诺玛德投资合伙公司——中期信函(截至2005年6月30日)

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Nomad Investment Partnership 中期报告

截至 2005 年 6 月 30 日

截至 2005 年 6 月 30 日

Nomad 投资合伙基金MSCI 全球指数(净)
美元6 个月+2.4%-0.3%
一年+26.2%+11.2%
两年+78.1%+38.3%
三年+118.7%+35.4%
成立以来(2001 年 9 月 10 日)+150.5%+28.9%
成立以来年化回报(扣除业绩报酬前)+27.1%+6.9%
成立以来年化回报(扣除业绩报酬后)+22.6%+6.9%

以上数据以累计基准列示(针对“A”类份额,已扣除管理费,未扣除业绩报酬)。下方则以分年度的离散增量列示相同结果。我们认为,在评估长期投资业绩时,上表最为有用(参见附录)。

Nomad Investment Partnership Interim Letter For the period ended June 30th, 2005 To June 30th, 2005 Nomad Investment MSCI All Country Partnership World Index (net) US$ 6 months +2.4% -0.3% One year +26.2% +11.2% Two years +78.1% +38.3% Three years +118.7% +35.4% Since inception (Sept. 10th 2001) +150.5% +28.9% Annualized since inception Before performance fees +27.1% +6.9% After performance fees +22.6% +6.9% The figures above are presented on a cumulative basis (for the “A” shares, after management fees and before performance fees). Below the same results are presented in discrete annual increments. In our opinion, it is the upper table that is most useful in assessing long-term investment performance (see appendix).

游牧合伙公司 MSCI 全国家指数 截至 2005 年 6 月 30 日: 合伙公司 世界指数(净) 美元 6 个月 +2.4% -0.3% 2004 年 +22.1% +15.2% 2003 年 +79.6% +34.0% 2002 年 +1.3% -19.3% 2001 年(2001 年 9 月 10 日成立) +10.1% +3.9%

当我们说期望慢慢变富时,脑子里想的可不是 2005 年上半年这种行情。不过即便如此,2% 的涨幅至少方向是对的,也比全球股指代表的其他选择稍微好一点。但更重要的是,我们投资的那几家公司的价值增长超过了 2%,而且我们还趁一些最便宜的标的加了些仓,结果按我们的分析,合伙公司的价格与价值比从去年年底的每 1 美元价值花 70 多美分,降到了 60 多美分。理性分析会得出一个结论:我们实际上富了两次——一次来自合伙公司股价到目前的上涨,第二次来自合伙公司价值相对于价格又提升了。

Nomad Investment MSCI All Country To June 30th, 2005: Partnership World Index (net) US$ 6 months +2.4% -0.3% 2004 +22.1% +15.2% 2003 +79.6% +34.0% 2002 +1.3% -19.3% 2001 (inception Sept. 10th 2001) +10.1% +3.9% When we said we expect to get rich slowly, we did not quite have the first half of 2005 in mind. Even so, a 2% gain is at least in the right direction and is a little better than the alternatives represented by global stock market indices. But more important, the value of the companies in which we have invested rose by more than 2% and we were able to add to some of the cheapest investments with the effect that, by our analysis, the price to value ratio of the Partnership declined from the low seventy cents on the dollar at the end of the year, to the upper sixty cents. A rational analysis would conclude that we are richer twice over, once from the gain in the price of the Partnership to date, and second from the rise in the value of the Partnership compared to its price.

投资领域中有一个不变的现象:当人们本应更多思考未来时,却常常为近期的收益喝彩。我们在某种程度上都会这样。我们都喜欢回报,喜欢与成功为伴。而且很难不被群体所吸引。我们最喜欢的一幅漫画,是 1970 年代《笨拙》杂志刊登的(几年后罗伯特·西奥迪尼在《影响力:说服心理学》一书中又转载了它),就点明了这一点。

It is a constant feature of the investment landscape that people applaud recent gains when they should be thinking more about the future. We all do this to some extent. We all like rewards and like to be associated with success. And it is hard not to be drawn toward the crowd. One of our favourite cartoons, carried by Punch in the 1970s (and reproduced in the book “Influence: The Psychology of Persuasion” by Robert Cialdini some years later) makes the point.

经授权转载,并获得《笨拙》漫画图书馆的友好许可。随大流或许难以抗拒,但也不太可能带来好的投资结果。扎克和我专注于合伙基金的价格价值比,并尽可能忽略其短期业绩表现,我们鼓励你们也这样做。我们认为,你们应该为合伙基金价格价值比的改善感到高兴,而非今年基金的涨幅。在市场结果尚可时,这话说起来容易。但如果基金价格下跌的话,感受就完全不同了。遗憾的是,本性并不总是帮我们理性思考。心理学家(McClure、Laibson、Loewenstein 和 Cohen,2004 年)发现,大脑对即时回报和延迟回报的感知方式不同,因为涉及两个不同的脑区。相比更丰厚的延迟回报,大脑会将即时收益视为正面,因为边缘系统(生存系统)有能力压倒额顶系统(分析系统)。有趣的是,压力会诱发这种压倒,而金钱自然会带来压力。所以,我们越有压力,就越看重短期结果!这并非没有道理,因为如果饥饿是真实存在的威胁,今天的饭就比一周后的盛宴更重要,大脑的神经回路反映了这种生存偏见。这类观念在日常俗语中根深蒂固,比如“一鸟在手胜过双鸟在林”。但在游牧者合伙基金,我们试着更理性地分析:我们在意的是林中的那两只鸟,以及它们与手中之鸟的对比。在我们看来,如今林中的鸟比手中的鸟大约大 47%(68 美分/100 美分)。相比之下,去年年底这一比例仅为约 37%(73 美分/100 美分)。今年合伙基金上涨了,但你们也可以看出,这相比于延迟回报并没有太大意义。重要的是价格价值比。

Reproduced under licence and with the kind permission of the Punch Cartoon Library Following what everyone else is doing may be hard to resist, but it is also unlikely to be associated with good investment results. Zak and I concentrate on the price to value ratio of the Partnership and ignore its performance as much as is practical, and we would encourage you to do the same. In our opinion you should be more pleased with the improvement in the price to value ratio of the Partnership than the gain in the price of the Partnership this year. That’s easy to say when results have been reasonable. But it would feel quite different if the Partnership had declined in price instead. Unfortunately, nature does not always help us to think rationally. Psychologists (McClure, Laibson, Loewenstein and Cohen 2004) have found that the brain perceives immediate rewards differently to deferred rewards because two different parts of the brain are involved. Immediate gains are perceived positively compared to larger deferred gains as the limbic (survival) system has the ability to over-ride the fronto-parietal (analytical) system. Interestingly, stress induces this over- ride, and of course, money induces stress. So, the more stressed we are, the more we value short-term outcomes! This is not without reason, for if starving is a real possibility, a meal today is more important than a feast in a week’s time, and the brain’s wiring reflects that survival bias. Such notions are embedded in popular phrases such as “a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush”. But at Nomad we try to be more analytical: it is the two birds in the bush we are concerned with and how they compare to the bird in the hand. In our opinion, today, the birds in the bush are around 47% (68c/100c) bigger than the bird in the hand. This compares with only around 37% (73c/100c) bigger at the end of last year. The Partnership is up this year, but you can see that it also does not mean very much compared to the deferred gains. It is price to value that's important.

