资本主义为何以及如何需要改革
为何以及如何实现资本主义
Why and How Capitalism
需要改革
Needs To Be Reformed
Ray Dalio
Ray Dalio
April 5th, 2019
April 5th, 2019
Summary
Summary
我幸运地成长于一个中产阶级家庭,父母悉心照料我,让我上了好的公立学校,进入一个给予我平等机会的就业市场。我从小被教导,享有基本关怀、良好教育和就业的平等机会,是公平的,也是我们集体福祉最好的保障。拥有这些,并用以构筑美好生活,正是所谓的“美国梦”。
I was fortunate enough to be raised in a middle-class family by parents who took good care of me, to go to good public schools, and to come into a job market that offered me equal opportunity. I was raised with the belief that having equal opportunity to have basic care, good education, and employment is what is fair and best for our collective well-being. To have these things and use them to build a great life is what was meant by living the American Dream.
12 岁那年,可以说我成了一名资本家,因为就是那时,我把送报纸、修剪草坪、当球童等各种零工挣来的钱,投进了当时正火热的股市。这让我迷上了经济投资这场游戏,过去 50 年的大部分时间我都在玩。要在这场游戏中胜出,我需要切实弄懂经济和市场如何运作。多年间,我接触过大多数国家的大多数经济体制,这让我明白,赚钱、储蓄、把资金投入资本(也就是资本主义)的能力,是激励人们、配置资源以提高生活水平的最有效手段。这些年里,我也目睹了资本主义以一种对美国多数人不利的方式演变,因为它让富者愈富的自我强化螺旋不断上行,贫者愈贫的下行螺旋愈发恶化。由此造成的收入、财富、机会差距持续扩大,给美国带来生存级威胁,因为这些差距正引发破坏性的国内与国际冲突,并削弱美国的国力。
At age 12 one might say that I became a capitalist because that’s when I took the money I earned doing various jobs, like delivering newspapers, mowing lawns, and caddying and put it in the stock market when the stock market was hot. That got me hooked on the economic investing game which I’ve played for most of the last 50 years. To succeed at this game I needed to gain a practical understanding of how economies and markets work. My exposure to most economic systems in most countries over many years taught me that the ability to make money, save it, and put it into capital (i.e., capitalism) is the most effective motivator of people and allocator of resources to raise people’s living standards. Over these many years I have also seen capitalism evolve in a way that it is not working well for the majority of Americans because it’s producing self-reinforcing spirals up for the haves and down for the have-nots. This is creating widening income/wealth/opportunity gaps that pose existential threats to the United States because these gaps are bringing about damaging domestic and international conflicts and weakening America’s condition.
我认为多数资本家不懂怎么把经济蛋糕分好,多数社会主义者也不懂怎么把它做大。可眼下我们正处在一个十字路口:要么,持不同意识形态倾向的人携手合作,精巧地重构这套体系,让蛋糕既分得好又做得大;要么,我们将陷入巨大的冲突,乃至某种形式的革命,到头来伤及大多数人,蛋糕也跟着缩水。
I think that most capitalists don’t know how to divide the economic pie well and most socialists don’t know how to grow it well, yet we are now at a juncture in which either a) people of different ideological inclinations will work together to skillfully re-engineer the system so that the pie is both divided and grown well or b) we will have great conflict and some form of revolution that will hurt most everyone and will shrink the pie.
我相信,一切美好的事物若走向极端,都可能自我毁灭;万物若不进化,则终将消亡。资本主义如今也面临此境。本报告中,我将阐明为何资本主义已不再为大多数美国人效力,剖析其产出不佳结果的根源,并提出一些改革建议。鉴于报告篇幅较长,我将分两部分呈现:第一部分概述问题,第二部分提供诊断与改革建议。
I believe that all good things taken to an extreme can be self-destructive and that everything must evolve or die. This is now true for capitalism. In this report I show why I believe that capitalism is now not working for the majority of Americans, I diagnose why it is producing these inadequate results, and I offer some suggestions for what can be done to reform it. Because this report is rather long, I will present it in two parts: part one outlining the problem and part two offering my diagnosis of it and some suggestions for reform.
资本主义为何以及如何需要改革
Why and How Capitalism Needs to Be Reformed
在解释为何我认为资本主义需要改革之前,先讲讲我的背景,这塑造了我的视角。接着我会展示那些让我清楚看到资本主义产生的成果与我们目标不符的指标。随后,我会诊断资本主义为何导致这些不尽如人意的结果,最后就如何改革以产生更好成效提出一些思考。内容较多,我分两部分呈现,今天发布第一部分,明天发布第二部分。
Before I explain why I believe that capitalism needs to be reformed, I will explain where I’m coming from, which has shaped my perspective. I will then show the indicators that make it clear to me that the outcomes capitalism is producing are inconsistent with what I believe our goals are. Then I will give my diagnosis of why capitalism is producing these inadequate outcomes and conclude by offering some thoughts about how it can be reformed to produce better outcomes. As there is a lot in this, I will present it in two parts, releasing Part 1 today and Part 2 tomorrow.
Part 1
Part 1
我的来路
Where I’m Coming From
我很幸运,成长于一个中产阶级家庭,父母关爱有加,接受了良好的公立学校教育,并能步入一个给予我平等机会的就业市场。可以说,我实现了美国梦。那时,我和周围的大多数人都认为,作为一个社会,我们必须努力为每个人提供这些基本条件,尤其是平等的教育和就业机会。这就是机会平等的理念,多数人都认为它既公正又富有成效。
I was lucky enough to grow up in a middle-class family raised by parents who cared for me, to be educated in a good public school, and to be able to go into a job market that offered me equal opportunity. One might say that I lived the American Dream. At the time, I and most everyone around me believed that we as a society had to strive to provide these basic things (especially equal education and equal job opportunity) to everyone. That was the concept of equal opportunity, which most people believed to be both fair and productive.
我想我 12 岁那年就成了资本家,因为那时我把送报纸、修剪草坪、当球童挣来的钱投进了股市,正值 20 世纪 60 年代股市火热。这一下就让我迷上了投资这行当。我上了大学和研究生院,尽管学费不够,但我能从政府助学贷款项目里借钱。随后进入一个给我平等机会的就业市场,我就此上路了。
I suppose I became a capitalist at age 12 because that’s when I took the money I earned from doing various jobs like delivering newspapers, mowing lawns, and caddying, and put it in the stock market when the stock market was hot in the 1960s. That got me hooked on the investing game. I went to college and graduate school even though I didn’t have enough money to pay the tuitions because I could borrow the money from a government student loan program. Then I entered a job market that provided me equal opportunity, and I was on my way.
因为我酷爱操盘市场,我选择成为一名全球宏观投资者,这一干就是约 50 年。这个角色要求我切实理解经济和市场如何运转。这些年里,我接触过大多数国家形形色色的经济体制,也渐渐明白了为什么赚钱、存钱、再把钱投入资本(也就是资本主义)这套机制,能有效激励人们,也能高效配置资源,从而提升生活水平。它之所以能激励人,是因为它用金钱奖励人们的 productive 活动,而这笔钱能换来金钱买得到的一切。它之所以能高效配置资源,则是因为创造利润的前提,是产出的价值要大于投入的资源。勤劳生产让人赚钱,赚钱让人积累资本(也就是他们投在投资工具里的储蓄),这既保障了储户——日后需要时有钱可用,又为那些能把资本与自身想法结合、转化为利润和生产力、进而提升生活水平的人提供了资本资源。这就是资本主义制度。
Because I loved playing the markets I chose to be a global macro investor, which is what I’ve been for about 50 years. That required me to gain a practical understanding of how economies and markets work. Over those years, I’ve had exposure to all sorts of economic systems in most countries and have come to understand why the ability to make money, save it, and put it into capital (i.e., capitalism) is an effective motivator of people and allocator of resources that raises people’s living standards. It is an effective motivator of people because it rewards people for their productive activities with money that can be used to get all that money can buy. And it is an effective allocator of resources because the creation of profit requires that the output created is more valuable than the resources that go into creating it. Being productive leads people to make money, which leads them to acquire capital (which is their savings in investment vehicles), which both protects the saver by providing money when it is later needed and provides capital resources to those who can combine them with their ideas and convert them into the profits and productivities that raise our living standards. That is the capitalist system.
这些年来,我目睹了共产主义的兴衰,也看到所有把经济搞好的国家,包括“共产主义中国”,都把资本主义作为其体制不可或缺的一部分,原因就在于此。共产主义“各尽所能,按需分配”的信条终究太过天真,因为如果人们付出劳动却得不到相应的回报,就不会有努力工作的动力,繁荣自然无从谈起。资本主义将报酬与生产力挂钩,并建立起高效的资本市场,促进储蓄、提供购买力,为人们的生产力注入燃料,效果要好得多。
Over those many years, I have seen communism come and go and have seen that all countries that made their economies work well, including “communist China,” have made capitalism an integral part of their systems for these reasons. Communism’s philosophy of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” turned out to be naïve because people were not motivated to work hard if they didn’t get commensurately rewarded, so prosperity suffered. Capitalism, which connects pay to productivity and creates efficient capital markets that facilitate savings and the availability of buying power to fuel people’s productivity, worked much better.
我还从机制而非意识形态的角度研究了国家成败的根源,因为我在经济和市场中的实际操作能力,正是外界评判我的标尺。若你想了解我的研究概要,看看国家成败何因,可点击此处。简言之,教育落后、文化不良(阻碍人们有效协作的文化)、基础设施薄弱、债务过重,皆致经济颓败。而经济成果最佳之时,往往伴随以下要素的增多而非减少:其一,教育和就业机会平等;其二,高中阶段良好的家庭或类家庭教养;其三,在多数人信服公正的体制内展现文明举止;其四,商品、服务、劳动力及资本的自由而规范的市场,为大多数人提供激励、储蓄和融资机会。
I’ve also studied what makes countries succeed and fail by taking a mechanistic perspective rather than an ideological one because my ability to deal with economies and markets in a practical way is what I have been scored on. If you’d like to see a summary of my research that shows what makes countries succeed and fail, it’s here . In a nutshell, poor education, a poor culture (one that impedes people from operating effectively together), poor infrastructure, and too much debt cause bad economic results. The best results come when there is more rather than less of: a) equal opportunity in education and in work, b) good family or family-like upbringing through the high school years, c) civilized behavior within a system that most people believe is fair, and d) free and well-regulated markets for goods, services, labor, and capital that provide incentives, savings, and financing opportunities to most people.
