格雷厄姆-多德维尔的超级投资者

1984-05-17 · 哥伦比亚商学院演讲 · 原文约 4748 词
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格雷厄姆-多德都市的超级投资者们

The Superinvestors of Graham-and-Doddsville

沃伦·E·巴菲特

By Warren E. Buffett

格雷厄姆和多德那种“寻找价格相对有显著安全边际的价值”的证券分析方法,过时了吗?如今很多写教科书的教授都说“是的”。

Is the Graham and Dodd “look for values with a significant margin of safety relative to prices” approach to security analysis out of date? Many of the professors who write textbooks today say “yes.”

他们声称股票市场是有效率的,也就是说,股价已经反映了关于公司前景和经济状况的所有已知信息。这些理论家们认为,市场上不存在被低估的股票,因为那些聪明的证券分析师利用一切可得信息,确保了价格始终恰当。那些看似年复一年“跑赢市场”的投资者,不过是运气好罢了。

They argue that the stock market is efficient; that is, that stock prices reflect everything that is known about a company’s prospects and about the state of the economy. There are no undervalued stocks, these theorists argue, because there are smart security analysts who utilize all available information to insure unfailingly appropriate prices. Investors who seem to “beat the market” year after year are just lucky.

“如果价格充分反映了可用信息,那这种投资技巧就不存在了,”当今某位教科书作者写道。

“If prices fully reflect available information, this sort of investment adeptness is ruled out,” writes one of today’s textbook authors.

嗯,也许吧。但我想向你们介绍一群投资者,他们年复一年地跑赢了标普 500 指数。认为他们做到这一点纯属偶然的假设,至少值得审视。而审视的关键在于一个事实:

Well, maybe. But I want to present to you a group of investors who have, year in and year out, beaten the Standard & Poor’s 500 stock index. The hypothesis is that they do this by pure chance is at least worth examining. Crucial to this examination is the fact that

这些获胜者我都非常熟悉,而且早就被认定为优秀的投资者——最近一次确认也是在 15 多年前。

these winners were all well known to me and pre-identified as superior investors, the most recent identification occurring over 15 years ago.

“超级投资者”沃伦·E·巴菲特,1951 年在哥伦比亚大学从本·格雷厄姆手中拿到了 A+ 的评分,此后从没停止交出高分答卷。他用格雷厄姆与多德合著的《证券分析》中的原则赚到了自己的财富。在这篇文章中,为庆祝那部经典著作出版五十周年,他追踪了坚守“价值投资法”且按这本书的理念致富的投资者们的业绩记录。

“Superinvestor” Warren E. Buffett, who got an A+ from Ben Graham at Columbia in 1951, never stopped making the grade. He made his fortune using the principles of Graham & Dodd’s Security Analysis. Here, in celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of that classic text, he tracks the records of investors who stick to the “value approach” and have gotten rich going by the book.

如果实际情况并非如此——也就是说,如果我今早只是从成千上万份记录里临时挑出几个名字推荐给你们——那我建议你们现在就别往下读了。我还得补充一句:所有这些记录都经过审计。而且,我认识这些基金经理的不少投资人,这些投资人多年来收到的支票金额,与公布的业绩记录完全吻合。

Absent this condition—that is, if I had just recently searched among thousands of records to select a few names for you this morning—I would advise you to stop reading right here. I should add that all of these records have been audited. And I should further add that I have known many of those who have invested with these managers. and the checks received by those participants over the years have matched the stated records.

在开始这项分析之前,我想请大家想象一场全国性的抛硬币比赛。

Before we begin this examination, I would like you to imagine a national coin-flipping contest.