竞争优势。作为一位还算年轻的人,花些时间深入思考、得出一个还算合理的结论,却发现别人早在多年前就已经想到,这多少有点令人沮丧。在某些方面,我们比巴菲特落后了 50 年,但这没关系,只要普通投资者至少落后我们 51 年就行!估计我们与比尔·米勒也有不小差距,他最近在哥伦比亚商学院的演讲中向学生提问——你在投资中的竞争优势是什么?答案的简洁优雅让我们印象深刻。大体上,比尔·米勒认为投资中有三种竞争优势:信息优势(我知道没人知道的某个重要事实)、分析优势(我通过分析公开信息得出更优结论)和心理优势(也就是行为层面的优势)。可持续的竞争优势通常是分析因素和/或心理因素的产物,而诺马德压倒性的优势在于投资人基础有耐心,并且这种性情与你的管理者的分析和心理特质相契合。否则根本行不通。在诺马德招股说明书的投资目标部分,我们写道,我们的工作是“在合理的价格下,将(你的投资)托管权交给合适的人”,并且“这种方法需要耐心”。这就是投资,至少对我们而言是如此。不过,让我暂时回到那场演讲。

Competitive Advantage As a young(ish) man there is something slightly depressing about thinking things through for a while, arriving at a somewhat reasoned conclusion only to find that others have been there before, and years earlier. In some respects, we are fifty years behind Buffett, but that’s ok so long as the average investor is at least fifty-one years behind! I would estimate we were some way behind Bill Miller as well, as evidenced by his recent speech to students at the Columbia Business School in which he posed the question – what is your competitive advantage in investing? It was the elegance of the answer that grabbed us. Broadly Bill Miller argued that there are three competitive advantages in investing: informational (I know a meaningful fact nobody else does); analytical (I have cut up the public information to arrive at a superior conclusion) and psychological (that is to say, behavioural). Sustainable competitive advantages are usually a product of analytical and or psychological factors, and the overwhelming advantage with regard to Nomad is the patience of the investor base and the alignment of that disposition with the analytical and psychological traits of your manager. It simply would not work otherwise. In the investment objective section of the Nomad prospectus, we say that our job is to “pass custody [of your investment] over at the right price and to the right people” and that “the approach will require patience”. That’s what investing is, at least for us. But let me return to the speech for a moment.

“想想未来会如何不同于过去。大多数人都会默认遵循他们当前所观察到的方向和趋势……重要的是,多数事情都会发生变化。彼得·伯恩斯坦告诉我们,在长期预测中,不确定性之锥会随着时间推移而变得越来越宽。IBM 明天早上破产的几率有多大?可能为零。一年以后呢?五年以后呢?一百年以后呢?关键在于,随着时间拉长,各种可能性都会增加。所以,作为投资者,你要做的就是利用一个事实:实际发生的事情会比可能发生的事情少。因此,你要试图搞清楚那个概率分布是如何运作的,并让自己站稳在将会发生的事情的中央。而市场则必须担忧所有可能发生的事情。”

“Think of how the future will be different from the past. Most people default to the directions and trends that they are currently observing…The important thing is that most things change. In longer term projections, Peter Bernstein tells us, that cone of uncertainty gets wider as time goes out. What are the chances that IBM will be bankrupt tomorrow morning? Probably none. A year from now? Five years from now? What about one hundred years from now? The point being that the possibilities increase as time goes out. So, what you are trying to do as an investor is exploit the fact that fewer things will happen than can happen. So, you are trying to figure out how that probability distribution works and stay in the middle of what will happen. The market has to worry about all the things that can happen.”

重申一遍:“投资者要做的,就是利用‘实际发生的事件会比可能发生的事件少’这一事实。”这正是我们正在做的事。我们醒着的大部分时间都在思考:企业的行为如何能让未来变得更可预测,从而降低投资风险。好市多(Costco)痴迷于与客户分享规模效益,这使得该公司的未来比一般企业更可预测、风险更低——正因如此,它才是我们的最大持仓。我们的较小持仓可预测性较差,但在某些情况下作为投资可能表现得好得多。只是我们不确定它们是否真会如此,因为这些公司的“不确定锥体”半径比好市多大得多。比尔·米勒(Bill Miller)多年前就明白了这一点,我们只是今天才想明白。

To repeat: “what you are trying to do as an investor is exploit the fact that fewer things will happen than can happen”. That is exactly what we are trying to do. We spend a considerable portion of our waking hours thinking about how company behaviour can make the future more predictable and lower the risk of investment. Costco’s obsession with sharing scale benefits with the customer makes that company’s future much more predictable and less risky than the average business and that is why it is our largest holding. Our smaller holdings are less predictable but in certain circumstances could do much better as investments. We are just not sure that they will as their “cone of uncertainty” has a much greater radius than at Costco. Bill Miller got there years ago. We are just getting there today.

稳健比率

(可能会让部分读者觉得有点无聊,但还是值得在这里通过引入稳健比率来完成对好市多的分析。热心读者会记得,这个比率曾在《全球投资评论》中介绍过,该文附在本信的附录中。)稳健比率是我们用来评估一家公司护城河宽度的思考框架。它衡量的是客户节省的钱与股东赚到的钱之间的比值。这个比率对某些公司比另一些公司更适用,主要标准是客户主张基于价格,比如好市多,而不是像耐克运动鞋那样靠广告推动的购买。在伯克希尔·哈撒韦今年的年报中,董事长告诉我们,GEICO 的保单持有人相比次优价格的保险公司,平均每单节省了 10 亿美元。结果还显示,GEICO 也赚了大约 10 亿美元。也就是说,客户每节省 1 美元,股东就保留 1 美元。而在好市多,我们认为,与在大多数超市购物相比,客户每节省大约 5 美元,公司才保留 1 美元。

The Robustness Ratio At the risk of mildly boring some readers, it may be worth completing the analysis of Costco here by introducing the robustness ratio. (Avid readers will recognise that this ratio was introduced in a Global Investment Review, contained in the appendix to this letter). The robustness ratio is a framework we use to help think about the size of the moat around a company. It is the amount of money a customer saves compared to the amount earned by shareholders. This ratio is more appropriate for some companies than others, the prime criteria being that the customer proposition is based on price, such as exists at Costco, as opposed to an advertising-reinforced purchase such as Nike trainers. In the Berkshire Hathaway annual report this year, the Chairman tells us that Geico policyholders saved U$1bn on their policies compared to the next cheapest carrier. It also turns out that Geico earned around U$1bn as well. So that’s one dollar saving to the customers and one dollar retained for shareholders. At Costco we think the customer saving is around five dollars, compared to shopping at most supermarkets, for every dollar retained by the company.

那又怎样呢?可以说,比率越高,想在同等条件下与好市多竞争就越困难。同样,比率较低可能意味着系统在客户与股东之间的回报分配相对公平一些。这里存在一种张力:一方面是护城河的宽度,另一方面是回报的分配。过去几年,钟摆摆向了客户一侧,结果股票变得足够便宜,容易受到杠杆收购的威胁(华尔街完全没有注意到这一点,只有五分之一的分析师将该股评为买入,这本身就说明股价已足够便宜,足以支撑收购——这两者当然是相互关联的)。这对现有股东构成了巨大风险,因为以低价被收购无异于盗窃。就这么严重,你们可以相信我们是这样看待的。我们认为董事会明白这一点,而押注的方向是,未来几年钟摆会重新摆向股东一侧。看看你周围吧。有多少公司每为自己保留一美元,就为客户节省五美元?

So what? Well, it is probably fair to argue that the higher the ratio, the harder it would be to compete against Costco on a like for like basis. Also, a higher ratio may imply a somewhat inequitable distribution of system rewards between customer and shareholder than a lower ratio. There is a tension here between the size of the moat on the one hand and the distribution of rewards on the other. In the last few years, the pendulum has swung in favour of the customer, with the result that the stock is cheap enough to be vulnerable to a leveraged buy-out (completely unobserved by Wall Street where only one in five analysts rate the stock a buy, which solves for the shares being cheap enough to fund a buy out in the first place – the two are of course linked). This is a huge source of risk for current shareholders since being taken out at a low-price amounts to theft. It’s that serious, and you can rely upon us to see it that way. We think the board understands this, and the way to bet is that the pendulum will swing back in favour of the shareholders over the next few years. Look around you. How many companies save five dollars for their customers for every one dollar they keep?

在投资行业,无论业绩如何都可以收取费用——这种情况不会发生。这谈不上什么稳健比率,也没有考虑到所涉及风险的不对称性。在好市多买东西你不会赔钱,但投资会。这说明,投资行业的稳健比率需要比普通企业高得多,才能补偿所涉及的风险。我们通过诺马德公司 6% 的业绩门槛,在一定程度上试图考虑这种不对称性。这个数字并不完美,背后也没有科学依据,尽管它被用来大致代表存款利率的宽泛替代值。而且,有一个门槛收益率,也让我们晚上睡得踏实。

It does not happen in the investment industry where fees can be levied regardless of performance – that’s not much of a robustness ratio and does not take into account the asymmetry of the risks involved. You can’t lose money shopping at Costco, but you can investing. This would argue that robustness ratios need to be much higher in the investment industry than for normal businesses to compensate for the risks involved. We have tried to some extent to account for this asymmetry through Nomad’s six percent performance hurdle. It is not perfect, there is no science behind the number, although it is meant to represent a generous proxy for deposit rates. And besides having a hurdle rate helps us sleep at night.