当然,这些年来,我密切关注着所有国家,尤其是美国的这些情况。现在,我将展示我们体制所产生的种种结果,正是这些结果让我确信,资本主义对美国大多数人的福祉并未发挥应有的作用。
Naturally, I have watched these things closely over the years in all countries, especially in the US. I will now show the results that our system is producing that have led me to believe capitalism isn’t working well for most Americans.
我为何认为资本主义对大多数美国人并未发挥良好作用
Why I Believe That Capitalism Is Not Working Well for Most Americans
在这一节里,我会用一大摞统计数据和图表勾勒全貌,或许数量多到不合你口味。要是你觉得已经读到边际收益递减的节点,我建议你快速扫过剩下的内容,只看加粗的句子,或者直接跳到下一节——那里解释了我为何认为,不改革资本主义将是对美国的生存威胁。
In this section, I will show you a large batch of stats and charts that paint the picture. Perhaps there are too many for your taste. If you feel that you’re getting past the point of diminishing returns, I suggest that you either quickly scan the rest by just reading the sentences in bold or skip ahead to the next section which explains why I think that not reforming capitalism would be an existential threat to the US.
首先,我想向你们展示富人和穷人之间存在的差异。因为这些差异隐藏在平均数之中,我把经济体按收入高低划分为前 40% 和后 60% 的人群。
1
这样一来,我们就能看到后 60%(即大多数)人群的生活状况,并与前 40% 的人群进行对比。我的发现已呈现在
这项研究
中。虽然我建议你们去读一读,但我会先快速列出一些统计数据,以便勾勒出一幅全景。
To begin, I’d like to show you the differences that exist between the haves and the have-nots. Because these differences are hidden in the averages, I broke the economy into the top 40% and the bottom 60% of income earners. 1 That way we could see what the lives of the bottom 60% (i.e., the majority) look like and could compare them with those of the top 40%. What I found is shown in this study . While I suggest that you read it, I will quickly give you a bunch of stats that paint the picture here.
几十年来,大多数人的实际收入几乎没有或根本没有增长。如左下图所示,自 1980 年以来,底层 60% 的壮年劳动力实际(即经通胀调整后)收入毫无增长。而同期,收入前 10% 的人群收入翻了一番,前 1% 的人群收入增长了两倍。
如右图所示,长大后收入超过父母的儿童比例已从 1970 年的 90% 降至如今的 50%。这是针对整体人口而言。对于底层 60% 中的大多数人来说,前景更为黯淡。
There has been little or no real income growth for most people for decades. As shown in the chart below on the left, prime-age workers in the bottom 60% have had no real (i.e., inflation-adjusted) income growth since 1980. That was at a time when incomes for the top 10% have doubled and those of the top 1% have tripled. i As shown in the chart to the right, the percentage of children who grow up to earn more than their parents has fallen from 90% in 1970 to 50% today. That’s for the population as a whole. For most of those in the lower 60%, the prospects are worse.
如下所示,
收入差距几乎处于历史最高水平,而财富差距则达到 1930 年代末以来的最高点。
如今,人口中最富有的 1% 所拥有的财富,超过了底层 90% 人口财富的总和,这与 1935 年至 1940 年间存在的财富差距如出一辙(那段时期对大多数国家而言,都预示着内外冲突频发的时代来临)。目前,处于财富顶层 40% 的人群,其平均财富是底层 60% 人群的 10 倍以上。
这一数字较 1980 年的 6 倍有所上升。
As shown below, the income gap is about as high as ever and the wealth gap is the highest since the late 1930s. Today, the wealth of the top 1% of the population is more than that of the bottom 90% of the population combined, which is the same sort of wealth gap that existed during the 1935-40 period (a period that brought in an era of great internal and external conflicts for most countries). Those in the top 40% now have on average more than 10 times as much wealth as those in the bottom 60%. iv That is up from six times in 1980.
下图展示了自 1970 年以来,总体人口按五等分划分的实际收入增长情况。不妨问问自己,你处在哪一档,这大概就是你看问题的出发点。我的目的是让大家看到更宏观的视角。
The following charts show real income growth by quintiles for the overall population since 1970. Ask yourself which one you’re in. That probably has given you your perspective. My objective is to show you the broader perspective.
按五分位数划分的实际美国家庭平均收入(2017 年美元计价)
Real Mean Household Income by Quintile (2017 USD)
大多数处于收入底层 60% 的人都很穷。举个例子,这 60% 的群体中,只有大约三分之一的人会把部分收入存成现金或金融资产。根据美联储最近的一项研究,40% 的美国人在遇到紧急情况时,连 400 美元都很难凑出来。
Most people in the bottom 60% are poor. For example, only about a third of the bottom 60% save any of their income in cash or financial assets. According to a recent Federal Reserve study, 40% of all Americans would struggle to raise $400 in the event of an emergency. viii
而且,他们越来越难以摆脱贫困。下图展示的是,在十年期间,处于收入最低五分之一的人群跃升至中等五分之一或更高收入群体的概率。这一概率已从 1990 年的约 23% 下滑至 2011 年的仅 14%。
And they are increasingly getting stuck being poor. The following chart shows the odds of someone in the bottom quintile moving up to the middle quintile or higher in a 10-year period. Those odds declined from about 23% in 1990 to only 14% as of 2011.
虽然大多数美国人认为美国是一个经济流动性和机会都很强的国家,但其经济流动性目前却在发达国家中垫底。如下所示,在美国,父亲收入处于最低四分之一档的人,有 40% 的概率仍停留在此档,而进入最高四分之一档的概率仅约 8%,这仅为向上流动平均概率的一半,且在受分析国家中属于最差概率之一。在一个机会平等的国家,这种情况本不应存在。
While most Americans think of the US as being a country of great economic mobility and opportunity, its economic mobility rate is now one of the worst in the developed world. As shown below, in the US people whose fathers were in the bottom income quartile have a 40% chance of staying in that quartile and only about an 8% chance of making it to the top quartile, which is half of the average probability of moving up and one of the worst probabilities of the countries analyzed. In a country of equal opportunity, that would not exist.
出生于底层四分之一父亲的子女中,位于顶层与底层四分之一的比例估算
Est Percentage of People Born to Bottom-Quartile Fathers In Top vs Bottom Quartiles
一个人的收入增长源于其生产力的增长,而生产力的增长又来自个人的成长发展。所以让我们看看我们是如何培养人才的。先从孩子说起。
One’s income growth results from one’s productivity growth, which results from one’s personal development. So let’s look at how we are developing people. Let’s start with children.
在我看来,最令人无法容忍的状况,莫过于我们的制度未能妥善照料如此众多的孩子。接下来我会说明,他们当中有相当一部分生活贫困,营养不良(无论身体还是心智),且受教育程度低下。具体而言:
To me, the most intolerable situation is how our system fails to take good care of so many of our children. As I will show, a large number of them are poor, malnourished (physically and mentally), and poorly educated. More specifically:
美国儿童贫困率目前为 17.5%,且几十年来未出现显著改善。
xi
2017 年,美国约有 17% 的儿童生活在食品无保障的家庭中,这意味着至少有一名家庭成员因资金或其他资源不足而无法获得足够的食物。
xii
联合国儿童基金会报告称,美国生活在食品无保障家庭中的儿童比例低于平均水平(美国的情况比波兰、希腊和智利还要糟糕)。
xiii
The childhood poverty rate in the US is now 17.5% and has not meaningfully improved for decades. xi In the US in 2017, around 17% of children lived in food-insecure homes where at least one family member was unable to acquire adequate food due to insufficient money or other resources. xii Unicef reports that the US is worse than average in the percent of children living in a food-insecure household (with the US faring worse than Poland, Greece, and Chile). xiii
这些状况的连锁反应代价高昂。低收入、资金不足的学校以及家庭对子女支持薄弱,导致学业成绩不佳,进而造成生产力低下和收入微薄,这些人最终成为社会的经济负担。
The domino effects of these conditions are costly. Low incomes, poorly funded schools, and weak family support for children lead to poor academic achievement, which leads to low productivity and low incomes of people who become economic burdens on the society.
尽管美国教育体系中有几所顶尖大学这样的亮点,但整体来看,美国民众在标准化测试中相对于其他发达国家同教育水平的人群得分非常低。具体而言:
Though there are bright spots in the American education system such as our few great universities, the US population as a whole scores very poorly relative to the rest of the developed world in standardized tests for a given education level. More specifically:
看最受尊重的(PISA)测试成绩,美国目前处于发达国家中的后 15% 左右。如下所示,美国的分数低于除意大利和希腊外几乎所有发达国家。这阻碍了许多人达到体面的生活水准,也拖累了美国的竞争力。
Looking at the most respected (PISA) test scores, the US is currently around the bottom 15 th percentile of the developed world. As shown below, the US scores lower than virtually all developed countries other than Italy and Greece. That stands in the way of many people having adequate living standards and of US competitiveness.
2015 年各国 PISA 成绩。
2015 PISA Scores Across Countries
这些分数的差异与贫困水平相关——即高贫困学校(以享受免费或减价午餐的学生比例衡量)的 PISA 测试分数比贫困程度最低的学校低约 25%。
Differences in these scores are tied to poverty levels—i.e., high-poverty schools (measured by the share of students eligible for free/reduced-price lunch) have PISA test scores around 25% lower than schools with the lowest levels of poverty.
按学生享受免费/减价午餐资格比例划分的美国 PISA 测试成绩
US PISA Test Scores by % of Students Eligible for Free/Reduced-Price Lunch
在发达(即经合组织)国家中,美国在优势学校与弱势学校之间师资短缺差距上排名第三差。
Among developed (i.e., OECD) countries, the US has the third-worst difference in shortages of teaching staff between advantaged and disadvantaged schools.
