do so. The forecast is very likely to be more accurate than a single forecast.

减少噪声的第二种方法是使用算法,算法简单说就是一组允许你实现目标的规则或程序。例如,蛋糕食谱就是一个算法。如果你按照如何混合配料和烘烤面糊的程序操作,你最终会得到一个美味的蛋糕。

A second means to reduce noise is to use an algorithm, which is simply a set of rules or procedures that allow you to achieve a goal. For example, a cake recipe is an algorithm. If you follow the procedures for how to combine the ingredients and bake the batter, you will end up with a tasty cake.

1954 年,明尼苏达大学的临床心理学家兼教授保罗·梅尔写了一本书,声称在做出患者预后判断方面,统计方法优于临床方法。38 这不是一个受欢迎的发现,因为临床医生非常看重基于其培训和经验的判断。然而,他的发现已被证明是可靠的。一项元分析研究总结道,“机械预测技术的优越性是一致的,无论判断任务、判断者类型、判断者的经验多少,还是被组合的数据类型如何。”39

In 1954, Paul Meehl, a clinical psychologist and professor at the University of Minnesota, wrote a book claiming that statistical methods outperformed clinical methods in making patient prognoses.38 This was not a popular finding, as clinicians placed great value on the judgments based on their training and experience. However, his finding has proven to be robust. One meta-study concluded that the “[s]uperiority for mechanical-prediction techniques was consistent, regardless of the judgment task, type of judges, judges’ amounts of experience, or the types of data being combined.”39

尽管算法在许多领域具有优越性,但许多专业人士仍然迟迟不愿接受它们,并且在事情出错时迅速归咎于算法。40 即使研究表明个人愿意遵从算法,也指出“经常进行预测的经验丰富的专业人士,比外行人更少依赖算法建议,这损害了他们的准确性。”41

Notwithstanding the superiority of algorithms in many domains, many professionals are still slow to embrace them and are quick to blame them when things go wrong.40 Even research that shows individuals are willing to defer to algorithms notes that “experienced professionals, who make forecasts on a regular basis, relied less on algorithmic advice than lay people did, which hurt their accuracy.”41

在许多情况下,使用算法是不切实际的,因为因果关系过于松散。这里的建议是仔细考虑你的投资流程中是否有任何方面最好以系统化的方式处理。一个例子是使用清单来确保一致性和彻底性。42

There are many situations where it is impractical to use an algorithm because the cause and effect is too loosely linked. The advice here is to consider carefully if any aspect of your investment process is best handled systematically. One example is the use of checklists to ensure consistency and thoroughness.42

另一个例子是投资组合中的仓位规模。我们之前看到,许多投资经理在确定仓位规模时并不遵守自己的规则,这损害了他们的业绩。

Another example is the size of positions within a portfolio. We saw earlier that many portfolio managers do not stick to their own rules in sizing their positions, to the detriment of their performance.

投资组合构建基于输入、约束和目标。43 输入包括预期回报、波动率和资产之间的相关性。约束反映了诸如仓位、行业和板块限制、交易量和杠杆等问题。目标包括单期或多期评估范围。一旦投资经理指定了这些因素,仓位规模就可以算法化。

Portfolio construction is based on inputs, constraints, and objectives.43 Inputs include expected returns, volatility, and the correlation between assets. Constraints reflect issues such as position, industry, and sector limits, trading volume, and leverage. Objectives include single- or multi-period evaluation horizons. Once a portfolio manager specifies these factors, position sizing can be algorithmic.

研究发现,提高人们对算法接受度的方法之一是允许人类对最终答案进行微调。44 丹尼尔·卡尼曼将此称为“纪律性直觉”。45 这个想法是先系统化地处理一个问题,然后在最终决策中让你的判断或直觉发挥作用。证据表明,允许这种调整空间可以提高决策的整体质量。

Research has found that one way to increase the acceptance of algorithms is to allow humans to adjust the final answer just a bit.44 Daniel Kahneman calls this “disciplined intuition.”45 The idea is to approach a problem systematically and then give your own judgment or intuition a role in the final decision. The evidence shows that allowing that wiggle room improves the overall quality of the decision.

降低噪音的最终方法是采用中介评估协议(MAP)。46 其核心思路是:根据关键要素创建中间评级,从而做出比单纯依赖直觉更具信息含量的最终决定。

The final approach to reducing noise is to adopt the Mediating Assessments Protocol (MAP).46 The idea is to create intermediate ratings based on what’s critical in order to come to a final decision that is more informed than relying solely on intuition.

MAP 包含三个部分。首先,你要“提前定义评估标准”。你得想清楚,要得出一个深思熟虑的结果,哪些因素至关重要。例如,如果你面试一位金融分析师候选人,你会考量能带来成功的特质,包括估值能力、战略评估、批判性思维以及沟通技巧。

MAP has three parts. First, you “define the assessments in advance.” You figure out what’s important to arrive at a thoughtful result. For instance, if you are interviewing a candidate to be a financial analyst, you consider the attributes that would lead to success, including skills in valuation, strategy assessment, critical thinking, and communication.

第二步是用事实来评估候选人在这些标准上的表现。如果有多人参与评估,每个人都应当独立进行。结果应该针对每项特质给出一个数值分数。继续以我们那位分析师的例子来说,每位面试官都应当根据相关标准对候选人进行评估并打分。同样重要的是,每位面试官对每个候选人都应当按同样的顺序问同样的问题。47

The second step is to use facts to evaluate the candidate based on those criteria. If more than one person is involved with the assessment, each should work independently. The result should be a numerical score for each attribute. To continue with the example of our analyst, each interviewer would evaluate and score the candidate on the relevant criteria. It is also important for each interviewer to ask the same questions in the same order for every candidate.47

最后,只有当所有评估都完成并评分之后,才应讨论最终决策。这种方法的力量在于,决策方式是标准化的。

Finally, there should be a discussion about a final decision only after all of the assessments are complete and scored. The power of the method is that the decision-making approach is standardized.

对于公开市场的投资者而言,MAP 在指导组织决策方面,或许比用于投资选择更有用。但私募市场的投资者会发现这一工具很有价值,哪怕仅仅是为了确保投资流程保持一致、严谨且周全。

For investors in public markets, MAP may be more useful in guiding organizational decisions than investment choices. But investors in private markets will find the tool valuable, if only to ensure the investment process is consistent, rigorous, and thorough.

表 5 总结了减少噪声的三种主要方式。

Exhibit 5 summarizes the three primary ways to reduce noise.

附件 5:减少噪音的方法

Exhibit 5: Techniques for Reducing Noise

方法描述机制

Method Description Mechanism

将独立个体的预测汇集起来 通过抵消非系统性个人误差来减少错误 基于证据的算法优于专家 在许多领域,算法(即执行任务的一套规则)的表现都超过专家。

Combine Gather forecasts from individuals who are Reduces error by offsetting judgments operating independently nonsystematic individual errors Evidence-based algorithms outperform Use algorithms A set of rules for performing a task experts in many domains

1. 提前定义你将用来评估某事物的属性 采纳调解法

1. Define in advance the attributes you will use to assess something Adopt Mediating

2. 收集事实以进行评估——依据评估准则使流程标准化——协议(MAP)

2. Gather facts to evaluate based on Assessments Standardizes the process those criteria Protocol (MAP)

3. 只有在所有评估完成并给出评分之后,才能做出最终决定。

3. Make final decision only after all assessments are complete and scored

资料来源:Counterpoint Global。

Source: Counterpoint Global.