津巴布韦:第二种投资模式的范例

Zimbabwe as an Example of a Second Investment Model.

我们已经开始在津巴布韦做一些投资,并在近期的一份《全球投资评论》(也收录在附录中)中介绍了这些投资的背景。投资逻辑基于其估值与正常化水平相比被极度低估——程度之深,以至于等待十年才回归常态,依然能带来丰厚的回报。讨论我们可能买入或正在买入的股票意义不大(好市多在这方面可能是个罕见的例外),但我可以通过描述 Zimcem 来说明这个投资案例。该公司是该国最大的水泥生产商(仅次于比勒陀利亚波特兰水泥在当地的分公司),拥有约 70 万吨的水泥产能,重置成本约为 7000 万至 1 亿美元。公司没有负债,经营状况惨淡(整体通胀率超过水泥价格涨幅,产品需求低迷),但在哈拉雷证券交易所的定价仅为重置成本的七十分之一(1/70!)。

We have begun making some investments in Zimbabwe and wrote about the background to these in a recent Global Investment Review (also contained in the appendix). The investment case relies upon extreme undervaluation compared to normalised values, so much so that a wait of ten years for normalisation would still yield wonderful results. It makes little sense to discuss stocks we may or are buying (Costco is likely to be a rare exception in this regard) but I can illustrate the investment case by describing Zimcem. This is the country’s largest cement producer (after the local division of Pretoria Portland Cement), with around 700,000 tons of cement capacity and a replacement cost of around U$70 to U$100m. The firm has no debt and business conditions are awful (general inflation exceeds cement price inflation and product demand is low) but the company is priced on the Harare stock exchange at one seventieth (1/70th!) of its replacement cost.

这为什么重要?目前为止,我们只讨论了一种用于挑选优质投资的模型,即“规模效率共享”,Costco(以及较小程度上的亚马逊)就是明证。我们只有屈指可数的几种不同的投资模型,它们之间在一定程度上有所重叠,而 Zimcem 是第二种模型的绝佳例子,即“显著低于重置成本且拥有潜在定价权”。实际上,这两种模型加起来,可以解释合伙基金总资产的大约 45%。正是这种模型,导致我们在亚洲危机期间进行了许多投资(例如暹罗水泥,其股价从低谷算起在 8 年内上涨了 20 倍),并且也拓展到了邻国南非,在那里,比勒陀利亚波特兰水泥在 1998 年可以按每吨产能 20 美元的价格买入,现在则估值为每吨 180 美元。该模型的前提是基于这样一个观察:企业需要重置其资产,并且需要定出这样的价格——1. 能够为资本支出提供资金,2. 能在经济上证明这笔支出的合理性。否则,津巴布韦要么就得在没有水泥的情况下过日子,要么就得从国外进口(对于一个内陆国家来说,这很棘手)。无论如何,只要可自由支配的资本不被用于投资以加剧局势恶化,供应端保持沉寂(行业资本支出为零),并且企业不被国有化,那么其股票假以时日应该会表现良好。

Why is this relevant? So far, we have only discussed one model we use to pick good investments which we call “scale efficiencies shared” as evidenced by Costco (and to a lesser extent Amazon.com). We have little more than a handful of distinct investment models, which overlap to some extent, and Zimcem is a good example of a second model namely, “deep discount to replacement cost with latent pricing power”. Indeed, these two models combined can be used to describe around 45% of total Partnership assets. It was this model that led to many investments during the Asian crisis (such as Siam Cement which has risen twenty-fold from the trough in eight years) and to neighbouring South Africa where Pretoria Portland Cement could be bought at a price of U$20 per ton of capacity in 1998 and is now valued at U$180 per ton. The model is premised upon the observation that the business needs to replace its assets and will require prices which 1. fund the capex, and 2. economically justify the spending. Either that or Zimbabwe will have to go without cement or import from abroad (tricky for this land locked country). In any event, provided discretionary capital is not invested to exacerbate the situation, the supply side remains muted (industry capex is zero) and the business is not nationalised, then the shares ought to do well, in time.

这最后一点,连同其他没收资产的事件,并非概率为零。这也是我们在该国投资规模会比较适中的主要原因。即使我们能如愿买下全部想要股份(我们似乎也做不到),总投资额按成本计算也不太可能超过合伙基金的几个百分点。从理论上看,并没有理由认为津巴布韦的企业就绝不能以高于重置成本的价格交易。就在其北边的邻国赞比亚,该国最大的水泥公司在经历多年管理不善后的经济复苏中,现在的估值已经高于重置成本。在津巴布韦,这可能需要“政权更迭”,甚至多次更迭。也许这笔投资的关键在于,你的经理比罗伯特·穆加贝年轻了五十岁。

This last point, along with other confiscation events, does not have a zero probability, and is the main reason our investments in the country will be modest in size. Even if we were able to secure all the shares we desire (which we seem incapable of doing) it is unlikely that the total investment would be much more than a few percent of the Partnership at cost. There is no a priori reason why Zimbabwean businesses should not trade at a premium to replacement cost. Just over the northern border Zambia’s dominant cement company is now valued at a premium to replacement cost following recovery in the economy after years of mismanagement. In Zimbabwe this may require “regime change”, or even regime changes. Perhaps the investment case rests in your manager being fifty years younger than Bob Mugabe.

津巴布韦股票的定价问题。在撰写这封信时,官方汇率为 1 美元兑 9,100 津巴布韦元。非官方的街头汇率大约为 1 美元兑 17,000 津巴布韦元。换句话说,津巴布韦央行对自己货币的估值是公众定价的两倍多,结果是通过央行进入该国的资金,其购买力大约只有街头汇率下的一半。幸运的是,对于外国投资者来说,有一个替代央行的选择:在约翰内斯堡买入 Old Mutual 公司的股票,将这些股票在哈拉雷重新登记,然后在哈拉雷卖出。我们就这么做了。但这样做给我们的津巴布韦股票估值带来了一个问题,因为彭博社、路透社及其他主要汇率数据源都使用央行的报价。换句话说,如果我们仅仅依赖官方汇率,我们的投资将立刻显示 86% 的收益。这个收益完全是虚幻的。如果我们反向操作,在约翰内斯堡重新登记股票并在那里卖出,所得资金将大致等于我们最初投入的钱(减去摩擦成本以及 Old Mutual 股价的任何变动)。我们能够实现这 86% 收益的唯一方式,就是拿着我们的津巴布韦元去找央行,要求以 9,100 的汇率兑换美元。可那将是一场等待戈多的游戏。央行那里几乎没有交易发生,优先处理的是贸易和营运资本需求,而非外国投资组合。所以,我们可以去试试,但我认为,指望津巴布韦央行能热情回应来为投资组合估值,是不审慎的。因此,我们的解决方案是:用哈拉雷的 Old Mutual 股价除以约翰内斯堡同一股票的价格(注意,这些股票在两地之间可以互换)所隐含的汇率来为其估值。这样做,结果接近了街头汇率,消除了官方汇率所暗示的人为账面收益,希望也能最大限度地减少任何定价扭曲带来的最坏影响。这算是一个有些不同寻常的方案,但我认为它是公允的,审计师、董事会和行政人员都决定同意我的方法。不过,如果有任何不清楚的地方,请务必来电询问。

The Pricing of Shares in Zimbabwe The official exchange rate at the time of writing is Z$9,100 to the U$1. The unofficial, street rate is around Z$17,000 to the U$1. In other words, the Central Bank values its own currency at over twice the price set by the public with the effect that money entering the country via the Central Bank buys approximately half as much as at the street rate. Fortunately, there is an alternative to the Central Bank for foreign investors, which is to purchase Old Mutual shares in Johannesburg, re-register the same shares in Harare and then sell the shares in Harare. This we have done. But it creates a problem in valuing our Zimbabwean shares as Bloomberg, Reuters and the other main sources of currency prices use feeds from the Central Bank. In other words, if we solely relied upon the official rate of exchange our investments would immediately show an 86% gain. This gain is entirely illusory. Were we to reverse the process by re-registering the shares in Johannesburg and selling our stock there, the proceeds would approximate the money we first put in (minus frictional costs and any change in the price of Old Mutual shares). The only way we could realise the 86% gain would be to present our Zim dollars to the Central Bank and ask for US dollars at a rate of Z$9,100. And we would be waiting for Godot. There are almost no transactions taking place at the Central Bank and priority is given to trade and working capital requirements, not foreign investment portfolios. So, we could try, but I don’t think it is prudent to value the portfolio on the basis of a warm response from the Zimbabwean Central Bank. So, our solution has been to value the Zimbabwean investments at the rate of exchange implied by the Old Mutual share price in Harare divided by the price of exactly the same share in Johannesburg (note that the shares are fungible in both directions). The effect is to approximate the street rate of exchange and remove the artificial book gain implied by the official exchange rate, and hopefully the worst of any pricing distortions should be minimised as a result. This is a somewhat unusual solution, but one that I think is fair, and the auditors, board and administrators have decided to agree with my methodology. Please do call however, if all is not clear.