(基于指数化调查,优质学校与薄弱学校的师资短缺情况对比)
Teaching Staff Shortages at Advantaged vs Disadvantaged Schools (Based on Indexed Surveys)
关于美国在照顾贫困学生需求方面,比起大多数其他国家做得有多差,这样的数据层出不穷。再举几个例子:
The stats that show that the US does a poor job of tending to the needs of its poor students relative to how most other countries do it are never-ending. Here are a few more:
美国弱势学生中至少接受过一年学前教育(pre-primary education)的比例,低于经合组织(OECD)成员国的平均水平。
The proportion of disadvantaged students who have at least a year of pre-primary education is lower in the US compared to the average OECD country. xvii
在经合组织国家中,截至 2008 年,美国在不工作的单亲家庭儿童贫困率方面排名倒数第二——这是社会安全网的失败。xviii
Among OECD countries, the US has the second-worst child poverty rate as of 2008 among single-parent households who aren’t working—a failure of the social safety net. xviii
教育成果不佳,导致大量学生未能为就业做好充分准备,情绪问题频发,表现为种种不良行为。在美国,处境不利的学生比大多数其他发达国家更有可能报告社交或情绪问题,包括在学校无法融入社交圈、严重考试焦虑以及对生活满意度低。
These poor educational results lead to a high percentage of students being inadequately prepared for work and having emotional problems that become manifest in damaging behaviors. Disadvantaged students in the US are far more likely to report social and/or emotional issues than in most other developed countries, including not being socially integrated at school, severe test anxiety, and low satisfaction with life.
报告称存在严重社交/情感问题的弱势学生比例
Share of Disadvantaged Students Who Report Significant Social/Emotional Problems
34% 的高贫困学校存在严重的学生长期缺勤问题,而高收入学校的这一比例仅为 10%。
即便在康涅狄格州——按人均收入计算最富有的州之一——也有 22% 的年轻人处于脱节状态(即每年缺课超过 25 天、不及格科目达两门或以上,或因违纪被多次停学),或处于失联状态(未注册入学且没有高中学历的年轻人)。
在康涅狄格州,脱节年轻人最终入狱的可能性是同龄人的 5 倍,陷入药物滥用问题的可能性则高出 33%。
34% of high-poverty schools experienced high levels of chronic student absence, versus only 10% of high-income schools. xx Even in Connecticut, one of the wealthiest states by per capita income, 22% of youth are disengaged (i.e., either missing more than 25 days of school a year, failing two or more courses, or being suspended multiple times) or disconnected (young people not enrolled in school and without a high school degree). xxi Disconnected youth in Connecticut are five times more likely to end up incarcerated and 33% more likely to be struggling with substance abuse (full report linked here) .
将康涅狄格州各学区的中学毕业率与儿童贫困率进行比较,可以看出全州范围内两者关系紧密:儿童贫困率每上升 1%,毕业率大约就会下降 1%。
Comparing the high school graduation rates of Connecticut school districts to child poverty rates shows a tight relationship across the state: a 1% higher child poverty rate equates to about 1% lower graduation rates.
这段话应该翻译为:
康涅狄格州学区的 高中毕业率 与 儿童贫困率 对比
High School Graduation Rates vs Childhood Poverty Rates for Connecticut School Districts
从各州的情况来看,每名学生支出与教育成果之间存在显著的相关性。
Across states, there is a strong relationship between spending per student and educational outcomes.
美国各州教育支出与成果的分布状况
每名学生支出与 12 年级考试成绩的对比
Scatters of Educational Spending and Outcomes for US States Spending per Pupil vs. grade 12 Test Scores
近期美国的研究表明,5 岁以下儿童若获得食品券支持,其健康与教育成果更佳——高中毕业率估计提升 18%——这使他们在日后生活中依赖其他福利项目的可能性大幅降低。xxiv
Recent research for the US suggests that children under age 5 who were granted access to food stamps experienced better health and education outcomes—an estimated 18% increase in high school graduation rates—which led them to be much less likely to rely on other welfare programs later in life. xxiv
来自贫困家庭的学生在尝试进入大学时,准备往往不够充分。例如,家庭年收入低于 2 万美元的学生,在 SAT 考试中(满分 1600 分)平均比来自家庭年收入 20 万美元以上的学生低 260 分,且这一差距还在扩大。¹
根据 2011 年的一项研究,收入分配顶端与底端家庭子女之间的考试成绩差距,如今估计比 20 世纪 40 年代初高出 75%。²
Students who come from poor families and try to go to college are less well prepared. For example, those who come from families earning less than $20,000 score on average 260 points (out of 1600) worse on the SAT than students from families earning $200,000+ do, and the gap is increasing. xxv The gap in test scores between children at the top and bottom of the income distribution is estimated to be 75% higher today than it was in the early 1940s, according to a 2011 study. xxvi
然而,生活在较贫困社区的孩子,平均每位学生获得的州及地方资金比富裕社区的少约 1000 美元。
xxvii
尽管联邦政府(根据其第一条款资助公式)假定,教育低收入学生达到普通学生同等标准,每年需多花 40% 的费用。
xxviii
因此,低收入地区的学校通常资金严重不足。平均而言,公立学校中 94% 的教师不得不自掏腰包购买教学用品——往往包括基本的清洁用品——而在最贫困的公立学校,情况更为糟糕。
xxix
Yet children living in poorer neighborhoods on average receive about $1,000 less state and local funding per student than those in the more prosperous neighborhoods. xxvii This is despite the fact that the federal government (according to its Title I funding formula) assumes it costs a district 40% more per year to educate lower-income students to the same standard as typical students. xxviii As a result, schools in low-income areas are typically severely underfunded. On average, in public schools 94% of teachers have to pay for supplies with their own money—often including basic cleaning supplies—and it is worse in the poorest public schools. xxix
一个相关的问题是,许多不得不应对这些压力环境的教师薪酬偏低,也未得到应有的尊重。在我成长的年代,医生、律师和教师是最受尊敬的职业。如今,教师的收入仅为其他大学毕业生的 68%,这比经合组织其他发达国家的水平低了不少。
即便按周收入调整以考虑学年的长度,并控制其他影响薪酬的因素(如年龄和工作年限),2017 年教师的收入仍比同类工作者低 19%,而 1994 年仅低 2%。更糟的是,他们获得的尊重也远远不够。
A related problem is that many teachers who have to deal with these stressful conditions are underpaid and under-respected. When I was growing up, doctors, lawyers, and teachers were the most respected professions. Now, teachers make only 68% of what other university graduates make, which is significantly less than they make in other OECD developed countries. xxx Even looking at weekly earnings to adjust for the length of the school year and controlling for other things that impact pay (like age and years of experience), teachers earned 19% less than comparable workers in 2017, versus only 2% less in 1994. Even worse, they don’t get the respect that they deserve. xxxi
收入/教育/财富/机会的差距,又反过来加剧了收入/教育/财富/机会的差距:
The income/education/wealth/opportunity gap reinforces the income/education/wealth/opportunity gap:
富裕社区的公校通常比贫困社区获得远为充裕的资金支持,这进一步拉大了收入、财富与机会之间的鸿沟。造成这一资金差距的主要原因之一在于,宪法将教育划归州权,而大多数州又让地方学校主要依靠地方财政,结果富镇的公校资金充裕,穷镇的公校则资金匮乏。具体而言,学校资金中约 45% 来自地方政府,主要是通过房产税,而联邦政府仅提供约 8%,其余部分由州政府补足。
这样一来,各社区之间的财富与收入水平可能差异悬殊。此外,收入最高的 40% 人群在子女教育上的支出,几乎是收入最低的 60% 人群的五倍;而收入最高的 20% 人群,其支出约为收入最低的 20% 人群的六倍。
Richer communities tend to have public schools that are far better funded than poorer communities, which reinforces the income/wealth/opportunity gap. One of the main reasons for this funding gap is that the Constitution made education a state issue, and most states made local schools primarily locally funded so that rich towns have well-funded public schools and poor towns have poorly funded public schools. More specifically, around 45% of school funding comes from local governments, primarily through property taxes, while only around 8% comes from the federal government, and the rest is from state governments. xxxii Thus, there can be enormous variations in the wealth/income of individual communities. Also, the top 40% of income earners spend almost five times as much on their children’s education as the bottom 60% of income earners do, while those in the top 20% spend about six times as much as those in the bottom 20% do. xxxiii
资金不足的公立学校,教育质量正受到拖累。以 PISA 数据为例,美国存在严重师资短缺的学校,其学生在考试中的得分比没有师资短缺的学校学生低 10.5%。同样,实验设备短缺与学生学习成绩下降 16.7% 相关,图书馆资料短缺则与成绩下降 15.1% 相关。xxxiv
Underfunded public schools are suffering in quality. For instance, PISA data shows that students at US schools with significant teaching staff shortages score 10.5% worse on testing than students at schools with no teacher shortages. Similarly, a shortage of lab equipment is associated with a 16.7% drop in student scores, and shortages of library materials are associated with a 15.1% drop in student scores. xxxiv
相比之下,私立学校平均而言,不仅在每位学生上的投入远高于公立学校,其教育成果也更为优异。在美国,私立学校每位学生的花费比公立学校高出约 70%,2016 年私立学校每生中位数支出约为 2.3 万美元,而公立学校平均每位学生支出约为 1.4 万美元。
这种更高的投入转化为更高的考试分数:在最近一轮 PISA 测试中,美国私立学校学生在数学、阅读和科学考试中的平均得分比公立学校学生高出 4.3%。自 2009 年以来的三次 PISA 调查中,私立学校学生的平均得分高出 6.9%。
By comparison, private schools on average both spend considerably more on students and produce better outcomes. Private schools in the US spend about 70% more per student than public schools do, with the median private school spending about $23,000 per student in 2016, compared to about $14,000 for the average public school. xxxv This higher spending translates to higher test scores: in the last round of PISA testing, US private school students scored on average 4.3% higher than public school students across math, reading, and science exams. Over the three PISA surveys since 2009, private school students have scored on average 6.9% higher. xxxvi
毫不意外,如今美国人对公立学校的信心,比过去五十年间的任何时候都要低。眼下,仅有 29% 的美国人表示对公共教育体系“非常有”或“相当有”信心。而在 1975 年,这一比例是 62%。
Not surprisingly, Americans have much less confidence in public schools today than they have had at any point over the last five decades. Today, only 29% of Americans have a “great deal” or “quite a lot” of trust in the public education system. In 1975, 62% of Americans trusted public schools. xxxvii
在我看来,让如此多的孩子陷于贫困且未能给予良好教育,无异于虐待儿童,而且从经济角度看,也是极为愚蠢的。
To me, leaving so many children in poverty and not educating them well is the equivalent of child abuse, and it is economically stupid.