偏见。我们回顾了几种减少偏见的方法。第一种是将基础概率纳入预测,这能解决过度自信的问题。无论是翻新房屋的成本和时间、完成一项任务所需的时间,还是一家公司的增长率,预测往往过于乐观。引入基础概率通常能让估算变得更为温和、更接地气。

Bias. We review a few methods to reduce bias. The first is to incorporate base rates into a forecast, which addresses overconfidence. It is common for forecasts to be too optimistic, whether it’s the cost and time to remodel a home, how long it will take to complete a task, or the growth rate of a company. Introducing base rates often tempers and grounds an estimate.

我们大多数人在被要求做出预测时,都会遵循一个类似的模式:收集信息,结合自身的经验和观点,然后投射到未来。心理学家将这种大量依赖直觉的方法称为“内部视角”。

Most of us follow a similar pattern when asked to make a forecast: we gather information, combine it with our own experience and views, and project into the future. Psychologists call this approach, which relies on a large dose of intuition, the “inside view.”48

将基础比率即“外部视角”与内部视角相结合,通常能提高预测的准确性。外部视角是对“先前完成的类似努力进行简单的统计分析”。外部视角的问题是:“别人以前遇到这种情况时发生了什么?”你的具体预测被重新定位为更大参照类中的一个实例,而非严重依赖预测者自身经验和感知的一次性预测。

Integrating base rates, the “outside view,” with the inside view generally improves the accuracy of forecasts. The outside view is a “simple statistical analysis of analogous efforts completed earlier.”49 The outside view asks, “what happened when others were in this situation before?” Your specific forecast is recast as an instance of a larger reference class rather than a one-off forecast that relies heavily on the experience and perceptions of the forecaster.

下面这个例子能让概念更具体。假设一位财务分析师基于基准情形预测,一家年销售额 100 亿美元的公司将在未来 5 年内以每年 20% 的速度增长。很可能,这位分析师手里会有一个详细的模型来支撑这个预测。这就是内部视角。

Here’s an example to make the concept more concrete. Say a financial analyst forecasts as a base case that a company with annual sales of $10 billion will grow sales 20 percent per year for the next 5 years. In all likelihood, that analyst will have a detailed model substantiating that projection. That is the inside view.

外部视角会考察:达到该规模的公司中,有多少家实现了同等或更高的销售复合年增长率。答案是 3.5%。50 如果基础概率显示实际频率仅为 3.5%,你是否会倾向于调整那个假设 20% 增长率有 50% 可能性的基准情形?

The outside view would examine how many companies of that size have achieved a compound annual growth rate of sales at that level or higher. The answer is 3.5 percent.50 Would you be inclined to modify a base case that assumes a 50 percent probability of 20 percent growth if the base rate reveals a frequency of 3.5 percent?

采用外部视角有四个步骤。第一步是选择参照系。你希望参照系足够宽泛以具备稳健性,但又足够狭窄以适用于你的具体情境。许多领域都有良好的数据,包括公司业绩和投资领域。51

There are four steps to using the outside view. The first is to select the reference class. You want the reference class to be broad enough to be robust but narrow enough to be useful in your application. There are good data for many domains, including corporate performance and investing.51

下一步是评估该参考类别结果分布的形态。有些分布遵循正态的钟形曲线(“温和随机性”),这在企业绩效和投资者业绩的衡量指标上大体成立。但其他分布则呈现出大量偏态,有些甚至符合幂律分布(“狂野随机性”)。52 基准率对于温和分布而言应用直接,而对于狂野分布则信息量较少。不过我们发现,引入基准率能改善预测者的思考方式。此外,即使在基准率显然大有裨益的场合,其应用也严重不足。

The next is to assess the distribution of outcomes for that reference class. Some follow a normal, bell-shaped distribution (“mild randomness”). This is largely true for measures of corporate and investor performance. But others follow a distribution with lots of skew, and in some cases a power law (“wild randomness”).52 Base rates are straightforward to apply for mild distributions and less informative for wild distributions, but we have found that introducing base rates improves the forecaster’s thinking. Further, base rates are woefully underutilized even in contexts where their application is clearly beneficial.

第三步是做出预测。对情境基础概率的理解,应该同时指导点预测和可能结果的区间预测。

The third step is to make a forecast. An understanding of the base rates for the situation should inform both a point forecast and a range of possible outcomes.

最后一步是考虑,你的估值应该在多大程度上向均值回归。经验法则是,当结果接近随机时,你应当大幅回归自己的预测;当结果由技能驱动、因而具有持续性时,你几乎不需要回归。

The final step is to consider how much to regress your estimate toward the mean. The rule of thumb is that when outcomes are close to random, you should regress your forecast substantially. When outcomes are driven by skill and are therefore persistent, you need not regress much at all.

继续以公司为例,销售增长率远不如经营利润率稳定。因此,对销售增长率的极高或极低预期,相比对利润率的极高或极低预期,更易出现向均值回归的现象。这承认了经营利润率在一定程度上与销售增长相关。

To continue with our example of a company, sales growth rates are much less persistent than operating profit margins. As a consequence, very high or low expectations for sales growth are better candidates for regression toward the average than are very high or low margins. This recognizes that operating profit margins are to a degree a function of sales growth.53

了解基础比率,对那些受过训练的预测者而言,是提升准确率最重要的因素。考虑基础比率能减少噪音和偏见。

Learning about base rates was the most significant contributor to accuracy for those forecasters who received training. Considering base rates reduces noise and bias.

消除偏见的第二种方法是建立正式机制,让大脑对替代可能性保持开放。

A second method to remove bias is to create formal mechanisms to open the mind to alternative possibilities.

一种实现这一目的的方法是“事前验尸”。采用事前验尸法时,让一个小组想象某项决策已经做出,而其结果是灾难性的。随后,每位团队成员写下导致结果糟糕的原因,并审阅这些理由。事前验尸依赖于一种名为“前瞻性回顾”的机制,该机制比单纯展望未来能持续生成更多情景。

One technique to do this is a premortem.54 With a premortem, you have a group imagine that a decision was made and that the outcome was a disaster. Each team member then writes down why the result was poor and reviews the reasons. Premortems rely on a mechanism called “prospective hindsight,” which consistently generates more scenarios than simply projecting into the future.55

研究表明,事前验尸法在减少偏见方面比其他技巧更可靠,包括让人们考虑利弊或仅考虑弊端。⁵⁶ 实施事前验尸法并不困难、耗时或昂贵,但预测者常犯一些可以避免的错误。⁵⁷

Studies show that the premortem method more reliably reduces bias than other techniques do, including getting individuals to consider pros and cons or just cons.56 Conducting a premortem is not difficult, time consuming, or costly, but there are common mistakes that forecasters make that are avoidable.57

系统性考量他人视角的方法同样有用,[58] 比如“红队演练”,即指派若干人专门主张与主流共识不同的观点。[59] 事前验尸(premortem)与红队演练都有助于纠正过度精确——这是过度自信的一种表现。

Structured approaches to considering other views are also helpful.58 These include “red teaming,” where some individuals are assigned to advocate a view that differs from the consensus.59 Both premortems and red teams help offset overprecision, one of the manifestations of overconfidence.