“任何一年,如果你没有毁掉一个自己最钟爱的想法,那这一年可能就虚度了。”——查理·T·芒格

“Any year that you don’t destroy one of your best loved ideas is probably a wasted year”, Charles T. Munger.

今年 1 月,集镇卡莱尔(位于英格兰湖区与苏格兰边界之间,也是你们经理的姻亲老家)因伊登河决堤而被淹。市中心部分地区水深数英尺,全国电视新闻上,居民正从屋顶被直升机疏散。洪水退去后,城市慢慢恢复正常,不过损毁依然严重,包括哈德威克马戏团路口的交通灯系统——这是一个七条道路交汇的交叉口,由散落在各条来路和中央环岛上的系列交通灯控制。尽管交通灯仍无法使用,当局开放了道路,并相信居民会小心驾驶。很快,司机们开始怀疑,这个复杂路口在没交通灯时比从前还要顺畅,今年 3 月市议会启动了一项试验,把灯遮住,让司机自己解决。结果证实了公众的猜测:通过交叉口的速度确实提高了,而且更妙的是,事故数量似乎也下降了。这一发现完全违背了议会规划中的传统智慧——没有交通灯的环岛反而更快,而且可能也更安全!安·兰德会理解发生了什么,圣塔菲研究所的成员(该所近期发表了一篇题为《个体如何学会轮流:拥堵游戏与囚徒困境中交替合作的涌现》的研究)也可能明白。关键在于,常常是当你移除规则,反而要求人们自己去思考时,系统运行得更好。

In January this year, the market town of Carlisle (located between the English Lake District and the border with Scotland and incidentally home to your manager’s family-in-law) was flooded when the River Eden broke its banks. Parts of the city center were under many feet of water and residents were shown on national TV being evacuated from roof tops by helicopter. As the water receded the city slowly returned to normal, although the damage remained extensive, and included the traffic light system at Hardwicke Circus, a junction of seven roads controlled by a series of traffic lights dotted throughout approaching roads and a central roundabout. Although the lights remained out of use, the authorities opened the roads and trusted the residents to drive with care. Soon afterwards, drivers began to suspect that the traffic flowed better through the complex junction without the traffic lights than before, and in March this year the City Council began a trial in which the lights were covered up, and drivers left to get on with it. What they found confirmed public suspicions, the speed of traffic through the intersection had indeed risen, and better still, it appeared that the number of accidents may actually have fallen as well. What they found was entirely contrary to accepted wisdom in council planning, that the roundabout was faster and may also be safer without the traffic lights! Ayn Rand would recognise what was happening, as may members of the Santa Fe Institute (which recently published a study entitled “How Individuals Learn to Take Turns: Emergence of Alternating Cooperation in a Congestion Game and the Prisoner’s Dilemma”). The point is that, often, if one removes the rules, and instead ask people to think for themselves, the system works better.

我们批评对冲基金的收费结构和短期投资视角,但在投资规则和某些监管方面,它们确实有道理。传统投资管理可能被官僚主义、合规要求以及营销便利性严重拖累。这些商业力量会以牺牲投资过程为代价,而任何一家成长中的投资公司,诀窍不在于把投资团队像钉在美国农业部那样的官僚机构上一样,把他们的活力榨干。我们自认为相当具有企业家精神,但即使我们也一定程度上受到这种文化漂移的影响。解决办法并不难找。需要的只是人们的行为方式,用查理·芒格的话来说,就是构建“一张应得的信任无缝之网”。关键词是“应得的”。问题在于,规则并不要求人们思考,如果人们连思考都不思考,又怎能赢得信任呢?行为的恶性循环不会带来好结果(也不会产生快速循环),但这是行业正在走向的方向,是我们所有人都应该避免的目的地。

We criticise hedge funds for their fee scales and short investment time frames, but they have a point when it comes to investment rules and certain regulations. Traditional investment management can become heavily burdened by bureaucracy, compliance and corrupted by marketing expediency. These business forces can work at the expense of the investment process, and the trick for any growing investment firm is not to sap the life out of the investment team through stapling them to the bureaucratic equivalent of the US Department of Agriculture. We think of ourselves as reasonably entrepreneurial, but even we suffer to some extent from this culture-drift. The solution is not hard to come by. What is required is for people to behave in such a way that, in the words of Charlie Munger, one builds “a seamless web of deserved trust”. The operative word is “deserved”. The problem is that rules do not require people to think, and how are people to deserve trust if first they don’t think? Degenerative spirals of behaviour do not build good results (or fast roundabouts), but that is where the industry is going, and it is a destination we will all do well to avoid.

我们尽量不让规则变得死板僵化。在过去的信里,我们引用过伊利赔偿公司创始人 H.O. 希尔特的言论,这次如果不重提一次,就太可惜了。希尔特曾向员工张贴过这样一份告示:“规则是给婴儿、无能者、囚犯和弱智准备的——这些人在伊利家族里都不该有立足之地。”

We try not to be too hard and fast about rules. In previous letters we have quoted H.O. Hirt, founder of Erie Indemnity, and it would be a shame not to do so again. Hirt posted the following notice to staff: “RULES Are for INFANTS, INCOMPETENTS, INCARCERATED CRIMINALS and IMBECILES - NONE of WHOM should have any place in the ERIE FAMILY.”

即便如此,还是有些规则在 overtime 里悄悄混了进来,需要高度警惕。一条是,在其他条件相同的情况下,低股价比高股价好——这在几年前 Conseco 公司资本重组时被证明是不明智的,因为低市值削弱了股东在谈判中的筹码。今年,我们又得抛弃另一条根深蒂固的偏见:即高内部人持股是好事。这也不总是有利的,就像西北航空公司的股东们正在经历的那样。在这个案例中,工会似乎认为管理层(作为最大的股东群体)不会冒破产的风险,因此在谈判中死咬着最后一分钱不放。奇怪的是,在这里,高内部人持股反而阻碍了让航空公司变得更可行的那一进程。谁会想到低股价和高内部人持股竟然会变成利空?但它们确实可以。我在想,未来几年我们还得重新审视哪些“最受喜爱的理念”?

Even so a few rules end up slipping in overtime and need to be viewed with great suspicion. One was that a low share price was better than a high share price, all other things being equal, which proved unwise when the low market capitalisation undermined shareholders’ bargaining position in the recapitalisation of Conseco a few years ago. This year we shall have to discard another strongly held bias which is that high inside ownership is a good thing. This too is not always helpful, as shareholders in Northwest Airlines are finding out. In this instance the unions appear to reason that management (who are the largest group of shareholders) will not risk placing the company in bankruptcy and are holding out for the last dollar in negotiations. Oddly here, high inside ownership is hindering the process that would lead to a more viable airline. Who would have thought that a low share price and high inside ownership could be bearish? But they can. I wonder what other “best loved ideas” we will need to rethink in the coming years.