家庭功能的弱化以及良好家庭教育的缺失,同样构成了一个重要的不利影响:
The weakening of the family and good parental guidance has also been an important adverse influence:
这里有几项数据,可以看出家庭结构这些年发生了怎样的变化:
Here are a few stats that convey how the family unit has changed over the years:
1960 年,73% 的儿童与从未离过婚的已婚双亲同住,13% 的儿童生活在没有已婚双亲的家庭中。
2014 年,生活在没有已婚双亲家庭中的儿童比例达到 38%(如今,首次婚姻中与双亲同住的儿童不到一半)。这些数据针对的是全美所有家庭的平均情况。低学历、低收入家庭得到的家庭支持要少得多。父母未受过高中教育的儿童中,约 60% 不生活在已婚双亲家庭中,而父母为大学毕业生的儿童中,仅有 14% 处于此类家庭。
In 1960, 73% of children lived with two married parents who had never been divorced, and 13% lived in a household without two married parents. 2 In 2014, the share of children living in a household without two married parents was 38% (and now less than half live in households with two parents in a first marriage). Those stats are for the average of all households in the US. The family support for those in low-education, low-income households is much less. Around 60% of children of parents with less than high school education don’t live in households with two married parents, while only 14% of children of parents who graduated college are in such households. xxxviii
被监禁的概率与教育水平密切相关:在 28-33 岁的美国人中,35% 的男性高中辍学者曾被监禁,而男性高中毕业生的这一比例约为 10%,男性大学毕业生的这一比例仅为 2%。
The probability of being incarcerated is closely related to education levels: among Americans aged 28-33, 35% of male high school dropouts have been incarcerated versus around 10% of male high school graduates and only 2% of male college graduates. xxxix
1991 年至 2007 年间,父母一方在州或联邦监狱服刑的儿童人数增长了 80%。
如今,美国估计有 270 万名儿童有父母在监狱或看守所服刑,即每 28 名儿童中就有 1 名(占所有儿童的 3.6%)。
Between 1991 and 2007, the number of children with a parent in state or federal prison grew 80%. xl Today, an estimated 2.7 million children in the US have a parent in prison or jail—that is 1 in every 28 children (3.6% of all children). xli
糟糕的儿童照护和教育会导致行为不端的成年人,进而推高犯罪率,给社会带来沉重的代价。
Bad childcare and bad education lead to badly behaved adults hence higher crime rates that inflict terrible costs on the society:
美国的监禁率几乎是其他发达国家平均水平的 5 倍,是新兴国家平均水平的 3 倍。xlii
关押人员的直接成本惊人且增长迅速:过去二十年,各州惩教支出翻了两番,如今每年超过 500 亿美元,相当于每 15 美元一般基金中就有 1 美元用于此。xliii
The United States’ incarceration rate is nearly five times the average of other developed countries and three times that of emerging countries. xlii The direct cost of keeping people incarcerated is staggering and has grown rapidly: state correctional costs quadrupled over the past two decades and now top $50 billion a year, consuming 1 in every 15 general fund dollars. xliii
这种恶性循环会自我延续:犯罪/逮捕记录让人找工作难上加难,收入随之下降。坐过牢,哪怕时间不长,也会让男性的时薪降低约 11%,每年工作时间减少 9 周,年收入减少 40%。
This bad cycle perpetuates itself as criminal/arrest records make it much more difficult to find a job, which depresses earnings. Serving time, even relatively brief periods, reduces hourly wages for men by approximately 11%, the time employed by 9 weeks per year, and annual earnings by 40%. xliv
低教育水平与贫困带来的健康后果和经济代价是可怕的:
The health consequences and economic costs of low education and poverty are terrible:
例如,收入最低 60% 的人群中,过早死亡率自 2000 年以来上升了约 20%。xlv
收入分布最低 20% 的男性,其预期寿命比收入最高 20% 的男性少约 10 年。xlvi
For example, for those in the bottom 60% premature deaths are up by about 20% since 2000. xlv Men from the lowest 20% of the income distribution can expect to live about 10 fewer years than men from the top 20%. xlvi
美国几乎是唯一一个过早死亡率持平甚至略有上升的主要工业国。这一变化的最大推手是药物和中毒导致的死亡人数增加(自 2000 年以来翻了一番还多),以及自杀率上升(自 2000 年以来增长了 50% 以上)。
The US is just about the only major industrialized country with flat/slightly rising premature death rates. The biggest contributors to that change are an increase in deaths by drugs/poisoning (having more than doubled since 2000) and an increase in suicides (up over 50% since 2000). xlvii
自 1990 年以来,表示因费用问题在过去一年推迟了重病治疗的美国人所占比例大约翻了一番,从 1991 年的 11% 上升到如今的 19%。
Since 1990, the share of Americans who say that in the last year they put off medical treatment for a serious condition because of cost has roughly doubled, from 11% in 1991 to 19% today. xlviii
失业者以及年收入低于 3.5 万美元的人健康状况更差,这两个群体中各有 20% 的人自报健康状况不佳,约为其他人口比例的 3 倍。
Those who are unemployed or those making less than $35,000 per year have worse health, with 20% of each group reporting poor health, about three times the rate for the rest of the population. xlix
仅童年贫困一项,在美国的影响就被估计会使医疗卫生支出增加国内生产总值的 1.2%。
The impacts of childhood poverty alone in the US are estimated to increase health expenditures by 1.2% of GDP. l
这些条件对美国构成了生存性风险。
These conditions pose an existential risk for the US.
前面所述收入、财富与机会的差距及其种种表现,对美国的存续构成了根本性威胁,因为这些状况削弱了美国的经济实力,可能引发痛苦且适得其反的国内冲突,并削弱美国相对于全球竞争对手的优势。
The previously described income/wealth/opportunity gap and its manifestations pose existential threats to the US because these conditions weaken the US economically, threaten to bring about painful and counterproductive domestic conflict, and undermine the United States’ strength relative to that of its global competitors.
这些缺口在经济上削弱了我们,原因在于:
These gaps weaken us economically because:
他们减缓了我们的经济增长,因为富人的边际消费倾向远低于手头拮据者的边际消费倾向。
They slow our economic growth because the marginal propensity to spend of wealthy people is much less than the marginal propensity to spend of people who are short of money.
它们导致人才发展不尽如人意,还让相当大一部分人从事有害的活动而非有贡献的活动。
They result in suboptimal talent development and lead to a large percentage of the population undertaking damaging activities rather than contributing activities.
除了社会和经济方面的不良后果,收入、财富与机会的差距正在引发危险的社会和政治分裂,威胁到我们的社会凝聚力和资本主义本身。
In addition to social and economic bad consequences, the income/wealth/opportunity gap is leading to dangerous social and political divisions that threaten our cohesive fabric and capitalism itself.
我认为,作为一条原则,如果共享预算的人们在经济条件上存在巨大差距,并且遭遇经济下行,那么爆发严重冲突的风险就很高。
财富差距,尤其是在伴随价值观分歧时,会导致冲突不断加剧,在政府层面,这种冲突便表现为左翼民粹主义和右翼民粹主义,往往还会以某种革命的形式出现。正因如此,我担忧下一次经济衰退会是什么样子,尤其是当央行应对衰退的能力有限,而我们又面临着如此严重的政治对立和民粹主义之时。
I believe that, as a principle, if there is a very big gap in the economic conditions of people who share a budget and there is an economic downturn, there is a high risk of bad conflict. Disparity in wealth, especially when accompanied by disparity in values, leads to increasing conflict and, in the government, that manifests itself in the form of populism of the left and populism of the right and often in revolutions of one sort or another. For that reason, I am worried what the next economic downturn will be like, especially as central banks have limited ability to reverse it and we have so much political polarity and populism.
问题在于,资本家通常不擅长分好蛋糕,而社会主义者通常不擅长做大蛋糕。
虽然人们或许希望,在经济两极分化且形势不佳之时,领导人能携手改革体制,既分好经济蛋糕,又让它做得更好(这确实可行,也是最佳路径),但他们往往变得愈发极端,争斗多于合作。
The problem is that capitalists typically don’t know how to divide the pie well and socialists typically don’t know how to grow it well. While one might hope that when such economic polarity and poor conditions exist, leaders would pull together to reform the system to both divide the economic pie and make it grow better (which is certainly doable and the best path), they typically become progressively more extreme and fight more than cooperate.