减少偏差的最后一个方法是建立一套严格的流程,提供准确且及时的反馈。投资行业面临的挑战之一是,衡量结果的最终指标是经风险调整后的投资组合回报。但是股票价格变动可能非常嘈杂,这意味着市场自身反馈在短期内并不可靠。

A final method to reduce bias is to create a rigorous process to provide accurate and timely feedback. One of the challenges within the investment industry is that the ultimate measure of results is portfolio returns, adjusted for risk. But stock price movements can be very noisy, which means that feedback from the market itself is unreliable in the short-term.

解决这一问题的方法之一是设定路标,并为每个路标的发生赋予一个数值概率。试图获取超额收益的投资者之所以买入或卖出某只股票,是因为他/她持有差异化的看法——一种与市场隐含预期不同的观点。60 分析师可以将支撑这种差异化看法的投资逻辑,提炼成与市场共识之间的具体偏差。例如,投资者可能认为销售额或利润率会高于当前价格所反映的水平。当与这些具体差异相关的信息逐步披露时,你便可以视作自己正经过一个路标,这个路标会告诉你是否走在正确的道路上。

One way to address the problem is to identify signposts and assign numerical probabilities that they occur. An investor trying to generate an excess return buys or sells a stock because he or she has a variant perception, a view that is different than what the market implies.60 An analyst can distill the thesis that supports the variant perception into specific departures from the consensus. For example, an investor might believe that sales or margins will be higher than what’s priced in. As information related to those specific differences is revealed, you can think of yourself as passing a signpost that tells you whether you are on the right path.

一个有用的路标有三个特征。它必须具有一个能在指定日期内客观达成共识的结果,并且这个结果对整体论点至关重要。例如,如果市场共识认为一家公司今年将销售 100 个器件,而你的差异化观点是它们将销售更多,那么路标可能是:“该公司今年有 80% 的概率销售 110 个或更多器件。”

A useful signpost has three features. It has an outcome that can be objectively agreed upon, within a specified date, and is important to the overall thesis. For instance, if the consensus is that a company will sell 100 widgets this year and your variant perception is that they will sell more than that, the signpost might be, “There is an 80 percent probability that the company will sell 110 or more widgets in the year.”

一个关键点是,预测应当使用数字概率而非词语,因为词语可以被解读为涵盖很宽的概率范围。61 数字让人们能够精确地对预测进行评分,并避免事后找理由辩解。

One crucial point is that forecasts should use numerical probabilities instead of words, which can be interpreted to represent a wide range of probabilities.61 Numbers allow for an ability to score forecasts precisely and to avoid ex post justifications.

请注意,使用路标能够提供准确的中期反馈,从而导向产生超额回报的最终目标。通过将过程分解,预测者会获得更多从错误中学习的机会,并培养校准技能。研究表明,当预测者获得这种质量的反馈时,他们的预测能力会得到提升。

Note that the use of signposts allows for accurate intermediate feedback that leads to the ultimate goal of generating excess returns. By breaking down the process, a forecaster receives more opportunities to learn from mistakes and cultivate the skill of calibration. Research shows that forecasters improve when they receive feedback of this quality.62

去偏方法引入基准率来锚定预测,采用事前验尸法和红队演练来打开思路、接纳其他结果的可能性,并设立路标牌以建立从错误中学习的机制。这些方法还能产生溢出效应,同样有助于管理噪声。

Debiasing methods introduce base rates to ground forecasts, premortems and red teams to open minds to alternative outcomes, and signposts to create a way to learn from mistakes. The methods produce spillover effects that help manage noise as well.

信息。提升预测水平最显而易见的第一条路径,就是赶在别人之前获取信息。

Information. The first and most obvious way to improve forecasts is to gain access to information before others

这做起来尤其困难,尤其是在市场中,因为 2000 年实施的《公平披露规则》禁止公司私下披露重大信息,除非同时向公众公开相同信息。

do. This is especially difficult in markets because of Regulation Fair Disclosure, which was implemented in 2000 and prevents companies from disclosing material privately without simultaneously revealing the same information to the public.

然而,有些获取相关信息的途径虽然代价高昂,却是可行的。这些途径包括:购买并分析专有数据集、与一流律师合作解读法律法规、或者聘请顾问精确评估风暴损失。

There are some ways, however costly, to access relevant information. These include acquiring and analyzing proprietary data sets, working with top-flight lawyers to interpret laws or regulations, or hiring consultants to accurately assess storm damage.

例如,一家追踪私人飞机尾号等信息的另类数据公司发现,西方石油公司名下的一架飞机于 2019 年春季降落在内布拉斯加州奥马哈机场。

For example, an alternative data company that tracks the tail numbers of private jets, among other things, observed that a jet owned by Occidental Petroleum landed at the Omaha, Nebraska airport in the spring of 2019.

奥马哈是沃伦·巴菲特的家乡,他管理着现金充裕的综合性企业集团伯克希尔·哈撒韦,担任首席执行官一职。

Omaha is the home of Warren Buffett, chief executive officer of the cash-rich conglomerate, Berkshire Hathaway.

几天后,西方石油公司宣布了来自伯克希尔·哈撒韦的一笔大规模投资。这家数据公司的

Occidental announced a large investment from Berkshire Hathaway a couple of days later. The data company’s

客户包括对信息饥渴的对冲基金。63 大多数投资者无法追求这种优势来源,因为成本太高。

clients included hedge funds thirsty for information.63 Most investors cannot pursue this source of edge because the cost is high.

一个包含路标的框架要求预测者明确表达一个与市场所反映的观点不同的看法。随着新信息的出现,预测者必须能够克服确认偏差,修正自己的观点以反映这些信息。对竞赛中预测者的分析显示,信念更新的频率是“预测准确性的最强单一行为预测指标”。64

A framework including signposts requires a forecaster to explicitly articulate a view that is different than what the market reflects. As new information becomes available, the forecaster must be able to overcome confirmation bias and revise his or her view to reflect that information. Analysis of the forecasters in the tournament revealed that the frequency of belief updating was “the strongest single behavioral predictor of accuracy.”64

有效权衡信息的能力同样至关重要。心理学家区分了支持某个假设的证据强度与证据的权重(即“预测有效性”)。以抛硬币为例:强度是正面朝上与反面朝上的次数比,权重是样本量,即抛掷的总次数。

The ability to weight information effectively is also crucial. Psychologists distinguish between the strength of evidence for a hypothesis and its weight, or “predictive validity.”65 Use a coin toss as an example. The strength is the ratio of flips that come up heads to those that come up tails. The weight is the sample size, or number of flips.