感谢大家来信。以每年的信件数量来衡量,我们写信的频率并不高。但如果用每只股票持有期来算,我们写的信加起来大约有十封(5 年 × 每年 2 封年度报告信)。按这个标准,我们可能比许多写得更频繁但股票交易也更频繁的投资者更善于沟通。即便如此,我们仍然喜欢目前的平衡,不太愿意陷入“为了说而说”的境地。我们很清楚,合伙企业的投资者们也给予了我们同样的信任,让我们能够专注于在全球寻找价值的工作。谢谢。

Thank you We don’t write to you that often, as measured by number of letters per annum. But the sum of the letters we write amounts to around ten per stock holding period (two annual letters times five years). On this measure we may be more communicative than many investors who write more often, but trade shares more frequently still. Even so, we like the balance as it is, and are hesitant to fall into say-something territory. We are very conscious that investors in the Partnership have reciprocated and allowed us to get on with our job of roaming the globe looking for value. Thank you.

迄今为止,我们一直在信中附上一份投资清单。这未必符合合伙人的利益。有不少强有力的心理因素不支持这么做 —— 与承诺和一致性倾向有关(这在之前的信里提过),此外还有别人搭便车的问题。如今这倒不算是大问题,因为关心我们做什么的人不多,合伙企业的规模也很小;但要是合伙企业发展壮大,就可能成为问题。就在前几周,我收到一家伦敦对冲基金的请求(该基金以短线投机著称),他们要再要一份我们的《全球投资评论》。想想看!我们连他们手头已经有一份都不知道,他们居然随口就再要一份?他们拿这份信息做什么用?如果合伙人想把我们的投资清单转发给别人,那他们必须明白,这种行为违背了他们(和我们)在 Nomad 的经济利益。那些没投资的人就另当别论了。所以,如果你是合伙人,你会在这封信里找到一份投资清单附件,我们请你明智地使用这些信息。

To date we have appended a copy of the schedule of investments with our letters. This is not necessarily in Partners’ interests. There are powerful psychological reasons for not doing so  associated with commitment and consistency tendency (covered in previous letters), and then there is the issue of others piggy backing on ideas. This is not so much a problem today as few care what we do and the Partnership is small, but it could become an issue should the Partnership grow. Only the other week I received a request from a London based hedge fund (with a reputation for short term punts) for another copy of our Global Investment Review. Think of that! We did not know they had one copy, and they were casually asking for another? What are they going to do with the information? If Partners wish to circulate our schedule of investments to others, then they must understand that their actions are contrary to their (and our) economic interests in Nomad. The same cannot be said for those that are not invested. So, if you are a Partner then you will find a copy of the schedule of investments attached to this letter, and we ask you to use that information wisely.

在行政方面,如有疑问请致电都柏林的大和证券信托银行(+353 1603 9921)。2004 年 Nomad 年报和账目已于 5 月寄送给股东,时间相比去年大幅提前。我也知道,在按时收到报表方面存在一些问题。我们正在处理,并持续催促大和银行。如果你们不完全满意,请务必向他们施压。他们的职责就是为你们服务,而你们已经为他们的服务付了费。别不好意思,我们可不会。同样,本办公室的亚历山德拉·艾特肯(+44 207 497 2211)受雇于为合伙人解答基本的业绩和报表查询。

On the administration side, please do call Daiwa Securities Trust and Banking in Dublin with your enquiries (+353 1603 9921). The 2004 Nomad annual report and accounts were mailed to shareholders in May, considerably earlier than last year. I am also aware that there have been issues with the timely receipt of statements. We are on to it, and nag Daiwa constantly. Please do press them if you are not fully satisfied. They are here to help you, and you have paid for their services. Don’t be shy, we aren’t. Likewise, Alexandra Aitken at this office (+44 207 497 2211) is employed to help Partners with basic performance and statement enquiries.

一如既往,经营这家合伙企业让我倍感振奋。我们极为珍视各位对我们的信任,并感谢你们的耐心。

As always it is a tonic running this Partnership. We value your confidence in us very highly and thank you for your patience.

……回到公司的年报。

…back to the company annual reports.

你真诚的,

尼古拉斯·斯利普

本文中,我们使用“合伙人”作为通用术语,指代 Nomad 的所有投资者,无论是投资于联接基金的股东,还是合伙企业的有限合伙人,而非在严格的法律意义上暗示联接基金股东、Nomad 和/或 Marathon Asset Management 之间建立了合伙关系。

Yours sincerely Nicholas Sleep In this article, we use the term "Partners" as a generic term referring to all Nomad investors, whether shareholders in the feeder fund or limited partners in the Partnership and not, in the strict, legal sense of the word, to imply the creation of a partnership between shareholders in the feeder fund, Nomad and/or Marathon Asset Management.

附录 1 “衡量护城河”。《全球投资评论》,2005 年 5 月。

Appendix 1 “Measuring the Moat”. Global Investment Review, May 2005.

“企业护城河”这个词,在讨论某项经济特许权的绝对或相对优势时经常被提及。毋庸置疑,确实存在拥有可防御地位的企业;但这些讨论往往缺乏一种实证方法,用以衡量、比较或长期跟踪护城河的规模或持久性。此外,股票投资者(尤其是那些因自身罪过而被贴上成长型投资者标签的人)面临一项重要任务,即:如何在护城河的价值在股市中被折现之前,就早早识别出护城河的建立?在阅读 2005 年伯克希尔·哈撒韦年报时,有一段话引起了我们的注意——沃伦·巴菲特在文中顺便提到了汽车保险商 GEICO 在运营和承保成本上的节省是如何分配的。这些“好处”在股东、保单持有人和员工之间进行了分配,统计数据也详列了出来。这种简单的划分,与我们持续对好市多(Costco,马拉松资本在美国的重要持仓)的分析产生了共鸣。我们头脑中越来越清晰的一点是:通过这种对利益分配的分析——我们称之为“稳健比率”——人们能够实证地衡量一个经济特许权的强弱程度。

The phrase “business moat” is often banded around when discussing the absolute or comparative strength of a franchise. That there are businesses with defendable positions is of little doubt; but what these discussions often lack is any empirical method by which moat size or longevity can be measured, compared or monitored over time. In addition, stock investors (particularly those who, for their sins, have been labelled growth investors) face an important task, namely, how can one recognise the creation of a business moat well in advance of its value being discounted in the stock market? While reading the 2005 Berkshire Hathaway Annual Report, one paragraph stood out for us as Warren Buffett referred in passing to the division of operating and underwriting cost savings at motor insurer GEICO. These “benefits” were divided between shareholders, policy holders and employees and the statistics spelt out in some detail. This simple breakdown struck a chord with our continuing analysis of Costco, a significant Marathon shareholding in the United States. What is becoming clearer in our minds is that one can empirically measure the strength of a business franchise through such an analysis of the division of benefits, what we have come to call its “robustness ratio”.

首先,简要回顾一下巴菲特对 GEICO 的评论。

First, a brief recap of Buffett’s comments with respect to GEICO.

事实上,GEICO 为其所有相关方都带来了巨大好处:2004 年,它的客户节省了约 10 亿美元保费(相对于他们购买其他保险公司的保单),员工获得了 1.91 亿美元利润分成奖金,平均相当于工资的 24.3%,而它的所有者——也就是我们——则享受到了丰厚的财务回报。

“Indeed, GEICO delivers all of its constituents major benefits: In 2004 its customers saved $1 billion or so compared to what they would otherwise have paid for coverage, its associates earned a $191 million profit-sharing bonus that averaged 24.3% of salary, and its owner – that’s us – enjoyed excellent financial returns.”

这些财务回报——以承保利润衡量——去年税前接近 10 亿美元,但这不包括 GEICO 全年 50-60 亿美元浮存金所产生的投资收益(我们主观上可能会给这笔收益定 5% 的回报率)。当然,这些好处只有三个群体能享受到,前提是规模足够大(假定承保能力是可以培养或买来的)。这让我们可以画一张饼图(图 1),展示这些规模经济是如何分配的。就 GEICO 而言,稳健比率——定义为客户和员工(通过利润分享等方式)所得之和除以股东所得——大约是 1:1。

Source: Berkshire Hathaway, 2005 Annual Report These financial returns, measured in terms of an underwriting profit, were close to US$1 billion pre-tax last year but this excludes the investment returns earned on the US$5-6 billion of float generated by GEICO throughout the year (on which we may want to assign subjectively a return of 5%). These benefits, of course, only accrue to the three groups as a result of scale (if one assumes that underwriting skill can be developed or acquired). This allows us to construct a pie chart (Figure 1) representing how these scale economies are shared. The robustness ratio, defined as the combined distribution to customers and employees (through a profit share or the like) divided by the distribution to shareholders, is in GEICO’s case about 1:1.