为了理解民粹主义这一现象,两年前我进行了一项研究,考察了 14 个典型个案,并观察了其背后的模式与动力。如果你对此感兴趣,可以在 www.economicprinciples.org 查阅详情。简而言之,我认识到,当来自右翼或左翼的强硬斗士或领袖,他们旨在战斗并击败对手,上台后不断升级与反对派的冲突,而反对派通常会围绕同样强硬的领袖集结起来,这时民粹主义便应运而生。在民粹主义发展过程中,最需关注的是冲突如何被处理——对立双方能否共存以推动进步,还是日益“开战”,相互阻挠、伤害,导致僵局。在最糟的情况下,这种冲突会引发经济问题(例如,瘫痪性的罢工和示威),甚至可能导致民主领导转向威权统治,正如 20 世纪 30 年代若干国家所经历的那样。
In order to understand the phenomenon of populism, two years ago I did a study of it in which I looked at 14 iconic cases and observed the patterns and the forces behind them. If you are interested in it, you can read it here at www.economicprinciples.org . In brief, I learned that populism arises when strong fighters/leaders of the right or of the left who are looking to fight and defeat the opposition come to power and escalate their conflict with the opposition, which typically galvanizes around comparably strong/fighting leaders. The most important thing to watch as populism develops is how conflict is handled—whether the opposing forces can coexist to make progress or whether they increasingly “go to war” to block and hurt each other and cause gridlock. In the worst cases, this conflict causes economic problems (e.g., via paralyzing strikes and demonstrations) and can even lead to moves from democratic leadership to autocratic leadership as happened in a number of countries in the 1930s.
现在,我们看到全球范围内左翼民粹主义者与右翼民粹主义者之间的冲突不断加剧,这与 20 世纪 30 年代收入与财富差距同样巨大时的情形如出一辙。在美国,意识形态的两极分化程度前所未有,而妥协的意愿却降至历史最低。左侧图表展示了自 1900 年以来,保守派共和党议员与自由派民主党议员的立场演变。显而易见,双方都比以往任何时候更加极端,分歧也更为深刻。右侧图表则反映了自 1790 年以来,他们按党派路线投票的比例,这一比例如今已达到历史峰值。换言之,他们的立场不仅更加极端,而且在这些立场上的固守程度也前所未有。而眼下我们正步入总统大选之年,可以预见一场激烈的较量在所难免。
We are now seeing conflicts between populists of the left and populists of the right increasing around the world in much the same way as the same way as they did in the 1930s when the income and wealth gaps were comparably large. In the US, the ideological polarity is greater than it has ever been and the willingness to compromise is less than it’s ever been. The chart on the left shows how conservative Republican senators and representatives have been and how liberal Democratic senators and representatives have been going back to 1900. As you can see, they are each more extreme and they are more divided than ever before. The chart on the right shows what percentage of them have voted along party lines going back to 1790, which is now the greatest ever. In other words, they have more polar extreme positions and they are more solidified in those positions than ever. And we are coming into a presidential election year. We can expect a hell of a battle.
不需要天才也能看出,当一个体系产生的结果与它的目标如此背道而驰时,它就必须进行改革。在接下来的部分,我将探讨为什么这个体系会产生这些不合格的结果,以及我认为应该如何对其进行改革。
It doesn’t take a genius to know that when a system is producing outcomes that are so inconsistent with its goals, it needs to be reformed. In the next part, I will explore why it is producing these substandard outcomes and what I think should be done to reform it.
Part 2
Part 2
我对资本主义为何如今对大多数人不再奏效的诊断
My Diagnosis of Why Capitalism Is Now Not Working Well for the Majority of People
我相信现实就像一台机器,由因果关系驱动产生结果;当结果未能达成目标时,就需要诊断机器为何运转不良,然后加以改进。我也相信,历史上大多数事情都会一再重演,通过观察和思考这些规律,人们能更深入地理解现实运作的方式,并从中提炼出永恒而普适的原则,用以更好地应对现实。我认为先前展示的结果是不可接受的,因此我们首先需要审视经济机器是如何产出这些结果的,然后再思考如何对其进行改革。
I believe that reality works like a machine with cause/effect relationships that produce outcomes, and that when the outcomes fall short of the goals one needs to diagnose why the machine is working inadequately and then reform it. I also believe that most everything happens over and over again through history, and by observing and thinking through these patterns one can better understand how reality works and acquire timeless and universal principles for dealing with it better. I believe that the previously shown outcomes are unacceptable, so that we first need to look at how the economic machine is producing these outcomes and then think about how to reform it.
与左派和右派民粹主义者所说的相反,这些令人无法接受的结果并非源于:要么是邪恶的富人对穷人做坏事,要么是懒惰的穷人和官僚机构的低效,而更多是由于资本主义制度现今的运作方式所致。
Contrary to what populists of the left and populists of the right are saying, these unacceptable outcomes aren’t due to either a) evil rich people doing bad things to poor people or b) lazy poor people and bureaucratic inefficiencies, as much as they are due to how the capitalist system is now working.
我相信,一切美好的事物一旦走向极端,便会自我毁灭,万物皆须进化,否则只有消亡。如今,这些法则同样适用于资本主义。虽然追求利润通常是提升生产力、赋予创造者购买力的有效动力与资源配置方式,但眼下它正催生一种自我强化的反馈循环,将收入、财富与机会的鸿沟越拉越大,以至于资本主义与美国梦都岌岌可危。原因在于,资本主义如今的运作方式,使得个人与企业发现,采取降低人力成本的政策与技术反而有利可图,而这便削减了大多数人口在社会资源中所占的份额。那些更富有的企业与个人拥有更强的购买力,于是一心逐利者便会把资源转向生产富人所需要的东西,而非穷人所需要的东西,其中包括贫困家庭子女所必需的优质照护与教育。我们刚刚在大学招生舞弊丑闻中,就亲眼目睹了这一点。
I believe that all good things taken to an extreme become self-destructive and everything must evolve or die, and that these principles now apply to capitalism. While the pursuit of profit is usually an effective motivator and resource allocator for creating productivity and for providing those who are productive with buying power, it is now producing a self-reinforcing feedback loop that widens the income/wealth/opportunity gap to the point that capitalism and the American Dream are in jeopardy. That is because capitalism is now working in a way in which people and companies find it profitable to have policies and make technologies that lessen their people costs, which lessens a large percentage of the population’s share of society’s resources. Those companies and people who are richer have greater buying power, which motivates those who seek profit to shift their resources to produce what the haves want relative to what the have-nots want, which includes fundamentally required things like good care and education for the have-not children. We just saw this exemplified in the college admissions cheating scandal.
在这种动态作用下,整个体系正在为富者制造自我强化的上升螺旋,同时也为贫者带来下坠的螺旋,这导致顶层出现有害的过度,而底层则承受有害的匮乏。更具体地说,我认为:
As a result of this dynamic, the system is producing self-reinforcing spirals up for the haves and down for the have-nots, which are leading to harmful excesses at the top and harmful deprivations at the bottom. More specifically, I believe that:
对利润和更高效率的追求,催生了取代人力、让企业运行更高效的新技术发明,发明者因此获益,而被打工的岗位则受到冲击。这股力量在未来几年将加速,而眼下尚无良策以应对。
The pursuit of profit and greater efficiencies has led to the invention of new technologies that replace people, which has made companies run more efficiently, rewarded those who invented these technologies, and hurt those who were replaced by them. This force will accelerate over the next several years, and there is no plan to deal with it well.
对更高利润和更高效率的追求,也促使企业到其他国家生产,并用成本更低的外国工人替代美国工人,这对企业利润和效率是好事,却损害了美国工人的收入。
当然,这种全球化也让更便宜、或许质量更好的外国商品进入美国,这对外国卖家和美国买家都有利,却伤害了与之竞争的美国企业和工人。
The pursuit of greater profits and greater company efficiencies has also led companies to produce in other countries and to replace American workers with cost-effective foreign workers, which was good for these companies’ profits and efficiencies but bad for the American workers’ incomes. Of course, this globalization also allowed less expensive and perhaps better quality foreign goods to come into the US, which has been good for both the foreign sellers and the American buyers of them and bad for the American companies and workers who compete with them.
由于这两股力量的共同作用,企业收入中流向利润的份额相对于流向工人的份额有所增加。下图显示了自 1929 年以来,企业收入中流向利润的百分比和流向员工薪酬的百分比。
Because of these two forces, the share of revenue that has gone to profits has increased relative to the share that has gone to the worker. The charts below show the percentage of corporate revenue that has gone to profits and the percentage that has gone to employee compensation since 1929.
中央银行印钞和购买金融资产(这些是应对 2008 年债务危机和刺激经济增长所必需的)推高了金融资产的价格,这让拥有金融资产的人相对于没有金融资产的人变得更富有。当美联储(以及大多数其他央行)购买金融资产向经济注入货币以刺激经济时,这些金融资产的卖家(他们富有到足以拥有金融资产)一方面因资产价格上涨而变得更富,另一方面更倾向于购买金融资产而非商品和服务,这使富人更富且资金和信贷充裕,而大多数贫困人群因信用资质较差,无法获得资金和信贷。
从事投资行业让我看到,一方面有大量投资资金追逐投资机会,另一方面大多数人的资金却极度短缺。换句话说,资金积压在了顶层,因为如果你属于有钱人或有好点子赚钱的人,你能获得的资金会超过所需,因为放贷者愿意慷慨借钱给你,投资者也会争相给你投资。反之,如果你的财务状况不佳,没人会借钱给你或投资你,而政府也不会提供实质性帮助,因为政府不做这种事。
Central banks’ printing of money and buying of financial assets (which were necessary to deal with the 2008 debt crisis and to stimulate economic growth) drove up the prices of financial assets, which helped make people who own financial assets richer relative to those who don’t own them. When the Federal Reserve (and most other central banks) buys financial assets to put money in the economy in order to stimulate the economy, the sellers of those financial assets (who are rich enough to have financial assets) a) get richer because the financial asset prices rise and b) are more likely to buy financial assets than to buy goods and services, which makes the rich richer and flush with money and credit while the majority of people who are poor don’t get money and credit because they are less creditworthy. From being in the investment business, I see that there is a glut of investment money chasing investments at the same time as there is an extreme shortage of money among most people. In other words, money is clogged at the top because if you’re one of those who has money or good ideas of how to make money you can have more money than you need because lenders will freely lend it to you and investors will compete to give it to you. On the other hand, if you’re not in financially good shape nobody will lend to you or invest in you and the government doesn’t help materially because the government doesn’t do that.