假设明天早上我们让 2.25 亿美国人起床,请他们每人拿一美元来赌一把。他们日出时分出门,所有人猜一次硬币正反——猜对的,从猜错的人手里赢走一美元。每天输的人出局,第二天赌注会累积,因为之前赢的钱全押上了。连续十个早上猜十次之后,美国大约会有 22 万人连续十次猜对。

Let’s assume we get 225 million Americans up tomorrow morning and we ask them all to wager a dollar. They go out in the morning at sunrise, and they all call the flip of a coin. If they call correctly, they win a dollar from those who called wrong. Each day the losers drop out, and on the subsequent day the stakes build as all previous winnings are put on the line. After ten flips on ten mornings, there will be approximately 220,000 people in the United States who have correctly called ten flips in a row.

每个人都会赢到大约 1000 美元。这时候,人性使然,这群人可能会开始有点飘飘然。他们也许想表现得谦虚,但在鸡尾酒会上,偶尔还是会向有魅力的异性透露自己的技巧,以及他们在抛硬币领域带来了多么了不起的真知灼见。

They each will have won a little over $1,000. Now this group will probably start getting a little puffed up about this, human nature being what it is. They may try to be modest, but at cocktail parties they will occasionally admit to attractive members of  the opposite sex what their technique is, and what marvelous insights they bring to the field of flipping.

假设赢家从输家那里得到了应得的奖金,那么再过十天,就会有 215 人成功连续猜对 20 次抛硬币结果,通过这次活动,每个人都将一美元变成了一百多万美元。2.25 亿美元会输掉,2.25 亿美元会赢到手。

Assuming that the winners are getting the appropriate rewards from the losers, in another ten days we will have 215 people who have successfully called their coin flips 20 times in a row and who, by this exercise, each have turned one dollar into a little over $1 million. $225 million would have been lost, $225 million would have been won.

到那时,这群人肯定会失去理智。他们大概会写书,书名就是“如何通过每天早晨工作三十秒,二十天里把一美元变成一百万”。更糟的是,他们可能会坐飞机满国家跑,去参加关于高效抛硬币的研讨会,还会质疑那些表示怀疑的教授:“如果这事做不到,那为什么我们中间有 215 个人做到了?”

By then, this group will really lose their heads. They will probably write books on “How I Turned a Dollar into a Million in Twenty Days Working Thirty Seconds a Morning.” Worse yet, they’ll probably start jetting around the country attending seminars on efficient coin-flipping and tackling skeptical professors with, “If it can’t be done, why are there 215 of us?”

但这时,多半会有个商学院教授不客气地指出:要是让 2.25 亿只红毛猩猩也来抛硬币,结果差不多——215 只自大的红毛猩猩连续 20 次抛对。不过我要说,在我接下来要讲的例子里,两者有不少重要差别。

But then some business school professor will probably be rude enough to bring up the fact that if 225 million orangutans had engaged in a similar exercise, the results would be much the same—215 egotistical orangutans with 20 straight winning flips. I would argue, however, that there are some important differences in the examples I am going to present.

首先,假设(a)你找来 225 只猩猩,它们的分布大致跟美国人口的分布一样;(b)20 天后剩下 215 个赢家;(c)你发现其中 40 只来自奥马哈的某个动物园,那你肯定会觉得自己发现了一条线索。于是你很可能会跑去找动物园管理员,问他给这些猩猩喂了什么,它们有没有做特殊训练,读了什么书,诸如此类。

For one thing, if (a) you had taken 225 orangutans distributed roughly as the U.S. population is; if (b) 215 winners were left after 20 days; and if (c) you found that 40 came from a particular zoo in Omaha, you would be pretty sure you were on to something. So you would probably go out and ask the zookeeper about what he’s feeding them, whether they had special exercises, what books they read, and who knows what else.

换句话说,如果你发现任何确实极为突出的成功案例,你可能会想看看能否找出这些案例共有的、可能起因果作用的异常特征。

That is, if you found any really extraordinary concentrations of success, you might want to see if you could identify concentrations of unusual characteristics that might be causal factors.