预测者在证据强度高、权重低时往往过度自信。例如,连续抛 10 次硬币出现 7 次正面后,预测者很可能过度相信这枚硬币有偏差(一枚公平硬币出现这种结果的概率是八分之一)。

Forecasters tend to be overconfident when the strength is high and the weight is low. For example, when heads shows up 7 times after 10 flips, the forecaster is likely to be overconfident in an assessment that the coin is biased (this will happen in 1 in 8 times with a fair coin).

预测者往往在信号强度低、证据权重高的时候信心不足。例如,当硬币抛了 10000 次后正面出现 5100 次,预测者很可能会信心不足,不敢判定这枚硬币有问题(对于一枚公平的硬币来说,这种情况大约每 50 次会出现 1 次)。

Forecasters tend to be underconfident when the strength is low and the weight is high. For example, when heads shows up 5,100 times after 10,000 flips, the forecaster is likely to be underconfident that the coin is biased (this will happen about in 1 in 50 times with a fair coin).

高效利用信息意味着:在能够获取信息优势时抓住它;准确、及时地更新自己的判断以反映新信息;以及对自己掌握的信息给予恰当的权重。

Using information effectively means getting an informational advantage when you can, updating your view accurately and promptly to reflect new information, and placing the proper weight on the information at your disposal.

Conclusion

Conclusion

你可以用 BIN 模型来评估自己的决策过程,同时高度警惕噪声所扮演的庞大且可能被忽视的角色。我们描述的应对噪声的技术——包括取平均值、使用算法、以及采用“中介评估协议”——虽然不能保证准确性,但已被证明有助于提高预测水平。此外,旨在减少偏差的训练方法在处理噪声方面同样显示出有效性。

You can use the BIN Model to assess your decision-making process, with a heightened awareness of the large and potentially overlooked role of noise. The techniques we describe to address noise, including averaging, using algorithms, and adopting the Mediating Assessments Protocol, don’t ensure accuracy but have been shown to help improve predictions. Further, the training techniques designed to reduce bias appear to be effective in dealing with noise as well.

你也可以用这个模型来评估其他参与者——包括公司、机构和竞争对手——的决策过程。由于噪声往往被忽视或忽略,提高一致性可以带来巨大价值。例如,卡尼曼和他的同事曾请一家大型全球企业的管理者估算噪声给公司造成的成本,他们给出的数字是“数十亿美元量级”,并认为哪怕只是小幅降低噪声,也值“几千万美元”。⁶⁶ 找到那些采取策略来减少噪声的公司,或许就是获得超额收益的源头。

You can also use the model to evaluate the decision-making processes of others, including companies, organizations, and competitors. Because noise tends to be overlooked or ignored, improving consistency can add a great deal of value. For example, when Kahneman and his colleagues asked executives of a large global firm for estimates of the cost of noise in their companies, they suggested it would be “measured in the billions” and that even small reductions in noise would be worth “tens of millions.”66 Identifying companies that adopt practices to reduce noise may be the source of excess returns.

注释

1 菲利普·E. 泰特洛克,《专家政治判断:到底有多准?我们又该如何知晓?》(新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2005 年)。

Endnotes 1 Philip E. Tetlock, Expert Political Judgment: How Good Is It? How Can We Know? (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).

2 《想要更好的预测能力?屏蔽噪音》,《沃顿知识在线》,2019 年 11 月 26 日。

2 “Want Better Forecasting Skills? Silence the Noise,” Knowledge@Wharton, November 26, 2019.

3 Philip E. Tetlock 和 Dan Gardner,《超预测:预测的艺术与科学》(纽约:皇冠出版社,2015 年)。

3 Philip E. Tetlock and Dan Gardner, Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction (New York: Crown Publishers, 2015).

4 Ibid., 18.

4 Ibid., 18.

5 Ville A. Satopää、Marat Salikhov、Philip E. Tetlock 和 Barbara Mellers,《偏差、信息、噪声:预测中的 BIN 模型》,工作论文,2019 年 11 月。

5 Ville A. Satopää, Marat Salikhov, Philip E. Tetlock, and Barbara Mellers, “Bias, Information, Noise: The BIN Model of Forecasting,” Working Paper, November 2019.

6 如果非要说点什么,现在的抱怨反而是对偏见关注过头了。参见 Brandon Kochkodin,“行为经济学的最新偏见:看哪儿都有偏见”,彭博社,2020 年 1 月 13 日。

6 If anything, the complaint now is that there is too much of a focus on bias. See Brandon Kochkodin, “Behavioral Economics’ Latest Bias: Seeing Bias Wherever It Looks,” Bloomberg, January 13, 2020.

7 Daniel Kahneman, Andrew M. Rosenfield, Linnea Gandhi, and Tom Blaser,“噪音:如何克服不一致决策带来的高额隐性成本”,《哈佛商业评论》第 94 卷第 10 期,2016 年 10 月,第 38-46 页;以及“Daniel Kahneman 教你企业如何更聪明地思考”,Knowledge@Wharton,2016 年 6 月 8 日。8 Satopää, Salikhov, Tetlock, and Mellers,“偏差、信息、噪音:预测的 BIN 模型”。9 Kahneman, Rosenfield, Gandhi, and Blaser,“噪音:如何克服不一致决策带来的高额隐性成本”。

7 Daniel Kahneman, Andrew M. Rosenfield, Linnea Gandhi, and Tom Blaser, “Noise: How to Overcome the High, Hidden Cost of Inconsistent Decision Making,” Harvard Business Review, Vol. 94, No. 10, October 2016, 38-46 and “Daniel Kahneman’s Strategy for How Your Firm Can Think Smarter,” Knowledge@Wharton, June 8, 2016. 8 Satopää, Salikhov, Tetlock, and Mellers, “Bias, Information, Noise: The BIN Model of Forecasting.” 9 Kahneman, Rosenfield, Gandhi, and Blaser, “Noise: How to Overcome the High, Hidden Cost of Inconsistent Decision Making.”

10 Denise M. Topolnicki,“专业人士在我们的第三次年度纳税申报测试中败北”,《金钱》杂志,1990 年 3 月刊,第 90-98 页。11 敏锐的读者会发现,这类似于遍历性问题。当一个系统的群体平均值与时间平均值相同时,该系统就是遍历的。例如,1000 个人同时抛硬币(群体)的平均结果,与你一个人连续抛 1000 次(时间)的结果相同。决策行为是非遍历的。参见 Ole Peters,“经济学中的遍历性问题”,《自然·物理》杂志,第 15 卷,2019 年 12 月刊,第 1216-1221 页。

10 Denise M. Topolnicki, “The Pros Flub Our Third Annual Tax-Return Test,” Money, March 1990, 90-98. 11 Astute readers will see that this is similar to the ergodicity problem. A system is ergodic when the ensemble average and the time average are the same. For instance, the average of 1,000 people flipping a coin (ensemble) will be the same as you flipping it 1,000 times in a row (time). Decision making is non-ergodic. See Ole Peters, “The Ergodicity Problem in Economics,” Nature Physics, Vol. 15, December 2019, 1216-1221.