图 1:GEICO——收益的公平划分

客户 股东 员工

来源:马拉松公司

当然,这张图只是一个快照;同样重要的是,这种利益分配格局如何随时间演变——我们稍后会谈到这个话题。回到好市多(Costco),我们可以利用以下事实和数据画出一张类似的饼图。平均而言,一位好市多持卡人(而非家庭;平均每个家庭持有 2 张卡)每年在店里消费 1100 美元。好市多以成本价 980 美元采购这些商品。如果假设购买力相近、商品篮子构成类似,那么同等商品在 Kroger 等竞争对手超市的售价会是 1300 美元,在沃尔玛则为 1250 美元(两者的毛利率分别为 26% 和 23%,而好市多为 11%)。当然,这种比较并不完全直接,因为好市多的会员必须“花钱才能进来”——目前每张卡的年费平均为 23 美元,而且无论持卡人消费多少,这笔年费都是固定的(这意味着客户省下的钱在会员群体中分布并不均匀,这对客户行为有着令人着迷的影响,其本身也值得分析)。但我们估算,平均而言,一位好市多持卡人通过在该店购物每年能节省约 175 美元,而付出的年费投资为 23 美元,即每位持卡人每年净赚约 150 美元。

Figure 1: GEICO: A fair division of spoils Customers Shareholders Employees Source: Marathon This picture, of course, represents a snapshot; just as important is how this division of benefits develops over time, a subject we will touch on later. Tracking back to Costco, we are able to construct a similar pie chart using the following facts and figures. On average, a Costco cardholder (as opposed to household; on average each household holds 2 cards) spends US$1,100 per year in the store. Costco spends US$980 at cost to supply these goods which, if one assumes similar buying power and a comparable basket make up, would cost US$1,300 at a competing supermarket such as Kroger or US$1,250 at Wal-Mart (gross margins of 26% and 23% respectively, compared with 11% at Costco). Now these comparisons are not quite so straightforward as Costco’s members must “pay to play”, currently US$23 per cardholder on average, and this annual fee is fixed whatever a cardholder spends (this implies the distribution of customer savings is not even across the membership base, a fascinating influence on customer behaviour and itself worthy of analysis). But we can estimate that, on average, a Costco cardholder saves somewhere in the region of US$175 per year by shopping at Costco in return for an annual fee investment of US$23, or a net gain in the region of US$150 per cardholder per year.

现在来看员工。从近期的管理层会议中,我们更清楚地看到了好市多与竞争对手在薪资/福利标准上的差异——这种差异的功能与 GEICO 的利润相关奖金类似。如果我们假设好市多 SG&A 费用中的 70% 是薪资/福利,且其薪资/福利标准比竞争对手高出 55%,那么从某种意义上说,好市多每年“多付”给员工的金额高达 11 亿美元,相当于每个持卡人每年多付 26 美元。最后是股东。华尔街一直有种看法,认为股东回报是在照顾好顾客和员工之后剩下的“残羹”。按每个持卡人税前 32 美元计算,这只占可分配蛋糕的 15%,与 GEICO 不在一个量级上。无论如何,好市多的蛋糕图(图 2)大致如下,其稳健比率约为 5:1。

Now we turn to employees. From recent management meetings, we have gained some clarity on the difference between Costco’s wage/benefit scales and those available from competitors (this difference being the functional equivalent of GEICO’s profit related bonus). If we assume that 70% of Costco’s SG&A is made up of wages/benefits and that Costco’s wage/benefit scales are 55% higher than the competition, then Costco, in a sense, “overpays” its employees to the tune of US$1.1bn per year, or US$26 per cardholder per year. Finally, shareholders. On Wall Street, there has been a suspicion that the return to shareholders has been a “residual” after customers and employees have been well cared for. And at US$32 per cardholder pre-tax, or 15% of the distributable pie, the shareholders’ share is not in the same league as at GEICO. In any case, Costco’s pie chart (Figure 2) looks something like this, and its robustness ratio is of the order of 5:1.

图 2:幸福就是……做 Costco 的顾客。

Figure 2: Happiness is… being a Costco customer.

股东 员工 客户 来源:马拉松资本 华尔街标准观点认为这种图景是零售版的集体主义,而我们的看法恰恰相反——它代表的是一条既宽阔又难以逾越的护城河,令人振奋。虽然“难以逾越”这个说法听起来像在夸海口,但只要分析山姆会员店有限披露的财务数据就会发现,好市多让利给客户的规模实在太大了:任何试图匹配好市多价格的举措,每年将让山姆损失约 14 亿美元,而匹配好市多的薪资水平则要再增加 7.5 亿美元。这笔钱即便对去年净利润 90 亿美元的沃尔玛来说也不是小数目。这种竞争力鸿沟,用传统分析工具当然很难捕捉——毕竟好市多和山姆会员店的利润率都很薄,两家都在增长营收,也都在给传统超市和小型批发俱乐部施加巨大压力。但两个业务的长期结局必然大不相同,尤其用每单位销售面积的长期营收增长来衡量时,差异会非常明显。而好市多的商业模式决定了,这种竞争差距会随时间扩大:好市多相对资产密度下降、采购实力增强,会带来更大的规模效率,这些效率又以更低价格的形式返还给顾客。游戏结束了。

Shareholders Employees Customers Source: Marathon While the standard Wall Street view is that such a picture is retailing’s equivalent of collectivism, in our view it represents an excitingly wide and unassailable moat. While “unassailable” may seem like a bold assertion, an analysis of the limited disclosure of financials at Sam’s Club suggests that the size of the distribution to Costco customers is so large that any attempt to match its prices would cost Sam’s somewhere in the region of US$1.4 billion annually while matching Costco’s pay scales would set them back another US$750million. Such numbers are not insignificant even to Wal-Mart which last year earned net profits of US$9 billion. Such a chasm of competitiveness is, of course, difficult to capture using traditional analytical tools. After all, both Costco and Sam’s Club generate thin profit margins, both are growing revenues, and both are placing enormous pressure on traditional supermarkets and smaller wholesale clubs. But it seems inevitable that the long-term outcome for the two businesses will be significantly different particularly as measured by the growth of revenue per unit of selling space over the long-term. And Costco’s business model dictates that this competitive gap should expand over time as a fall in Costco’s relative asset intensity and increasing buying power will lead to greater scale efficiencies, which in turn are handed back to the customer in the form of lower prices. Game over.

在得出如此有力的结论之后,我们应当提出一句警告。好市多和 GEICO 都拥有强大的企业文化,其中内嵌着一个鼓舞人心的理念——对收益进行理性(且公平?)的分配,是确保这些企业在规模扩张的同时实力不断增强的唯一恰当方式。尽管从 GEICO 在伯克希尔·哈撒韦企业博物馆中的地位来看,其文化滑坡难以想象,但好市多的情况或许并非如此。这种表面上对股东回报不够重视的做法带来的一个令人不悦的结果是,好市多的股价与六年前的水平大致持平。据各方说法,华尔街对此并不高兴。即使是历经四十多年建立起来的企业文化也无法免受这种压力,好市多的高级管理团队正开始感受到压力。有迹象表明,该公司正在轻微调整收益分配,使之向股东倾斜,部分原因是为了满足那些痴迷季度每股收益的人,但也出于认识到资产丰厚的好市多对私募股权买家来说是一个有吸引力的目标。长期股东应将这种文化滑坡视为令人担忧且不必要的变化。在我们看来,应对六年来股价低迷的正确做法是,公司利用其资产负债表按当前价格回购股票,让每股自由现金流的长期增长(这是稳定利润率、资产密度下降、收入增长和流通股基数缩小的必然结果)随着时间推移转化为更高的股价。允许稳健比率(robustness ratio)温和下滑的论点,忽视了这对未来几代管理层的影响——他们会看到一个在权宜之时调整模型的先例。我们无意就恰当的稳健比率应为多少去指导好市多出色的管理者,只是想说,对收益分配的任何调整都应纯粹出于竞争原因,而非出于取悦投资者的愿望。