科学探究自然会遵循这样的模式。如果你试图分析某种罕见癌症的可能诱因——比如,美国每年有 1500 个病例——而你发现其中 400 例出现在蒙大拿州某个采矿小镇上,你就会对那里的水质、患者的职业或其他变量产生浓厚兴趣。你知道,400 例集中在一个小区域绝非随机事件。你未必知道致病因素,但你知道该从哪里查起。

Scientific inquiry naturally follows such a pattern. If you were trying to analyze possible causes of a rare type of cancer—with, say, 1,500 cases a year in the United States—and you found that 400 of them occurred in some little mining town in Montana, you would get very interested in the water there, or the occupation of those afflicted, or other variables. You know that it’s not random chance that 400 come from a small area. You would not necessarily know the causal factors, but you would know where to search.

我跟你说,界定出身的方式不止地理这一种。除了地理上的发源地,还有一种我称之为“智识发源地”。你会发现,投资界里那些成功的“硬币抛掷者”,有相当大比例来自一个很小的智识村落——那个村子可以叫“格雷厄姆-多兹维尔”。

I submit to you that there are ways of defining an origin other than geography. In addition to geographical origins, there can be what I call an intellectual origin. I think you will find that a disproportionate number of successful coin-flippers in the investment world came from a very small intellectual village that could be called Graham-and-Doddsville.

一批赢家的集中出现,绝非偶然所能解释,其根源就在这个独特的智力村落里。

A concentration of winners that simply cannot be explained by chance can be traced to this particular intellectual village.

可能出现这样的情况:即便如此集中的结果也毫无意义。也许那 100 个人只是模仿某个极具说服力的人猜硬币的方向。当那个人猜“正面”,这 100 个跟风者就不假思索地跟着喊“正面”。如果这个领头人恰好是最后剩下的 215 人之一,那么那 100 个来自相同思维源头的人就没什么特别意义了——你不过是把一个案例重复数了一百遍而已。

Conditions could exist that would make even that concentration unimportant. Perhaps 100 people were simply imitating the coin-flipping call of some terribly persuasive personality. When he called heads, 100 followers automatically called that coin the same way. If the leader was part of the 215 left at the end, the fact that 100 came from the same intellectual origin would mean nothing. You would simply be identifying one case as a hundred cases.

同样,假设你生活在一个父权色彩浓厚的社会,而且美国的每个家庭都恰好由十名成员组成。再进一步假设,父权文化如此强大,以至于当那 2.25 亿人第一天外出时,每个家庭成员都唯父亲之命是从。

Similarly, let’s assume that you lived in a strongly patriarchal society and every family in the United States conveniently consisted of ten members. Further assume that the patriarchal culture was so strong that, when the 225 million people went out the first day, every member of the family identified with the father’s call.

现在,到 20 天期结束时,你将拥有 215 位赢家,而且你会发现这些赢家只来自 21.5 个家族。一些天真的家伙可能会说,这表明存在巨大的遗传因素可以解释成功的抛硬币行为。但当然,这根本就没有任何意义,因为那只不过意味着你没有 215 个单独的赢家,而是 21.5 个随机分布的赢家家族。

Now, at the end of the 20-day period, you would have 215 winners, and you would find that they came from only 21.5 families. Some naive types might say that this indicates an enormous hereditary factor as an explanation of successful coin-flipping. But, of course, it would have no significance at all because it would simply mean that you didn’t have 215 individual winners, but rather 21.5 randomly-distributed families who were winners.

我想探讨的这群成功投资者,有一位共同的学术教父:本·格雷厄姆。但这帮离开教父家的孩子,各自展现的“天赋”截然不同。他们去往不同的地方,买卖不同的股票和公司,然而他们的整体业绩记录,绝不能用随机性来解释。

In this group of successful investors that I want to consider, there has been a common intellectual patriarch, Ben Graham. But the children who left the house of this intellectual patriarch have called their “flips” in very different ways. They have gone to different places and bought and sold different stocks and companies, yet they have had a combined record that simply can’t be explained by random chance.