12 Hillel J. Einhorn,“专家判断:一些必要条件及一个实例”,《应用心理学杂志》,第 59 卷,第 5 期,1974 年 10 月,第 562-571 页。

12 Hillel J. Einhorn, “Expert Judgment: Some Necessary Conditions and an Example,” Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 59, No. 5, October 1974, 562-571.

13 Robert H. Ashton,“经验丰富的葡萄酒评委的信度与共识:专业判断在内部与评委之间如何体现?”

13 Robert H. Ashton, “Reliability and Consensus of Experienced Wine Judges: Expertise Within and Between?”

《葡萄酒经济学杂志》,第 7 卷,第 1 期,2012 年 5 月,70-87 页。

Journal of Wine Economics, Vol. 7, No. 1, May 2012, 70-87.

14 参阅 Baba Shiv、George Loewenstein、Antoine Bechara、Hanna Damasio 和 Antonio R. Damasio 合著的《投资行为与情绪的负面效应》(Investment Behavior and the Negative Side of Emotion),载于《心理科学》(Psychological Science)第 16 卷第 6 期,2005 年 6 月,第 435-439 页。15 参阅 Kahneman、Rosenfield、Gandhi 和 Blaser 合著的《噪声:如何克服不一致决策带来的高昂隐性成本》(Noise: How to Overcome the High, Hidden Cost of Inconsistent Decision Making)。

14 Baba Shiv, George Loewenstein, Antoine Bechara, Hanna Damasio, and Antonio R. Damasio, “Investment Behavior and the Negative Side of Emotion,” Psychological Science, Vol. 16, No. 6, June 2005, 435-439. 15 Kahneman, Rosenfield, Gandhi, and Blaser, “Noise: How to Overcome the High, Hidden Cost of Inconsistent Decision Making.”

16 Max H. Bazerman 和 Don Moore,《管理决策中的判断力》,第 9 版(霍博肯,新泽西州:约翰·威利父子出版公司,2016 年)。

16 Max H. Bazerman and Don Moore, Judgment in Managerial Decision Making, 9th Edition (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2016).

17 Don A. Moore 和 Paul J. Healy,《过度自信的麻烦》,《心理学评论》,第 115 卷,第 2 期,2008 年 4 月,502-517 页;以及 Don A. Moore,《完美自信:如何明智地校准你的决策》(纽约:哈珀商业出版社,2020 年)。

17 Don A. Moore and Paul J. Healy, “The Trouble with Overconfidence,” Psychological Review, Vol. 115, No. 2, April 2008, 502-517 and Don A. Moore, Perfectly Confident: How to Calibrate Your Decisions Wisely (New York: Harper Business, 2020).

基思·E·斯塔诺维奇、理查德·F·韦斯特与玛吉·E·托普拉克合著,《理性商数:理性思维测试初探》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社,2016 年),第 141–175 页。

18 Keith E. Stanovich, Richard F. West, and Maggie E. Toplak, The Rationality Quotient: Toward a Test of Rational Thinking (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2016), 141-175.

19 肯特·丹尼尔(Kent Daniel)和大卫·赫什莱弗(David Hirshleifer)合著,《过度自信的投资者、可预测的回报与过度交易》,

19 Kent Daniel and David Hirshleifer, “Overconfident Investors, Predictable Returns, and Excessive Trading,”

《经济展望杂志》,第 29 卷,第 4 期,2015 年秋季,第 61-88 页;以及 Brad M. Barber 和 Terrance Odean,《男孩终归是男孩:性别、过度自信与普通股投资》,《经济学季刊》,第 116 卷,第 1 期,2001 年 2 月,第 261-292 页。

Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 29, No. 4, Fall 2015, 61-88 and Brad M. Barber and Terrance Odean, “Boys Will Be Boys: Gender, Overconfidence, and Common Stock Investment,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol.116, No. 1, February 2001, 261-292.

20 Roland G. Fryer, Jr., Philipp Harms, and Matthew O. Jackson, “Updating Beliefs when Evidence is Open to Interpretation: Implications for Bias and Polarization,” Journal of the European Economic Association, Vol. 17, No. 5, October 2019, 1470-1501 and Gary Charness and Chetan Dave, “Confirmation Bias with Motivated Beliefs,” Games and Economic Behavior, Vol. 104, July 2017, 1-23.

20 Roland G. Fryer, Jr., Philipp Harms, and Matthew O. Jackson, “Updating Beliefs when Evidence is Open to Interpretation: Implications for Bias and Polarization,” Journal of the European Economic Association, Vol. 17, No. 5, October 2019, 1470-1501 and Gary Charness and Chetan Dave, “Confirmation Bias with Motivated Beliefs,” Games and Economic Behavior, Vol. 104, July 2017, 1-23.

21 George J. Jiang 和 Kevin X. Zhu,“信息冲击与短期市场反应不足”,《金融经济学杂志》,第 124 卷,第 1 期,2017 年 4 月,第 43-64 页。

21 George J. Jiang and Kevin X. Zhu, “Information Shocks and Short-Term Market Underreaction,” Journal of Financial Economics, Vol. 124, No. 1, April 2017, 43-64.

据说认知偏误有 100 多种。参见 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_cognitive_biases。

迈克尔·J·莫布森,《谁在对面?》,BlueMountain 投资研究,2019 年 2 月 12 日;尤金·法玛和肯尼思·弗伦奇,《共同基金回报截面中的运气与技能》,《金融

22 There are purportedly more than 100 biases. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_cognitive_biases. 23 Michael J. Mauboussin, “Who Is on the Other Side?” BlueMountain Investment Research, February 12, 2019, Eugene Fama and Kenneth French, “Luck versus Skill in the Cross-Section of Mutual Fund Returns,” Journal of

《金融学》,第 65 卷,第 5 期,2010 年 10 月,第 1519–1547 页;以及伯顿·G·马尔基尔,《漫步华尔街:历经时间考验的成功投资策略》,第 12 版(纽约:W. W. 诺顿公司,2020 年)。第 24 条参考:斯科特·E·佩奇,《模型思考者:你需要知道的让数据为你工作的方法》(纽约:基础图书,2018 年),第 27–42 页。

Finance, Vol. 65, No. 5, October 2010, 1519-1547, and Burton G. Malkiel, A Random Walk Down Wall Street: The Time-Tested Strategy for Successful Investing, 12th Edition (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2020). 24 Scott E. Page, The Model Thinker: What You Need to Know to Make Data Work for You (New York: Basic Books, 2018), 27-42.