Having come to such a robust conclusion we should offer a word of warning. Both Costco and GEICO have strong corporate cultures, embedded in which is the inspirational thought that the rational (and equitable?) division of benefits is the only appropriate way of ensuring these businesses will grow in strength as they grow in size. And while culture slippage at GEICO is hard to envisage, courtesy of its place in the Berkshire Hathaway corporate museum, the same may not be true of Costco. An unpleasant output of this apparent disregard for shareholder returns is that the Costco share price is broadly unchanged on levels reached six years ago. And Wall Street is, by all accounts, not happy. Even a culture built up over forty years is not immune to this pressure and Costco’s senior management team are beginning to feel the heat. Indications are that the company is gently tinkering with the division of benefits in favour of shareholders in part to satisfy the quarterly EPS junkies but also in recognition that an asset-rich Costco represents an attractive target for private equity buyers. Long-term shareholders should view such slippage as worrying and unnecessary. In our view, the correct response to a six-year share price famine is for the company to use its balance sheet to buy back shares at prevailing prices and allow the long-term growth in free cash flow per share (an inescapable function of steady margins, falling asset intensity, growing revenues and a shrinking base of shares outstanding) to translate into a higher share price over time. The argument for allowing the robustness ratio to drift gently ignores the impact on future generations of managers who will have been presented with a precedent for tweaking the model when expedient. We do not presume to lecture the remarkable managers at Costco on what the appropriate robustness ratio should be, just that any changes to the division of benefits should be made for purely competitive reasons and not driven by a wish to pander to investors.

我们不希望读者误以为护城河坚固比率是衡量护城河的数字魔弹。它们显然不是。好市多的 5:1 比率和 GEICO 的 1:1 比率可能同样构成强大的竞争壁垒,而且甚至比 GEICO 更精细的比率也可能完全足以击退竞争者的掠夺——原因是多种多样的。此外,比率下降不一定意味着护城河在缩小,只是说明护城河没有宽到极致。坚固比率真正发挥作用的地方,是识别出那些可能相比潜力而言盈利不足的公司,比如好市多。这为愿意超越报表盈利去看问题的投资者,创造了超长期的投资机会。

We wouldn’t wish readers to come away with the view that robustness ratios are a numerical magic bullet to measure moats. They are plainly not. There are numerous reasons why Costco’s 5:1 and GEICO’s 1:1 ratios may be equally powerful barriers to competition and why a ratio even finer than that at GEICO may be perfectly sufficient to repel competitive marauders. Also, falling ratios are not necessarily a sign of shrinking moats, just that moats are not being made as wide as they could be. Where robustness comes into its own is in identifying companies, such as Costco, which may be under-earning when compared to their potential. This generates super long-term investment opportunities for those willing to look beyond reported earnings.

在企业发展的早期阶段,给予客户不成比例的回报是合理的,因为客户推荐和重复购买对于打造一个有价值的经济特许权至关重要。随着企业走向成熟,这种偏向可以减弱,股东合理分得的蛋糕份额也可以更大。然而,如果分得过多,护城河就会被掏空,对企业的长久存续产生负面影响。诱惑是巨大的,因为资本市场会奖励那些攫取利润的行为。有很多公司“过度收割”的例子,而它们本应更注重长期发展。这可能就是可口可乐所发生的情况——它过分依赖瓶装商;或者是吉列——广告支出被削减;甚至家得宝——最近几年毛利率不断提高。股东们往往遭受双重打击:就在他们发现自己对报告盈利能力的分析有误时,备受推崇的公司却进入了“增长炼狱”,增长放缓了。

Early in a firm’s development it makes sense to reward customers disproportionately as customer referrals and repeat business are so essential to the development of a valuable franchise. With maturity this bias can be reduced, and shareholders can reasonably take a greater slice of the pie. Too much, however, and the moat is drained with negative consequences for longevity. The temptations are enormous because capital markets will reward profiteering. There are many examples of companies which “harvest” excessively, when perhaps they should focus on longevity. This may have been what happened at Coca Cola which has leant excessively on bottlers, or Gillette where advertising has been cut, or even at Home Depot which has boosted gross margins in recent years. Shareholders often suffer a double whammy as highly rated companies enter “growth purgatory”, because growth slows just at the time when shareholders spot their misanalysis of reported profitability.

附录 2 “津巴布韦”《全球投资评论》,2005 年 2 月。

Appendix 2 “Zimbabwe”. Global Investment Review, February 2005.

“兄弟就是干这个的,兄弟。”

“That’s what brothers are for, brother.”

吉尔·斯科特-赫伦,《125 街与莱诺克斯大道的闲谈》有些评论家认为,当前股市的处境比 1990 年代末的泡沫更为危险。至少那时还存在由廉价低增长公司构成的“反泡沫”。而今天,股价缺乏那种禅意般的对称,逆向投资者几乎找不到明显被低估的角落。那么,为津巴布韦欢呼吧。客户会讨厌它,合规部门会讨厌它,咨询顾问会讨厌它,市场营销也会讨厌它。这个投资机会的规模微乎其微,它既不属于基准指数,甚至都不是英联邦的一部分。完美。

Gil Scott-Heron, “Small Talk at 125th and Lenox” Some commentators believe that the current condition of stock markets is now more dangerous than the bubble of the late 1990s. Then at least there was the anti-bubble formed from cheap low growth companies. Today there is no Zen-like symmetry to stock prices; and there are few obvious pockets of undervaluation for the contrarian. A cheer all round then for Zimbabwe. The clients will hate it. Compliance will hate it. The consultants will hate it. Marketing will hate it. The size of the investment opportunity is tiny. It is not part of the benchmark. It is not even part of the Commonwealth. It’s perfect.

当然不能说不存在风险。但这种“风险”不是跟踪误差、指数相对收益、股价短暂波动、季度报告意义上的那种“风险”。真正的风险,是一种弥漫在人群中的昏昏欲睡、急于讨好、对人漠不关心的麻木状态。哈拉雷《每日镜报》的财经版面仍在刊登德国马克、法国法郎、西班牙比塞塔和意大利里拉的汇率。大概每天都有人的工作,就是把一个数字乘以另一个数字,好完成第二天的汇率表。没人注意到这些货币早已不复存在。这对改革来说可不是好兆头。这家报纸的头条也没好到哪去——“官员们抢夺手机线路”。首先,这个动作在物理上就不可能实现;理论上你可以抓住一根固定电话线,但无线手机线路怎么抓?其次,问题是津巴布韦似乎没多少人有政治热情,更别说愤怒了。那篇社论并不愤怒。而如果没人愤怒,那么迈克利斯酒店的入住率凭什么能突破目前的 30%?除非偶尔有英国板球队来巡回比赛——这件事在英国虽有争议,在当地却无人关心。

Not that it is exactly risk free. Not “risky” in a tracking error, index relative, transient stock price quotation, quarterly reporting sense. The real risk comes in the form of a sleepy, quick to smile, want to get on with people apathy that pervades the population. The financial pages of Harare’s Daily Mirror newspaper continue to publish the exchange rates for the deutschmark, French franc, Spanish peseta and Italian lira. Presumably it is someone’s daily task to take one number and multiply it by another for the purpose of completing the next day’s currency table. No one has noticed that the currencies no longer exist. This is not a good precedent for reform. Neither was the paper’s headline which read – “Officials Grab Cell Phone Lines”. First, there is the physical impossibility of the act; one could in theory grab a land line, but a wireless phone line? Secondly the problem is few people in Zimbabwe appear politically active, let alone angry. The editorial was not angry. And if no one is angry then what is the prospect of the Meikles Hotel occupancy exceeding its current 30%, except during the occasional English cricket team tour, which was controversial in England but locally ignored.