这当然不能用“他们都因为领头者在指示该怎么猜,所以就做出完全一样的猜硬币动作”来解释。那位教父只是提出了猜硬币决策的理论框架,但每个学生都是自己决定如何应用这套理论的。

It certainly cannot be explained by the fact that they are all calling flips identically because a leader is signaling the calls to make. The patriarch has merely set forth the intellectual theory for making coin-calling decisions, but each student has decided on his own manner of applying the theory.

来自格雷厄姆-多德斯维尔的投资者有一个共同的思想特征:他们寻找企业价值与企业一小部分股权在市场上的价格之间的落差。本质上,他们利用这些落差进行投资,而不像有效市场理论者那样关心股票是在周一还是周四买入,是在一月还是七月买入,诸如此类。顺便说一句,当商人收购整个企业时——而这正是我们的格雷厄姆和多德信徒通过可交易股票这个媒介在做的事情——我怀疑有多少人在购买决策中会考虑交易发生在星期几或哪个月份。如果周一收购整个企业和周五收购根本没什么区别,我就不明白了,为什么学术界要花费大量时间和精力,去研究收购同一企业的零散股份时,这个区别是否重要。

The common intellectual theme of the investors from Graham-and-Doddsville is this: they search for discrepancies between the value of a business and the price of small pieces of that business in the market. Essentially, they exploit those discrepancies without the efficient-market theorist’s concern as to whether the stocks are bought on Monday or Thursday, or whether it is January or July, and so on. Incidentally, when businessmen buy businesses, which is just what our Graham & Dodd investors are doing through the medium of marketable stocks, I doubt that many are cranking into their purchase decision the day of the week or the month in which the transaction is going to occur. If it doesn’t make any difference whether all of a business is being bought on a Monday or a Friday, I am baffled why academicians invest extensive time and effort to see whether it makes a difference when buying small pieces of those same businesses.

无需多言,我们这些格雷厄姆-多德派的投资者从不讨论贝塔系数、资本资产定价模型,也不谈论证券回报之间的协方差。这些话题引不起他们半点兴趣。事实上,他们中大多数人连这些术语都定义不清。这些投资者只关注两个变量:价格与价值。

Our Graham & Dodd investors, needless to say, do not discuss beta, the capital asset pricing model or covariance in returns among securities. These are not subjects of any interest to them. In fact, most of them would have difficulty defining those terms. The investors simply focus on two variables: price and value.

我一直觉得奇怪,为什么会有这么多研究关注价格和成交量行为——那些图表派的东西。你能想象买下一整家企业,仅仅因为这家企业的价格上周和上上周大幅上涨了吗?

I always find it extraordinary that so many studies are made of price and volume behavior, the stuff of chartists. Can you imagine buying an entire business simply because the price of the business had been marked up substantially last week and the week before?

当然,大量研究针对价格和成交量这些变量展开,原因在于,在如今这个计算机时代,关于它们的数据几乎无穷无尽。这未必是因为这类研究有什么用处,纯粹是数据摆在那里,而学术界人士又拼命学会了摆弄数据所需的数学技能。

Of course, the reason a lot of studies are made of these price and volume variables is that now, in the age of computers, there are almost endless data available about them. It isn’t necessarily because such studies have any utility; it’s simply that the data are there and academicians have worked hard to learn the mathematical skills needed to manipulate them.

一旦掌握了这些技能,不用似乎就是罪过,哪怕用了也没啥用,甚至还有坏处。就像一位朋友说的:手里拿着锤子的人,看什么都像钉子。我觉得,我们这帮有着共同知识背景的人,值得好好研究一下。

Once these skills are acquired, it seems sinful not to use them, even if the usage has no utility or negative utility. As a friend said, to a man with a hammer, every thing looks like a nail. I think the group that we have identified by a common intellectual home is worthy of study.