政策制定者太过关注预算,而轻视投资回报。比如说,不花钱好好教育我们的孩子,从预算角度看或许是好事,但从投资角度看,实在愚蠢。用预算的视角去审视资金投入,不会让人考虑到整体经济图景——比如,它不会考虑到教育水平低下给社会带来的全部成本。虽然关注预算是财政保守派的典型做法,但财政自由派通常表现出的问题是借钱太多,花钱又不够明智,赚不到足以偿还债务所需的经济回报,所以常常陷入债务危机。预算鹰派的保守派和主张花钱、借钱的自由派,都难以专注于、携手实现并取得良好的“双重底线”投资回报(即既能带来良好社会回报,又能带来良好经济回报的投资)。
Policy makers pay too much attention to budgets relative to returns on investments. For example, not spending money on educating our children well might be good from a budget perspective, but it’s really stupid from an investment perspective. Looking at the funding through a budget lens doesn’t lead one to take into consideration the all-in economic picture—e.g., it doesn’t take into consideration the all-in costs to the society of having poorly educated people. While focusing on the budget is what fiscal conservatives typically do, fiscal liberals have typically shown themselves to borrow too much money and fail to spend it wisely to produce the economic returns that are required to service the debts they have taken on, so they often end up with debt crises. The budget hawk conservatives and the pro-spending/borrowing liberals have trouble focusing on, working together for, and achieving good “double bottom line” return on investments (i.e., investments that produce both good social returns and good economic returns).
我认为应该做的事
What I Think Should Be Done
基于前面解释过的原因,我认为资本主义是一个从根本上讲健全的制度,但如今它对于大多数人来说运作得并不好,因此必须加以改革,以提供更多平等的机会,并提高生产力。要实现这些改变,我认为类似以下措施是必要的。
For the previously explained reasons, I believe that capitalism is a fundamentally sound system that is now not working well for the majority of people, so it must be reformed to provide many more equal opportunities and to be more productive. To make the changes, I believe something like the following is needed.
高层领导力。
我有一条原则:除非你影响到那些手握权力杠杆的人,让他们按照你的意愿去推动变革,否则你无法促成改变。因此,国家高层必须发出强有力的声音,公开宣告收入、财富和机会的差距已成为国家紧急状态,并承担起重新设计这一体系、使其运转得更好的责任。
Leadership from the top. I have a principle that you will not effect change unless you affect the people who have their hands on the levers of power so that they move them to change things the way you want them to change. So there need to be powerful forces from the top of the country that proclaim the income/wealth/opportunity gap to be a national emergency and take on the responsibility for reengineering the system so that it works better.
两党且技艺娴熟的政策制定者携手重塑体系,使其运转更佳。我相信,我们若不以两党合作且专业的方式行事,便会互相伤害。因此,我认为领导层应组建一个两党委员会,汇聚各界专业人士,制定方案来重构体系,同时更好地切分并做大经济蛋糕。该方案将阐明如何筹集资金,并高效支出或投资,以产出良好的双重底线回报。
Bipartisan and skilled shapers of policy working together to redesign the system so it works better. I believe that we will do this in a bipartisan and skilled way or we will hurt each other. So I believe the leadership should create a bipartisan commission to bring together skilled people from different communities to come up with a plan to reengineer the system to simultaneously divide and increase the economic pie better. That plan will show how to raise money and spend/invest it well to produce good double bottom line returns.
衡量成功并追究负责人责任的清晰指标。
在管理我所负责的事务时,我喜欢制定清晰的指标,用以显示责任人表现如何,并根据这些指标的变化实施奖惩。有了这些指标,就能形成取得成功所需的问责机制和反馈循环。我会尽可能将这种问责落实到个人层面,以培育一种问责文化,让每个人都清楚自己对社会的净贡献是正还是负,并促使个人和社会共同努力,使其成为净贡献者。
Clear metrics that can be used to judge success and hold the people in charge accountable for achieving it. In running the things I run, I like to have clear metrics that show how those who are responsible for things are doing and have rewards and punishments that are based on how these metrics change. Having these would produce the accountability and feedback loop that are required to achieve success. To the extent possible, I’d bring that sort of accountability down to the individual level to encourage an accountability culture in which individuals are aware of whether they are net contributors or net detractors to the society, and the individuals and the society make attempts to make them net contributors.
资源再分配既要改善绝大多数人的福祉,又要提升他们的生产力,两者兼顾。
身为经济工程师,我自然思考钱如何从税收、借贷、企业和慈善中筹得,又如何流动以影响价格和经济。比如,我想过个人所得税税率的变化可能怎样发生,相对公司税率的变化又会怎样影响资金流向;还想过一个地方税率相对另一个地方的变化,会怎样推动资金流动和两地的结果。我也常琢磨筹来的钱该怎么花——多少投到既能改善社会成果又能改善经济成果的项目上,多少用来做纯再分配。这类决定当然取决于两党委员会和领导层,工程复杂度远超我能在此评论的范围。不过我可以谈谈大方向上的倾向。归根结底,我想要的是漂亮的“双重底线”结果。为此我会:
Redistribution of resources that will improve both the well-beings and the productivities of the vast majority of people. As an economic engineer, naturally I think about how money might be obtained from taxes, borrowing, businesses, and philanthropy, and how it would flow to affect prices and economies. For example, I think about how a change in personal tax rates might occur and how changes in them relative to corporate tax rates would affect how money would flow, and how changes in tax rates in one location relative to another location would drive flows and outcomes in them. I also think a lot about how the money raised will be spent—e.g., how much will be spent on programs that will improve both social and economic outcomes, and how much will be redistributive. Such decisions would of course be up to the people on the bipartisan commission and the leadership to decide and are way too complicated an engineering exercise for me to opine on here. I can, however, give my big picture inclinations. Above all else, I’d want to achieve good double bottom line results. To do that I’d:
建立公私合作机制(政府、慈善家和企业共同参与),共同筛选并投资于双重底线项目——这类项目将依据明确指标,从社会效益和经济效益两方面进行考核。
这样一来,既能增加项目资金,也能提升项目质量,因为投入真金白银的人要对项目负责。(示例见附录。)
Create private-public partnerships (including governments, philanthropists, and companies) that would jointly vet and invest in double bottom line projects that would be judged on the basis of their social and economic performance results relative to clear metrics. That would both increase the funding for and the quality of projects because people who have to put their own money on the line would be responsible for them. (For examples, see the Appendix.)
以兼顾社会整体成本的方式筹集资金,既改善民生状况,又提升经济生产力(例如,我会对污染以及那些给社会带来巨大经济成本的致病因素征税)。
Raise money in ways that both improve conditions and improve the economy’s productivity by taking into consideration the all-in costs for the society (e.g., I’d tax pollution and various causes of bad health that have sizable economic costs for the society).
通过精心设计的税收政策,从最顶层筹集更多资金,这些税制将避免对生产力造成破坏性影响,并专门用于帮助中下层群体,主要方式同时提升经济整体的生产力水平,使得这些项目的支出大部分由其带来的成本节约和收入增长来支付。
话虽如此,我也认为社会必须为那些无法自理的人设定医疗和教育的最低标准,并向他们提供这些基本保障。
Raise more from the top via taxes that would be engineered to not have disruptive effects on productivity and that would be earmarked to help those in the middle and the bottom primarily in ways that also improve the economy’s overall level of productivity, so that the spending on these programs is largely paid for by the cost savings and income improvements that they create. Having said that, I also believe that the society has to establish minimum standards of healthcare and education that are provided to those who are unable to take care of themselves.
货币政策和财政政策的协调。由于货币在上层淤积,且中央银行通过宽松政策来逆转下一轮经济衰退的能力有限,财政政策必须与货币政策更加协调,而这可以在保持美联储独立性的前提下实现。如果协调得当,既能刺激经济增长,又能减轻量化宽松在扩大财富差距方面的影响——将货币和信贷从储蓄倾向更高的人手中转移到消费倾向更高的人手中,从需求较少的人手中转移到需求更多的人手中。
Coordination of monetary and fiscal policies. Because money is clogged at the top and because the capacity of central banks to ease enough to reverse the next economic downturn is limited, fiscal policy will have to be more coordinated with monetary policy, which can happen while maintaining the Federal Reserve’s independence. If done well, this will both stimulate economic growth and reduce the effects that quantitative easing has on increasing the wealth gap by shifting money and credit into the hands of those who have a higher propensity to spend from those who have a higher propensity to save and from those who need it less to those who need it more.
Looking Ahead
Looking Ahead
在评估我们所处的位置时,我们可以从因果关系和历史比较两方面来审视。导致我们目前所见结果的最相关原因有:
In assessing the position we are in, we can look at both cause/effect relationships and historical comparisons. The most relevant causes that are leading to the effects we are seeing are:
导致 2008 年债务危机的高债务水平(此后又有所上升)导致了……
The high debt levels that led to the 2008 debt crisis (and have since increased) led to…
各国央行大量印钞、购买金融资产,推高了资产价格,压低了利率。这让持有金融资产的人(即有产者)受益,却削弱了央行刺激经济的能力。
Central banks printing a lot of money and buying financial assets, which pushed asset prices up and pushed interest rates down. This has benefited those with financial assets (i.e., the haves) and has left central banks with less power to stimulate the economy.
这些因素与新技术造成了极为悬殊的收入、财富、机会和价值观差距,预计这一差距还将继续扩大,并正在引发……
These factors and new technologies created very wide income/wealth/opportunity and values gaps, which are expected to increase and are leading to…
左右两翼民粹主义同时抬头,加剧了国内与国际冲突,与此同时……
Increased populism of the left and populism of the right that are causing greater domestic and international conflicts at the same time as…
当前有崛起的大国(中国)与既有的世界主导力量(美国)展开竞争,这种竞争将涵盖经济、意识形态和军事层面,其结果将由双方相对的实力和技术能力所决定。这一竞争将确立面对世界其他地区时,新的世界秩序将呈现何种面貌。
There is a rising power (China) to compete with the existing dominant world power (the United States), which will lead to competitions that will be economic, ideological, and military and will be determined by the two powers’ relative skills and technological abilities. This competition will establish what the new world order will be like via-à-vis the rest of the world.