以证券交易所成交股价衡量,这个国家最有价值的公司,按官方汇率值 1.5 亿美元,按非官方汇率值 1 亿美元——还不到埃克森美孚公司一个季度股息支付的十分之一。指数成分股的市盈率不到 3 倍。大多数工业企业按资产重置成本估值都打了折扣,不过也没人在重置资产。而这是看涨信号。无杠杆的拉法基水泥子公司市值仅 250 万美元。准确评估工厂产能规模有些困难,但考虑到水泥厂的重置成本大约是每吨 1.2 亿美元,我们不需要太精确。

The most valuable company in the country as measured by the price of traded shares at the stock exchange is worth U$150m at the official exchange rate, and U$100m at the unofficial. That is less than one tenth of the quarterly dividend payment from the ExxonMobil Corporation. The price earnings ratio of the index constituent stocks is less than three. Most industrial concerns are valued at less than the replacement cost of their assets, not that anyone is replacing assets. And that’s bullish. The ungeared Lafarge cement subsidiary has a market capitalisation of U$2.5m. There is some difficulty precisely assessing the size of plant capacity but bearing in mind that replacement cost for a cement plant is around US$120m per ton, we don’t need to be too accurate.

津巴布韦并不是黑色资本主义的好广告。但它也不是白色资本主义的好广告。侵占白人拥有的农场看上去是出于种族动机,但请注意,随后黑人的银行家们也遭到了恐吓。津巴布韦可以说是一个否认现实的法西斯国家。它不仅不鼓励发展,而且不可持续。摧毁农业部门,仅仅因为它由白人控制,这种做法愚蠢到了近乎邪恶的地步,而农业占到经济的 65%。受影响最大的将是贫穷的黑人。最接近的类比可能是印度尼西亚,那里占少数的华人群体控制了经济中的很大份额。人们倾向于认为这是他们应得的,但这未必意味着他们占据了不成比例的经济份额。但关键在于,多数群体仇视富有的少数群体,无论他们是黑人还是白人,而当政客们自己的政策失败时,他们就会利用这种不信任来煽风点火。

Zimbabwe is not a good advert for black capitalism. But it is not a good advert for white capitalism either. The occupation of white-owned farms looks racially motivated but note, it has been followed with the intimidation of black bankers as well. Zimbabwe can be described as a fascist state, in denial. Not only is not encouraging, but it is also not sustainable. Destroying the agricultural sector because it is white-controlled is stupid to the point of evil, when agriculture makes up 65% of the economy. It’s the poor blacks that will be affected the most. The closest parallel may be that of Indonesia where the minority Chinese population control a large share of the economy. That is not necessarily a disproportionate share of the economy, as one likes to think they earned it. But the point is that the majority resent the rich minority, black or white, and the politicians feed on the distrust when their own policies have failed.

然而与印度尼西亚不同的是,这次崩盘之前并没有出现过繁荣。津巴布韦从来就不是一个"虎"式经济体。这次崩盘是政治性的而非经济性的,它并非建立在过度投资、过度借贷或过度乐观的基础之上。但这意味着该国经济中几乎没有坏账。参观在津巴布韦上市的巴克莱银行(Barclays Zimbabwe)时发现,坏账仅占贷款组合的 4%。因此,这里不需要进行资本重组,也没有阿根廷式的违约局面。原因之一是,被剥夺土地的白人农场主们为了保住土地所有权,已经偿还了抵押贷款和营运资金贷款。大多数情况下,他们的农场并未被政府强制征购——尽管政府曾试图这样做。多数农场被暴民占据,这些人的兴趣在于掠夺而非生产。我们采访的一位农场主被告知,他有 24 小时收拾个人物品、安排好事务,随后农场便被占领。掠夺者随后洗劫一空,将 2000 头牛运往附近村庄的市场出售,显然还大快朵颐了那些未能卖出的牛。然而农业设备却完好无损——这些设备在国内几乎找不到有生产力的出口渠道,因此被闲置在一边,等待主人归来。与此同时,土地荒芜,设备封存,经济失去了出口收入,货币持续贬值,反映出这个国家的新价值。如果政权更迭,一些农场主将带着土地所有权证书返回,重新索回自己的财产——就像印度尼西亚的华人和西德人在东德所做的那样。零售信贷机构 Meikles Financial Services 声称坏账仅占应收账款的 1%。他们的贷款对象是那些继续留在津巴布韦的人。在这种低坏账率下,一旦信心恢复,经济就能迅速复苏。但对于这种冷漠态度,又该如何应对呢?

But unlike Indonesia, there was no boom to precede the bust. Zimbabwe has never been a tiger economy. This bust is political not economic. It is not predicated upon over-investment, over-borrowing or over-enthusiasm. But that means there is almost no bad debt in the economy. A visit to the publicly listed Barclays Zimbabwe revealed bad debts at 4% of the loan book. So, there is no recapitalisation needed here, no Argentinean default situation. One reason is that the dispossessed white farmers have repaid their mortgages and working capital loans in order to take title to their land. In most cases their farms have not been compulsorily purchased by the government, although the government has tried. Most farms have been occupied by mobs whose interest has been to loot, not produce. One farmer we spoke to had been given twenty-four hours to collect his belongings and arrange his affairs before occupation. The looters then looted, taking the 2,000 head of cattle to market in the nearby villages and apparently feasting on the cattle not sold. Yet the agricultural equipment was left untouched. There is no market for the kit with few productive outlets for its use domestically, and so it is left idle, waiting for its owner’s return. In the meantime, the farm lies fallow, the equipment sits in storage, the economy is denied its exports and the currency spirals downward to reflect the country’s new worth. When and if the regime changes some farmers will return, armed with their title certificates and reclaim their property – just as the Chinese have in Indonesia, and the West Germans in East Germany. Meikles Financial Services, a retail credit operation, claim bad debts of just 1% of receivables. Their loan book is lent to those that are staying in Zimbabwe. With debts this low, the economy could recover quickly when confidence returns. But what is to be done about the apathy?

1970 年代初期,美国黑人诗人和音乐家吉尔·斯科特-赫龙是个愤怒的人。与其他活动人士不同,他不仅对白人统治阶层感到愤怒,也对自己黑人同胞的不真诚感到愤慨:尤其是“那些在哈莱姆区街角晃荡、摆出‘比你更黑’姿态的人”,他们觉得所有人都欠他们一口饭吃。这正是津巴布韦政治阶层的态度。这些人是安·兰德笔下的“掠夺者”。与部分同道活动家不同,斯科特-赫龙希望他的黑人同胞有骨气、真诚,并且成为资本家。津巴布韦现在正需要几个斯科特-赫龙这样的人。或许,斯科特-赫龙的歌曲《兄弟》的歌词,该被塞进罗伯特·穆加贝的意见箱里。

In the early 1970s the black American poet and musician Gil Scott-Heron was an angry man. Unlike his fellow activists he was not just angry at the white establishment, he was also angry at the insincerity of his fellow black men: especially “those that hung out on street corners in Harlem with a ‘blacker-than-thou’ attitude” who felt that everyone-else owed them a living. This is the attitude of the political class in Zimbabwe. These are Ayn Rand’s “looters”. In contrast to some of his fellow activists, Scott-Heron wanted his black peers to have integrity, be sincere, and be capitalists. Zimbabwe could do with a few Scott-Herons right now. Perhaps the lyrics to Scott-Heron’s song “Brother” could be slipped into Robert Mugabe’s suggestion box.

我们外部的事干得太多了,兄弟。永远是爆炸头、握手和达西基长袍。一个人永远无法为黑人资本主义建立起一个有效的结构,总是被那些已知的东西弹回来。

“We deal in too many externals, brother Always afros, handshakes and dashikis Never can a man build a working structure for black capitalism, Always does the man rebound off a known.

我觉得我太了解你们这些所谓的黑人革命者了——站在街角的箱子上,嚷嚷着要把白人小子一枪崩了。但弟兄啊,眼下还不是那么回事。

I think I know you would-be black revolutionaries too well Standing on a box, on the corner, talking about blowing the white boy away, But that’s not where it is at yet, brother.

……你得理清你的记忆,兄弟。让那个你称为汤姆叔叔的人看看,他错在哪儿。让那个女人看看,你是个真诚的黑人。我们只需要你闭嘴,做个黑人就行。帮帮那个女人!

…You need to get your memory banks organised, brother Show that man you call an Uncle Tom just where he is wrong Show that woman you are a sincere black man All we need to do is see you shut up and be black Help that woman!

帮帮那个男人!

Help that man!

这就是兄弟存在的意义,兄弟。

That’s what brothers are for, brother.”