顺便提一句,尽管学术界对价格、成交量、季节性、市值规模等变量影响股票表现的研究汗牛充栋,但对于价值导向型赢家在《财富》500 强中这种异常集中的现象,却没人表现出研究其方法的兴趣。

Incidentally. despite all the academic studies of the influence of such variables as price, volume, seasonality, capitalization size. etc., upon stock performance, no interest has been evidenced in studying the methods of this unusual concentration of value-oriented winners.

在回顾业绩时,我先从 1954 年一起在格雷厄姆-纽曼公司(Graham-Newman Corporation)工作的四个人说起。当时一共就我们四个——这可不是从成千上万人里特意挑出来的名字。我上完本·格雷厄姆的课后,主动提出免费去格雷厄姆-纽曼上班,但他嫌我估值太高,没要我。他对自己那套价值理论可是相当较真!

I begin this study of results by going back to a group of four of us who worked at Graham-Newman Corporation from 1954. There were only four—I have not selected these names from among thousands. I offered to go to work at Graham-Newman for nothing after I took Ben Graham’s class, but he turned me down as overvalued. He took this value stuff very seriously!

他经不住我软磨硬泡,最后还是雇了我。当时事务所里有三位合伙人,加上我们四个“小喽啰”。1955 到 1957 年间,事务所解散,我们四个先后都走了。现在还能查到其中三人的记录。

After much pestering he finally hired me. There were three partners and four of us at the “peasant” level. All four left between 1955 and 1957 when the firm was wound up, and it’s possible to trace the record of three.

第一个例子(表 1)是沃尔特·施洛斯。沃尔特没上过大学,但曾在纽约金融学院夜校上过本·格雷厄姆的课。1955 年,他离开格雷厄姆-纽曼公司,在随后的 28 年里取得了表格所示的业绩。

The first example (Table 1) is that of Walter Schloss. Walter never went to college, but took a course from Ben Graham at night at the New York Institute of Finance. Walter left Graham-Newman in 1955 and achieved the record shown here over 28 years.

当年我跟“亚当·斯密”说起沃尔特之后,他在《超级金钱》(1972 年)里这样写道:他没有门路,也接触不到有用的信息。华尔街几乎没人认识他,也没人给他灌输什么想法。他就是翻翻手册里的数字,再查查年报,差不多就这些。

Here is what ‘Adam Smith’—after I told him about Walter—wrote about him in Supermoney (1972): He has no connections or access to useful information. Practically no one in Wall Street knows him and he is not fed any ideas. He looks up the numbers in the manuals and sends for the annual reports, and that’s about it.

在把我介绍给 [施洛斯] 时,沃伦其实也是在描述他自己。“他从不忘记自己是在管理别人的钱,这一点强化了他本身就极其厌恶亏损的性格。他完全正直,对自己有清醒的认识。钱对他来说很真实,股票也很真实——由此衍生出他对安全边际原则的执着。

In introducing me to [Schloss] Warren had also, to my mind, described himself. ‘He never forgets that he is handling other people’s money and this reinforces his normal strong aversion to loss. He has total integrity and a realistic picture of himself. Money is real to him and stocks are real—and from this flows an attraction to the margin of safety’ principle.

沃尔特做了大量分散投资,目前持有 100 多只股票。他懂得如何识别那些价格远低于私人持有者价值的证券——他做的就是这一件事。他不操心现在是几月,也不在乎是不是星期一,更不管今年是不是大选年。

Walter has diversified enormously, owning well over 100 stocks currently. He knows how to identify securities that sell at considerably less than their value to a private owner. And that’s all he does. He doesn’t worry about whether it’s January, he doesn’t worry about whether it’s Monday, he doesn’t worry about whether it’s an election year.

他只是说,如果一家企业值一块钱,而我可以用四毛钱买到,那好事就可能落在我头上。他一遍又一遍地这么做。他持有的股票比我多得多——但对生意的底层性质远没我那么在意;我对沃尔特似乎没什么影响力。这恰好是他的长处之一:没人能对他有多大影响。

He simply says, if a business is worth a dollar and I can buy it for 40 cents, something good may happen to me. And he does it over and over and over again. He owns many more stocks than I do—and is far less interested in the underlying nature of the business; I don’t seem to have very much influence on Walter. That’s one of his strengths: no one has much influence on him.