上一次出现这种影响力量组合,还要追溯到 20 世纪 30 年代末,那时冲突四起,经济和政治体制纷纷被推翻。基于前面解释的根本原因,我认为我们正处在一个关键节点,最大的课题将是我们如何彼此相处,而非其他任何制约因素。
The last time that this configuration of influences existed was in the late 1930s when there were great conflicts and economic and political systems were overturned. For the fundamental reasons explained earlier, I believe that we are at the sort of critical juncture in which the biggest issue will be how we deal with each other rather than any other constraints.
资源足够充裕,足以应对各种风险议题,同时创造更公平的机会,并提升生产力,把蛋糕做大。我最担心的是,各方立场僵化、互不相让,结果资本主义要么被抛弃,要么得不到改革——因为右翼会拼命维持现状,左翼则坚决反对它。所以在我看来,最核心的问题是:一,右翼民粹主义者或左翼民粹主义者是否会掌控局面,甚至彼此冲突,从而给政府运作、经济发展和国际关系带来负面影响;二,各方是否有明智而干练的人士能携手合作,改革现行体制,使其造福大多数民众。
There are enough resources to go around to deal with the risky issues and produce much more equal opportunity plus improved productivity that will grow the pie. My big worry is that the sides will be intransigent in their positions so that capitalism will either a) be abandoned or b) not be reformed because those on the right will fight for keeping it as it is and those on the left will fight against it. So to me, the biggest questions are a) whether populists of the right or populists of the left will gain control and/or have conflicts that will adversely affect the operations of government, the economy, and international relations or b) whether sensible and skilled people from all sides can work together to reform the system so it works well for the majority of people.
我们很快就能更清楚地看到哪些路径最有可能成为现实,因为未来两年内,美国、英国、意大利、西班牙、法国、德国以及欧洲议会将举行决定性选举。选举结果将显著影响本报告所涉及的冲突如何得到处理,进而影响资金在个人、市场、国家与地区之间的流动方式,并决定大多数人和国家的相对实力。我将密切关注这一切,并及时向您通报进展。
We will soon know a lot more about which paths are most likely because over the next two years there will be defining elections in the US, the UK, Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and the European Parliament. How they turn out will have significant effects on how the conflicts raised in this report will be dealt with, which will influence how money will flow between people, markets, states, and countries and will determine the relative strengths of most people and countries. I will be paying close attention to all this and will keep you informed.
附录:我对双重底线投资的看法
Appendix: My Perspective On Double Bottom Line Investing
我觉得应该举一些好的双重底线投资的例子,这就是这个附录要讲的内容。在做慈善工作的过程中,我经常能看到很棒的双重底线投资机会,而且我看到的只是其中很小一部分,所以我确信实际数量要多得多。我和妻子格外关注教育和小额信贷领域,所以我的视野主要集中在这两个方向,不过我们也接触到很多其他领域的项目,比如医疗保健、刑事司法体系改革、环境保护等等。举例来说,我遇到的一些不错的双重底线投资包括:
I felt that I should give some examples of good double bottom line investing so that’s what this appendix is about. From doing my philanthropic work, I see great double bottom line investments all the time, and I only see a small percentage of them so I know that there are vastly more. Since my wife and I focus especially in education and microfinance, my window is more in these areas than elsewhere though we have been exposed to many in other areas such as healthcare, the reform of the criminal justice system, environmental protection, etc. For example, a few of the good double bottom line investments that I came across are:
幼儿教育项目,如果把学生和社会的终身收益算进去,这类项目能给政府带来年化约 10% 到 15% 的成本节省回报。原因在于这些项目能带来更好的学业表现、更高的收入和更低的犯罪概率,而这些都会给社会带来直接的经济效益。
Early childhood education programs that produce returns of about 10-15% annualized in the form of cost savings for the government when one accounts for the lifetime benefits for the students and society. That is because they lead to better school performance, higher earnings, and lower odds of committing crimes, all of which have direct economic benefits for society. liii
相对廉价的干预措施,能降低八九年级的辍学率,其回报足以覆盖成本很多倍。把这些年轻学生引导到实用的高等教育或技能型职业,只要做得好,性价比极高。例如,一个大学毕业生的终身收入比高中辍学者高出 100 多万美元。
Relatively inexpensive interventions that lead to lower high school dropout rates in grades 8 and 9 can pay for themselves many times over. Moving these young students into practical higher education or trade jobs when done well is highly cost-effective. For example, the lifetime earnings of a college graduate are over $1 million higher than those of a high school dropout. liv
学校教育经费改革表明,生均支出提高 10% 就能对低收入家庭学生的教育成果产生实质性影响,其投资回报率高于花在较高收入家庭学生身上的支出。总体来看,研究人员发现增加教育支出的内部收益率约为 10%。
School finance reforms show that a 10% increase in per-pupil spending can have a meaningful impact on educational outcomes for low-income students, producing a higher ROI than spending on higher-income students. Overall, researchers have found that additional school spending has an IRR of roughly 10%. lv
小额信贷。每捐赠或投入 1 美元,大约能有 12 美元被贷出、偿还、再贷出,在接下来 10 年里循环往复,帮助弱势群体创业和扩大生意。
Microfinance. For every dollar donated/invested in this, approximately $12 is lent, paid back, and lent again over the next 10 years to disadvantaged people to start and build their businesses. lvi
大量基础设施投资计划,能促进贸易、提升生产力和效率。在 33 项考察基础设施投资回报率的研究中,据估算,智慧型基础设施项目的投资回报率在 10% 到 20% 之间(按经济活动增量衡量),所以政府借钱搞基建是划算的买卖。
Numerous infrastructure spending plans that can facilitate trade and improve productivity/efficiency. From 33 studies that looked at the ROI of infrastructure investment, it is estimated that smart infrastructure programs have a 10-20% rate of return in terms of increased economic activity, making it a good trade for the government to borrow money and invest in infrastructure. lvii
公共卫生和预防性医疗干预也能带来很高的投资回报率。在 52 项考察预防性健康项目回报率的研究中(覆盖各类项目,包括疫苗、家庭血压监测、戒烟等),平均每花 1 美元成本能产生 14 美元的收益。
Public health/preventative healthcare interventions also can have very positive ROIs. From 52 studies that looked at the ROI of preventative health programs (covering a variety of program types, including vaccines, home blood pressure monitoring, smoking cessation, etc.), on average the programs created $14 of benefit for every $1 of cost. lviii
既然这些领域对国家来说都是很棒的双重底线投资,那要是能借助政府支持把它们做大就好了。我认为,慈善界、政府和企业在这些类型的投资上建立合作关系非常有威力,因为这既能增加资金总量,又能对项目和计划进行更好的筛选。我知道我看到了大量好项目,我很想为它们争取最大化的资金支持,这些项目对政府、其他慈善家和企业来说都是划算的。比如,我和妻子以及我们的慈善团队正在谈一个协议:如果康涅狄格州政府捐出 1 亿美元,该州其他慈善家和企业也再捐 1 亿美元,那么达利欧慈善基金会就捐出 1 亿美元,用于最缺乏资金的学区和该州的小额信贷项目。这会给我们康涅狄格社区带来更多资金、更严谨的尽职调查、更多的合作伙伴关系,并且(在考虑到不好好教育和支持我们孩子的代价之后)给州里带来正的预期净财务回报。
Since these areas are great double bottom line investments for the country, it would be great if they were brought to scale with government support. I believe that partnerships between philanthropy, government, and business for these types of investments are powerful because they would both increase the amount of funding and result in better vetting of the projects and programs. I know that I see plenty of good deals that I’d love to maximize the funding for that would be cost-effective for governments, other philanthropists, and businesses to support. For example, my wife and our philanthropy team are now working on an agreement in which the Dalio Philanthropies will donate $100 million to programs for the most underfunded school districts and for microfinance in Connecticut if the state donates $100 million and if other philanthropists and businesses in Connecticut also donate another $100 million. That will bring more money, better due diligence, more partnership to our Connecticut community, and positive expected net financial returns (after considering the costs of not educating and supporting our children well) for the benefit of the state.
I
I
https://wir2018.wid.world/part-2.html
https://wir2018.wid.world/part-2.html
II
II
https://cps.ipums.org/cps/
基于当前人口调查数据。
https://cps.ipums.org/cps/ Based on data from the Current Population Survey.
III
III
http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/papers/abs_mobility_paper.pdf
,34。
http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/papers/abs_mobility_paper.pdf , 34.
IV
IV
截至 2016 年;基于消费者金融调查数据。
As of 2016; based on data from Survey of Consumer Finances.
V
收入图(左图)显示的是财政收入份额。数据来自世界不平等数据库。
https://wid.world/country/usa/
V Income chart (on left) shows fiscal income shares. Data from World Inequality Database. https://wid.world/country/usa/
VI
VI
数据来自人口普查局。
Data from Census Bureau
VII
VII
截至 2016 年;基于消费者金融调查数据。
As of 2016; based on data from Survey of Consumer Finances.
VIII
消费者金融调查
https://www.federalreserve.gov/publications/files/2017-report-economic-well-being-us-households-201805.pdf
VIII Survey of Consumer Finances https://www.federalreserve.gov/publications/files/2017-report-economic-well-being-us-households-201805.pdf
IX
IX
https://www.minneapolisfed.org/institute/working-papers/17-06.pdf
https://www.minneapolisfed.org/institute/working-papers/17-06.pdf
X
X
https://www.oecd.org/social/soc/Social-mobility-2018-Overview-MainFindings.pdf
;中国的估算基于 Kelly Labar 的《中国的代际流动性》(Intergenerational Mobility in China),
https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00556982/document
注意 OECD 研究中各国的方法论有所差异。
https://www.oecd.org/social/soc/Social-mobility-2018-Overview-MainFindings.pdf ; estimates for China based on Kelly Labar, “Intergenerational Mobility in China”, https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00556982/document Note that methodologies varied between countries in the OECD study.