25 Robert J. Shiller, “股票价格与社会动态”,《布鲁金斯经济活动论文集》,第 2 卷,1984 年,第 457-510 页。关于这些投资者存在的证据,参见 Nicolae Gârleanu 和 Lasse Heje Pedersen 的《资产与资产管理的有效低效市场》,《金融学杂志》,第 73 卷,第 4 期,2018 年 8 月,第 1689 页,表 1。

25 Robert J. Shiller, “Stock Prices and Social Dynamics,” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol. 2, 1984, 457-510. For evidence that these investors exist, see Table 1 in Nicolae Gârleanu and Lasse Heje Pedersen, “Efficiently Inefficient Markets for Assets and Asset Management,” Journal of Finance, Vol. 73, No. 4, August 2018, 1689.

26 Nicolae Gârleanu 和 Lasse Heje Pedersen,“有效无效的资产与资产管理市场”,《金融学刊》,第 73 卷,第 4 期,2018 年 8 月,第 1663-1712 页;Fischer Black,“噪声”,《金融学刊》,第 41 卷,第 3 期,1986 年 7 月,第 529-543 页。

26 Nicolae Gârleanu and Lasse Heje Pedersen, “Efficiently Inefficient Markets for Assets and Asset Management,” Journal of Finance, Vol. 73, No. 4, August 2018, 1663-1712 and Fischer Black, “Noise,” Journal of Finance, Vol. 41, No. 3, July 1986, 529-543.

27 Andrei Shleifer 和 Lawrence H. Summers,《噪声交易者方法在金融中的应用》,《经济展望杂志》,第 4 卷,第 2 期,1990 年春季,第 19-33 页。

27 Andrei Shleifer and Lawrence H. Summers, “The Noise Trader Approach to Finance,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 4, No. 2, Spring 1990, 19-33.

28 Cameron Hight,“Alpha Theory 2019 年回顾”,Alpha Theory 博客,2020 年 3 月 6 日。相关研究中,投资组合经理往往对自己的最佳持仓配置偏低。参见 Alexey Panchekha,CFA,“主动管理者的悖论:高确信度超额配置”,CFA 协会;《进取投资者》,2019 年 10 月 3 日。29 Klakow Akepanidtaworn、Rick Di Mascio、Alex Imas 和 Lawrence Schmidt,“卖得快、买得慢:机构投资者的启发式与交易表现”,SSRN 工作论文,2019 年 9 月。30 Chris Woodcock、Alesi Rowland 和 Snežana Pejić 博士,“阿尔法生命周期”,Essentia Analytics 白皮书,2019 年。

28 Cameron Hight, “Alpha Theory 2019 Year in Review,” Alpha Theory Blog, March 6, 2020. In related work, portfolio managers tend to underweight their best positions. See Alexey Panchekha, CFA, “The Active Manager Paradox: High-Conviction Overweight Positions,” CFA Institute; Enterprising Investor, October 3, 2019. 29 Klakow Akepanidtaworn, Rick Di Mascio, Alex Imas, and Lawrence Schmidt, “Selling Fast and Buying Slow: Heuristics and Trading Performance of Institutional Investors,” SSRN Working Paper, September 2019. 30 Chris Woodcock, Alesi Rowland, and Snežana Pejić, Ph.D., “The Alpha Lifecycle,” Essentia Analytics White Paper, 2019.

31 关于投资者偏见的模型,参见 Aydoğan Alti 和 Paul C. Tetlock 的《偏颇信念、资产价格与投资:一种结构性方法》,《金融学刊》,第 69 卷第 1 期,2014 年 2 月,第 325-361 页。关于群体智慧与疯狂的讨论,参见 Michael J. Mauboussin 和 Dan Callahan 的《激活市场先生:采用正确的心理态度》,瑞士信贷全球金融策略报告,2015 年 2 月 10 日。

31 For a model of investor bias see, Aydoğan Alti and Paul C. Tetlock, “Biased Beliefs, Asset Prices, and Investment: A Structural Approach,” Journal of Finance, Vol. 69, No. 1, February 2014, 325-361. For a discussion of the wisdom and madness of crowds, see Michael J. Mauboussin and Dan Callahan, “Animating Mr. Market: Adopting a Proper Psychological Attitude,” Credit Suisse Global Financial Strategies, February 10, 2015.

芭芭拉·梅勒斯、莱尔·昂加尔、乔纳森·巴伦、海梅·拉莫斯、布尔库·居尔恰伊、卡特里娜·芬彻、悉尼·E·斯科特、唐·摩尔、帕维尔·阿塔纳索夫、塞缪尔·A·斯威夫特、特里·默里、埃里克·斯通和菲利普·E·泰特洛克,《赢得地缘政治预测锦标赛的心理策略》,《心理科学》,第 25 卷,第 5 期,2014 年 5 月,第 1106-1115 页。

32 Barbara Mellers, Lyle Ungar, Jonathan Baron, Jaime Ramos, Burcu Gürçay, Katrina Fincher, Sydney E. Scott, Don Moore, Pavel Atanasov, Samuel A. Swift, Terry Murray, Eric Stone, and Philip E. Tetlock, “Psychological Strategies for Winning a Geopolitical Forecasting Tournament,” Psychological Science, Vol. 25, No. 5, May 2014, 1106-1115.

33 Welton Chang, Eva Chen, Barbara Mellers, Philip Tetlock,《培养专家型政治判断:训练与实践对地缘政治预测锦标赛中判断准确率的影响》,《判断与决策》期刊,第 11 卷,第 5 期,2016 年 9 月,第 509–526 页。关于投资行业的反馈,见 Joseph A. Cerniglia 与 Philip E. Tetlock,《在主动管理中加速学习:阿尔法-布莱尔评分法》。

33 Welton Chang, Eva Chen, Barbara Mellers, Philip Tetlock, “Developing Expert Political Judgment: The Impact of Training and Practice on Judgmental Accuracy in Geopolitical Forecasting Tournaments,” Judgment and Decision Making, Vol. 11, No. 5, September 2016, 509-526. For feedback in the investment industry, see Joseph A. Cerniglia and Philip E. Tetlock, “Accelerating Learning in Active Management: The Alpha-Brier Process,”

《投资组合管理期刊》,2019 年 7 月,第 45 卷,第 5 期,125-135 页。

Journal of Portfolio Management, Vol. 45, No. 5, July 2019, 125-135.

34 J. Scott Armstrong 主编,《预测原理:研究者与实践者手册》(纽约:Springer,2001 年),第 417-440 页;以及 Véronique Genre、Geoff Kenny、Aidan Meyler、Allan Timmermann 合著,“组合专家预测:简单平均法能否被超越?”《国际预测期刊》,第 29 卷,第 1 期,2013 年 1-3 月,第 108-121 页。

34 J. Scott Armstrong, ed., Principles of Forecasting: A Handbook for Researchers and Practitioners (New York: Springer, 2001), 417-440 and Véronique Genre, Geoff Kenny, Aidan Meyler, Allan Timmermann, “Combining Expert Forecasts: Can Anything Beat the Simple Average?” International Journal of Forecasting, Vol. 29, No. 1, January-March 2013, 108-121.