第二个案例是汤姆·纳普,他和我一样在格雷厄姆-纽曼公司工作过。汤姆战前是普林斯顿大学化学专业的学生;战争结束后回国时,他成天在海滩上闲逛。后来有一天,他读到戴维·多德在哥伦比亚大学开设夜间的投资课程。汤姆以非学分方式选修了这门课,上完这门课后对这个领域产生了极大兴趣,于是去哥伦比亚商学院注册入学,获得了 MBA 学位。他又一次修读了多德的课,还上了本·格雷厄姆的课程。

The second case is Tom Knapp who also worked at Graham-Newman with me. Tom was a chemistry major at Princeton before the war; when he came back from the war he was a beach bum. And then one day he read that Dave Dodd was giving a night course in investments at Columbia. Tom took it on a non-credit basis, and he got so interested in the subject from taking that course that he came up and enrolled at Columbia Business School where he got the MBA degree. He took Dodd’s course again, and took Ben Graham’s course.

顺便说一句,35 年后我打电话给汤姆核实一些细节,又发现他在海滩上。唯一不同的是,现在他拥有那片海滩!1968 年,汤姆·纳普和同样是格雷厄姆信徒的埃德·安德森,以及另外一两位看法相同的伙伴,共同创办了特威迪-布朗合伙公司,他们的投资业绩列在表 2 中。

Incidentally, 35 years later I called Tom to ascertain some of the facts involved here and I found him on the beach again. The only difference is that now he owns the beach! In 1968 Tom Knapp and Ed Anderson, also a Graham disciple, along with one or two other fellows of similar persuasion, formed Tweedy, Browne Partners, and their investment results appear in Table 2.

特威迪-布朗是通过极其广泛的分散化投资创造这一业绩的。他们偶尔也会买入企业的控股权,但被动投资的业绩与控股投资的业绩不相上下。

Tweedy, Browne built that record with very wide diversification. They occasionally bought control of businesses, but the record of the passive investments is equal to the record of the control investment.

表 3 描述的是 1957 年共同创立巴菲特合伙公司的第三位成员。他做的最明智的事,就是 1969 年退出了合伙公司。从某种意义上说,自那以后,伯克希尔·哈撒韦在某些方面一直是对那家合伙公司的延续。我找不到任何一个单一的指数,能让我觉得可以作为衡量伯克希尔投资管理表现的公平标尺。但我想,不管你怎么算,结果都令人满意。

Table 3 describes the third member of the group who formed Buffett Partnership in 1957. The best thing he did was to quit in 1969. Since then, in a sense, Berkshire Hathaway has been a continuation of the partnership in some respects. There is no single index I can give you that I would feel would be a fair test of investment management at Berkshire. But I think that any way you figure it, it has been satisfactory.

表 4 列示的是红杉基金的业绩记录,管理该基金的人是我 1951 年在本·格雷厄姆的课堂上结识的——比尔·鲁安。他从哈佛商学院毕业后去了华尔街,随后意识到自己需要接受真正的商业教育,于是到哥伦比亚大学选修了本的课程,我们就是在 1951 年初认识的。

Table 4 shows the record of the Sequoia Fund, which is managed by a man whom I met in 1951 in Ben Graham’s class. Bill Ruane. After getting out of Harvard Business School, he went to Wall Street. Then he realized that he needed to get a real business education so he came up to take Ben’s course at Columbia, where we met in early 1951.

比尔在 1951 年至 1970 年间的业绩,当时他管理的资金规模相对较小,远远超过了平均水平。我在结束巴菲特合伙公司时问比尔,是否愿意设立一只基金来接手我们所有合伙人的资金,于是他成立了红杉基金。他成立这只基金的时机糟糕透了,正好是我退出的时候。

Bill’s record from 1951 to 1970. working with relatively small sums, was far better than average. When I wound up Buffett Partnership I asked Bill if he would set up a fund to handle all of our partners so he set up the Sequoia Fund. He set it up at a terrible time, just when I was quitting.