XI
美国人口普查局,当前人口调查,1960 年至 2018 年年度社会与经济增刊,贫困历史表,
XI US Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 1960 to 2018 Annual Social and Economic Supplements, History Poverty Tables,
XII
XII
https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/publications/90023/err-256.pdf
,10。
https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/publications/90023/err-256.pdf , 10.
XIII
XIII
https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/06/these-rich-countries-have-high-levels-of-child-poverty/
https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/06/these-rich-countries-have-high-levels-of-child-poverty/
XIV
XIV
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
XV
XV
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
XVI
OECD(2016),《PISA 2015 结果(第一卷):教育的卓越与公平》,PISA,OECD 出版,巴黎,231。
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264266490-en
XVI OECD (2016), PISA 2015 Results (Volume I): Excellence and Equity in Education, PISA, OECD Publishing, Paris, 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264266490-en
XVII
OECD(2017),《人人享有教育机会:在整个人生历程中克服不平等》,OECD 出版,巴黎,46。
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264287457-en
XVII OECD (2017), Educational Opportunity for All: Overcoming Inequality throughout the Life Course, OECD Publishing-Paris, 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264287457-en
XVIII
OECD(2017),《人人享有教育机会:在整个人生历程中克服不平等》,OECD 出版,巴黎,60。
http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264287457-en
XVIII OECD (2017), Educational Opportunity for All: Overcoming Inequality throughout the Life Course, OECD Publishing, Paris, 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264287457-en
XIX
XIX
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
XX
XX
http://new.every1graduates.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Data-Matters_083118_FINAL-2.pdf
http://new.every1graduates.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Data-Matters_083118_FINAL-2.pdf
XXI
XXI
http://cdn.ey.com/parthenon/pdf/perspectives/Parthenon-EY_Untapped-Potential_Dalio-Report_final_092016_web.pdf
,11。
http://cdn.ey.com/parthenon/pdf/perspectives/Parthenon-EY_Untapped-Potential_Dalio-Report_final_092016_web.pdf , 11.
XXII
XXII
https://www.census.gov/data/datasets/2013/demo/saipe/2013-school-districts.html
贫困数据来自人口普查局 SAIPE 学区估算
https://hechingerreport.org/the-gradation-rates-from-every-school-district-in-one-map/
毕业率来自 Hechinger 报告
https://www.census.gov/data/datasets/2013/demo/saipe/2013-school-districts.html Poverty data from Census Bureau SAIPE School District Estimates https://hechingerreport.org/the-gradation-rates-from-every-school-district-in-one-map/ graduation rates from Hechinger Report
XXIII
XXIII
注:支出数据来自美国人口普查局,截至 2016 年为最新。考试成绩和熟练度数据来自“国家报告卡”评估,旨在使各州之间具有可比性。数据为 2013 年。只有有限的州样本有这次 12 年级评估的数据。
Note: Spending data is from the US Census Bureau and is current as of 2016. Test scores and proficiency data are from “National Report Card” assessments and are meant to be comparable across states. Data is from 2013. Only a limited sample of states have data for this Grade 12 assessment.
XXIV
XXIV
https://www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/snap-is-linked-with-improved-nutritional-outcomes-and-lower-health-care
https://www.cbpp.org/research/food-assistance/snap-is-linked-with-improved-nutritional-outcomes-and-lower-health-care
XXV
XXV
https://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2014/10/07/sat-scores-and-income-inequality-how-wealthier-kids-rank-higher/
https://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2014/10/07/sat-scores-and-income-inequality-how-wealthier-kids-rank-higher/
XXVI
XXVI
https://cepa.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/reardon%20whither%20opportunity%20-%20chapter%205.pdf
,8。
https://cepa.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/reardon%20whither%20opportunity%20-%20chapter%205.pdf , 8.
XXVII
XXVII
https://edtrust.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/FundingGapReport_2018_FINAL.pdf
,4。
https://edtrust.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/FundingGapReport_2018_FINAL.pdf , 4.
XXVIII
XXVIII
https://edtrust.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/FundingGapReport_2018_FINAL.pdf
,7。
https://edtrust.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/FundingGapReport_2018_FINAL.pdf , 7.
XXIX
XXIX
https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/personalfinance/2018/05/15/nearly-all-teachers-spend-own-money-school-needs-study/610542002/
https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/personalfinance/2018/05/15/nearly-all-teachers-spend-own-money-school-needs-study/610542002/
XXX
OECD(2017),“D3.2a. 教师实际薪资与高等教育学历劳动者工资的比较(2015)”,载于《学校的学习环境与组织》,OECD 出版,巴黎,
https://doi.org/10.1787/eag-2017-table196-en。
XXX OECD (2017), "D3.2a. Teachers' actual salaries relative to wages of tertiary-educated workers (2015)", in The Learning Environment and Organisation of Schools, OECD Publishing, Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/eag-2017-table196-en.
XXXI
XXXI
https://www.epi.org/publication/teacher-pay-gap-2018/
https://www.epi.org/publication/teacher-pay-gap-2018/
XXXII
XXXII
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/indicator_cma.asp
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/indicator_cma.asp
XXXIII
XXXIII
数据基于消费者支出调查。
Data based on Consumer Expenditure Survey
XXXIV
XXXIV
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
XXXV
私立学校支出数据来自:
https://www.nais.org/statistics/pages/nais-independent-school-facts-at-a-glance/
XXXV Private school spending data from: https://www.nais.org/statistics/pages/nais-independent-school-facts-at-a-glance/
XXXVI
XXXVI
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
http://www.oecd.org/pisa/data/
XXXVII
XXXVII
https://news.gallup.com/poll/1612/education.aspx
https://news.gallup.com/poll/1612/education.aspx
XXXVIII
XXXVIII
http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2015/12/17/1-the-american-family-today/
http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2015/12/17/1-the-american-family-today/
XXXIX
XXXIX
https://www.brookings.edu/research/twelve-facts-about-incarceration-and-prisoner-reentry/
,10
https://www.brookings.edu/research/twelve-facts-about-incarceration-and-prisoner-reentry/ , 10
XL
XL
https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Incarcerated-Parents-and-Their-Children-Trends-1991-2007.pdf
,4。
https://www.sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Incarcerated-Parents-and-Their-Children-Trends-1991-2007.pdf , 4.
XLI
皮尤慈善信托基金会,《附带成本:监禁对经济流动性的影响》,
https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf
XLI The Pew Charitable Trusts, Collateral Costs: Incarceration’s Effect on Economic Mobility, https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf
XLII
XLII
http://www.prisonstudies.org/highest-to-lowest/prison_population_rate?field_region_taxonomy_tid=All
基于“世界监狱简报数据库”数据的计算。
http://www.prisonstudies.org/highest-to-lowest/prison_population_rate?field_region_taxonomy_tid=All Calculations based on data from “World Prison Brief Database.”
XLIII
,2。
https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf
XLIII , 2. https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf
XLIV
XLIV
https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf
,4。
https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2010/collateralcosts1pdf.pdf , 4.
XLV
截至 2015 年;桥水基金分析,基于 CDC 数据
https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm#Mortality_Multiple
XLV As of 2015; Bridgewater analysis, based on data from the CDC https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm#Mortality_Multiple
XLVI
XLVI
Chetty,Raj 等人,“美国收入与预期寿命的关联,2001-2014”,《美国医学会杂志》,2016 年。
Chetty, Raj, et al., “The Association Between Income and Life Expectancy in the United States, 2001-2014”, Journal of the American Medical Association, 2016.
XLVII
截至 2015 年;桥水基金分析,基于 CDC 数据
https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm#Mortality_Multiple
XLVII As of 2015; Bridgewater analysis, based on data from the CDC https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm#Mortality_Multiple
XLVIII
XLVIII
https://news.gallup.com/poll/4708/healthcare-system.aspx
https://news.gallup.com/poll/4708/healthcare-system.aspx
XLIX
XLIX
https://ftp.cdc.gov/pub/Health_Statistics/NCHS/NHIS/SHS/2014_SHS_Table_A-11.pdf
https://ftp.cdc.gov/pub/Health_Statistics/NCHS/NHIS/SHS/2014_SHS_Table_A-11.pdf
L
L
https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/poverty/reports/2007/01/24/2450/the-economic-costs-of-poverty/
https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/poverty/reports/2007/01/24/2450/the-economic-costs-of-poverty/
LI
LI
https://voteview.com/data
https://voteview.com/data
LII
LII
基于经济分析局数据。
Based on data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis
LIII
LIII
https://heckmanequation.org/resource/research-summary-lifecycle-benefits-influential-early-childhood-program/
https://heckmanequation.org/resource/research-summary-lifecycle-benefits-influential-early-childhood-program/
LIV
LIV
http://cdn.ey.com/parthenon/pdf/perspectives/Parthenon-EY_Untapped-Potential_Dalio-Report_final_092016_web.pdf
http://cdn.ey.com/parthenon/pdf/perspectives/Parthenon-EY_Untapped-Potential_Dalio-Report_final_092016_web.pdf
LV
在本研究中,“低收入”学生的定义是童年时期任何时候家庭收入低于贫困线 2 倍的学生。该研究的预测基于比较 1971 年至 2010 年间受 28 个州重大教育经费改革影响的儿童与未受改革影响的类似儿童的人生结果。见
https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/131/1/157/2461148
LV For the purposes of this study, “low-income” students were defined as students whose family income was below 2x the poverty line at any point during their childhood. The study’s projections are based on comparing the life outcomes of children that were impacted by major school finance reforms in 28 states between 1971 and 2010 with those of similar children who were unaffected by the reforms. See https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/131/1/157/2461148
LVI
LVI
源自格莱珉美国标准的 26 周贷款摊还计划,假设本金还款在 5 年内全部再投资。
Sourced from Grameen America standard 26-week loan amortization schedule, assuming full reinvestment of principal repayments over 5 years
LVII
LVII
https://www.epi.org/publication/the-potential-macroeconomic-benefits-from-increasing-infrastructure-investment/
https://www.epi.org/publication/the-potential-macroeconomic-benefits-from-increasing-infrastructure-investment/
LVIII
LVIII
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5537512/
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5537512/