35 James Surowiecki, 《群体的智慧:为何多数比少数更聪明,集体智慧如何塑造商业、经济、社会与国家》(纽约:双日出版公司,2004 年)。36 Jack L. Treynor, “市场效率与豆罐实验”,《金融分析师杂志》,第 43 卷,第 3 期,1987 年 5-6 月,50-53 页。

35 James Surowiecki, The Wisdom of Crowds: Why the Many Are Smarter Than the Few and How Collective Wisdom Shapes Business, Economies, Societies, and Nations (New York: Doubleday and Company, 2004). 36 Jack L. Treynor, “Market Efficiency and the Bean Jar Experiment,” Financial Analysts Journal, Vol. 43, No. 3, May-June, 1987, 50-53.

37 霍华德·韦纳(Howard Wainer),“最危险的方程”,《美国科学家》,2007 年 5-6 月刊,第 249-256 页。

37 Howard Wainer, “The Most Dangerous Equation,” American Scientist, May-June 2007, 249-256.

38 Paul E. Meehl,《临床预测与统计预测:理论分析与证据回顾》(明尼阿波利斯,明尼苏达州:明尼苏达大学出版社,1954 年)。

38 Paul E. Meehl, Clinical versus Statistical Prediction: A Theoretical Analysis and a Review of the Evidence (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1954).

39 William M. Grove、David H. Zald、Boyd S. Lebow、Beth E. Snitz 和 Chad Nelson,《临床预测与机械预测:一项元分析》,《心理评估》,第 12 卷,第 1 期,2000 年 3 月,第 19–30 页。

39 William M. Grove, David H. Zald, Boyd S. Lebow, Beth E. Snitz, and Chad Nelson, “Clinical Versus Mechanical Prediction: A Meta-Analysis,” Psychological Assessment, Vol. 12, No. 1, March 2000, 19-30.

40 Robyn M. Dawes,“决策中不当线性模型的稳健之美”,《美国心理学家》,第 34 卷,第 7 期,1979 年 7 月,571-582 页;以及 Berkeley J. Dietvorst、Joseph P. Simmons 和 Cade Massey,“算法厌恶:人们在目睹算法犯错后错误地回避算法”,《实验心理学杂志:总论》,第 144 卷,第 1 期,2015 年 2 月,114-126 页。

40 Robyn M. Dawes, “The Robust Beauty of Improper Linear Models in Decision Making,” American Psychologist, Vol. 34, No. 7, July 1979, 571-582 and Berkeley J. Dietvorst, Joseph P. Simmons, and Cade Massey, “Algorithm Aversion: People Erroneously Avoid Algorithms After Seeing Them Err,” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, No. 144, Vol. 1, February 2015, 114–126.

41 Jennifer M. Logg、Julia A. Minson 和 Don A. Moore,《算法偏好:人们更倾向于算法而非人类的判断》,《组织与人类决策过程》,第 151 卷,2019 年 3 月,第 90-103 页。

41 Jennifer M. Logg, Julia A. Minson, and Don A. Moore, “Algorithm Appreciation: People Prefer Algorithmic to Human Judgment,” Organizational and Human Decision Processes, Vol. 151, March 2019, 90-103.

42 Atul Gawande, 《清单革命:如何把事情做对》(纽约:Metropolitan Books, 2009)。 43 例如,参见 Andrew W. Lo, 《对冲基金:分析视角》(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2008 年),第 217-236 页。

42 Atul Gawande, The Checklist Manifesto: How to Get Things Right (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009). 43 For example, see Andrew W. Lo, Hedge Funds: An Analytical Perspective (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 217-236.

44 Berkeley J. Dietvorst、Joseph P. Simmons 和 Cade Massey,《克服算法厌恶:如果人们能够(哪怕稍微)修改不完美的算法,他们就会使用它》,《管理科学》,第 64 卷,第 3 期,2018 年 3 月,第 1155-1170 页。

44 Berkeley J. Dietvorst, Joseph P. Simmons, and Cade Massey, “Overcoming Algorithm Aversion: People Will Use Imperfect Algorithms If They Can (Even Slightly) Modify Them,” Management Science, Vol. 64, No. 3, March 2018, 1155-1170.

45 见“迈克尔·莫布森与丹尼尔·卡尼曼对话”,圣塔菲研究所应用复杂网络会议,2015 年 10 月 13 日。

45 See “Michael Mauboussin and Daniel Kahneman: In Conversation,” Santa Fe Institute Applied Complexity Network Meeting, October 13, 2015.

46 Daniel Kahneman, Dan Lovallo 和 Olivier Sibony,《战略决策的结构化方法》,《MIT 斯隆管理评论》,第 60 卷,第 3 期,2019 年春季,67-73 页。

46 Daniel Kahneman, Dan Lovallo, and Olivier Sibony, “A Structured Approach to Strategic Decisions,” MIT Sloan Management Review, Vol. 60, No. 3, Spring 2019, 67-73.

47 Iris Bohnet,《行之有效的方案:通过设计实现性别平等》(剑桥,马萨诸塞州:贝尔纳普出版社,2016 年)。

47 Iris Bohnet, What Works: Gender Equality by Design (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2016).

48 丹尼尔·卡尼曼,《思考,快与慢》(纽约:法拉尔、斯特劳斯和吉鲁出版社,2011 年),第 245-254 页。 49 丹·洛瓦洛与丹尼尔·卡尼曼,“成功的错觉:乐观如何削弱高管们的……”

48 Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011), 245-254. 49 Dan Lovallo and Daniel Kahneman, “Delusions of Success: How Optimism Undermines Executives’

“决策”,《哈佛商业评论》,2003 年 7 月,56-63 页。

Decisions,” Harvard Business Review, July 2003, 56-63.

50 迈克尔·J·莫布森、丹·卡拉汉和达里乌斯·马杰德,《基础率手册:整合过去以更好预见未来》,瑞信全球金融策略部,2016 年 9 月 26 日,第 24 页。

50 Michael J. Mauboussin, Dan Callahan, and Darius Majd, “The Base Rate Book: Integrating the Past to Better Anticipate the Future,” Credit Suisse Global Financial Strategies, September 26, 2016, 24.

51 Ibid.

51 Ibid.

52 贝努瓦·B·曼德尔布罗特,《金融中的分形与标度:不连续性、集中性与风险》(纽约:斯普林格出版社,1997 年),第 117-145 页。

52 Benoit B. Mandelbrot, Fractals and Scaling in Finance: Discontinuity, Concentration, Risk (New York: Springer, 1997), 117-145.

53 Mauboussin、Callahan 和 Majd,《基准率手册:整合历史以更好地预测未来》,第 40-55 页。

53 Mauboussin, Callahan, and Majd, “The Base Rate Book: Integrating the Past to Better Anticipate the Future,” 40-55.

54 Gary Klein,《工作中的直觉:为什么培养你的直觉会让你更擅长你所做的事》(纽约:Currency,2003 年),第 88-91 页;Gary Klein,“进行项目事前剖析”,《哈佛商业评论》,2007 年 9 月,第 18-19 页;以及 Gary Klein、Tim Koller 和 Dan Lovallo,“消除偏见:事前剖析:从一开始就明智”,《麦肯锡季刊》,2019 年 4 月。

54 Gary Klein, Intuition at Work: Why Developing Your Gut Instincts Will Make You Better at What You Do (New York: Currency, 2003), 88-91; Gary Klein, “Performing a Project Premortem,” Harvard Business Review, September 2007, 18-19; and Gary Klein, Tim Koller, and Dan Lovallo, “Bias Busters: Premortems: Being Smart at the Start,” McKinsey Quarterly, April 2019.

55 Deborah J. Mitchell、J. Edward Russo 和 Nancy Pennington,“回到未来:事件解释中的时间视角”,《行为决策》,第 2 卷,第 1 期,1989 年 1 月/3 月,第 25–38 页。 56 Beth Veinott、Gary A. Klein 和 Sterling Wiggins,“评估预先验尸技术对计划信心的有效性”,第 7 届国际 ISCRAM 会议论文集 —— 美国西雅图,2010 年 5 月。 57 Gary Klein、Paul D. Sonkin 和 Paul Johnson,“让强大工具变得疲软:华尔街对预先验尸的误用”,工作论文,2019 年 2 月。

55 Deborah J. Mitchell, J. Edward Russo, and Nancy Pennington, “Back to the Future: Temporal Perspective in the Explanation of Events,” Behavioral Decision Making, Vol. 2, No. 1, January/March 1989, 25-38. 56 Beth Veinott, Gary A. Klein, and Sterling Wiggins, “Evaluating the Effectiveness of the PreMortem Technique on Plan Confidence,” Proceedings of the 7th International ISCRAM Conference – Seattle, USA, May 2010. 57 Gary Klein, Paul D. Sonkin, and Paul Johnson, “Rendering a Powerful Tool Flaccid: The Misuse of Premortems on Wall Street,” Working Paper, February 2019.

58 关于这些方法的优秀总结,参见 Bryce G. Hoffman 所著《红队演练:如何通过挑战一切来战胜竞争对手》(纽约:Crown Business,2017 年)。

58 For a good summary of techniques, see Bryce G. Hoffman, Red Teaming: How Your Business Can Conquer the Competition by Challenging Everything (New York: Crown Business, 2017).

59 Micah Zenko, Red Team: How to Succeed By Thinking Like the Enemy (New York: Basic Books, 2015). 60 Michael Steinhardt, No Bull: My Life In and Out of the Markets (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2001), 129. 61 Andrew Mauboussin and Michael J. Mauboussin, “If You Say Something Is ‘Likely,’ How Likely Do People Think It Is?” Harvard Business Review, July 3, 2018 and Jeffrey A. Friedman, War and Chance: Assessing Uncertainty in International Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019).

59 Micah Zenko, Red Team: How to Succeed By Thinking Like the Enemy (New York: Basic Books, 2015). 60 Michael Steinhardt, No Bull: My Life In and Out of the Markets (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2001), 129. 61 Andrew Mauboussin and Michael J. Mauboussin, “If You Say Something Is ‘Likely,’ How Likely Do People Think It Is?” Harvard Business Review, July 3, 2018 and Jeffrey A. Friedman, War and Chance: Assessing Uncertainty in International Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019).

艾伦·H·墨菲和哈拉尔德·达恩,《反馈和经验对主观概率预测质量的影响:济里克泽实验第一年与第二年结果的比较》,

62 Allan H. Murphy and Harald Daan, “Impacts of Feedback and Experience on the Quality of Subjective Probability Forecasts: Comparison of Results from the First and Second Years of the Zierikzee Experiment,”

《每月天气评论》,第 112 卷,第 3 期,1984 年,413-423 页;以及 Danny Hernandez,“我们公司如何学会更好地预测一切”,《哈佛商业评论》,2017 年 5 月 15 日。

Monthly Weather Review, Vol. 112, No. 3, 1984, 413-423 and Danny Hernandez, “How Our Company Learned to Make Better Predictions About Everything,” Harvard Business Review, May 15, 2017.

63 Robin Wigglesworth,“选股人转向大数据以遏制衰退”,《金融时报》,2020 年 2 月 11 日。64 Barbara Mellers、Eric Stone、Pavel Atanasov、Nick Rohrbaugh、S. Emlen Metz、Lyle Ungar、Michael M. Bishop、Michael Horowitz、Ed Merkle 和 Philip Tetlock,“情报分析心理学:世界政治中预测准确性的驱动因素”,《实验心理学杂志:应用》,第 21 卷,第 1 期,2015 年 3 月,第 1–14 页;以及 Barbara Mellers、Eric Stone、Terry Murray、Angela Minster、Nick Rohrbaugh、Michael Bishop、Eva Chen、Joshua Baker、Yuan Hou、Michael Horowitz、Lyle Ungar 和 Philip Tetlock,“识别和培养超级预测者作为改进概率预测的方法”,《心理科学展望》,第 10 卷,第 3 期,2015 年 5 月,第 267–281 页。还有证据表明,“机器人分析师”调整观点的频率高于人类同行。

63 Robin Wigglesworth, “Stockpickers Turn to Big Data to Arrest Decline,” Financial Times, February 11, 2020. 64 Barbara Mellers, Eric Stone, Pavel Atanasov, Nick Rohrbaugh, S. Emlen Metz, Lyle Ungar, Michael M. Bishop, Michael Horowitz, Ed Merkle, and Philip Tetlock, “The Psychology of Intelligence Analysis: Drivers of Prediction Accuracy in World Politics,” Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, Vol. 21, No. 1, March 2015, 1-14 and Barbara Mellers, Eric Stone, Terry Murray, Angela Minster, Nick Rohrbaugh, Michael Bishop, Eva Chen, Joshua Baker, Yuan Hou, Michael Horowitz, Lyle Ungar, and Philip Tetlock, “Identifying and Cultivating Superforecasters as a Method of Improving Probabilistic Predictions,” Perspectives on Psychological Science, Vol. 10, No. 3, May 2015, 267-281. There is also evidence that “Robo-Analysts” revise their views more frequently than their human

对照。参见 Braiden Coleman, Kenneth Merkley 和 Joseph Pacelli 合著的《人与机器:机器人分析师与传统研究分析师投资建议的比较》,工作论文,2020 年 1 月 21 日。

counterparts. See Braiden Coleman, Kenneth Merkley, and Joseph Pacelli, “Man Versus Machine: A Comparison of Robo-Analyst and Traditional Research Analyst Investment Recommendations,” Working Paper, January 21, 2020.

戴尔·格里芬与阿莫斯·特沃斯基,《证据的权衡与信心的决定因素》,《认知心理学》,第 24 卷,第 3 期,1992 年 7 月,第 411-435 页。

65 Dale Griffin and Amos Tversky, “The Weighing of Evidence and the Determinants of Confidence,” Cognitive Psychology, Vol. 24, No. 3, July 1992, 411-435.

66 卡尼曼、罗森菲尔德、甘地和布拉瑟,《噪声:如何克服不一致决策带来的高昂隐性成本》。

66 Kahneman, Rosenfield, Gandhi, and Blaser, “Noise: How to Overcome the High, Hidden Cost of Inconsistent Decision Making.”