他径直进入了双层市场,以及由此给价值导向型投资者带来的比较业绩方面的种种困难。我很高兴地说,我的合伙人们——出乎意料地——不仅没有离开他,反而不断追加资金,最终取得了大家看到的喜人成果。

He went right into the two-tier market and all the difficulties that made for comparative performance for value oriented investors. I am happy to say that my partners to an amazing degree, not only stayed with him but added money, with the happy result shown.

这里不存在事后诸葛亮。比尔是我唯一向合伙人推荐过的人,当时我说,如果他每年能比标普 500 指数跑赢 4 个百分点,那就是很扎实的成绩了。比尔做到了远超这一目标,而且他管理的资金规模越来越大。

There’s no hindsight involved here. Bill was the only person I recommended to my partners, and I said at the time that if he achieved a four point per annum advantage over the Standard & Poor’s, that would be solid performance. Bill has achieved well over that, working with progressively larger sums of money.

这让事情变得困难得多。规模是业绩的锚,这一点毫无疑问。规模大了之后,你并非不可能跑赢平均水平,但优势会缩小。如果你某天管理着两万亿美元——正好相当于整个经济体的股权估值总额——别指望还能跑赢平均水平!

That makes things much more difficult. Size is the anchor of performance. There is no question about it. It doesn’t mean you can’t do better than average when you get larger, but the margin shrinks. And if you ever get so you’re managing two trillion dollars, and that happens to be the amount of the total equity evaluation in the economy, don’t think that you’ll do better than average!

我还要补充一点:在我们迄今查看过的记录中,整个这一时期里这些组合几乎没有任何重叠。这些人都是依据价格与价值之间的差异来挑选证券的,但他们的选择方式却大相径庭。

I should add that, in the records we’ve looked at so far, throughout this whole period there was practically no duplication in these portfolios. These are men who select securities based on discrepancies between price and value, but they make their selections very differently.

沃尔特持仓量最大的,是哈德逊纸浆与造纸公司(Hudson Pulp & Paper)、杰多高地产煤公司(Jeddo Highland Coal)、纽约特拉普岩石公司(New York Trap Rock Company)这类中坚力量,还有那些随便翻翻商业版的人都能一下子想起来的名字。特威迪-布朗选的股票,在知名度上更是远远低于这个水平。

Walter’s largest holdings have been such stalwarts as Hudson Pulp & Paper and Jeddo Highland Coal and New York Trap Rock Company and all those other names that come instantly to mind to even a casual reader of the business pages. Tweedy Browne’s selections have sunk even well below that level in terms of name recognition.

另一方面,比尔一直与大公司打交道。这些投资组合之间的重叠非常、非常少。这些记录反映的,并不是一个人喊出抛硬币结果,然后五十个人跟着他喊出同样的话。

On the other hand, Bill has worked with big companies. The overlap among these portfolios has been very, very low. These records do not reflect one guy calling the flip and fifty people yelling out the same thing after him.

表 5 是我一位朋友的业绩记录,他毕业于哈佛法学院,创办了一家大型律师事务所。大约在 1960 年,我碰到他时告诉他,法律作为业余爱好挺不错,但他可以做得更好。

Table 5 is the record of a friend of mine who is a Harvard Law graduate, who set up a major law firm. I ran into him in about 1960 and told him that law was fine as a hobby but he could do better.

他成立了一家与沃尔特截然相反的合伙公司。他的投资组合集中在很少的几只证券上,因此业绩波动要大得多,但基础仍然是同一种基于价值折扣的方法。

He set up a partnership quite the opposite of Walter’s. His portfolio was concentrated in very few securities and therefore, his record was much more volatile but it was based on the same discount-from value approach.

他愿意接受业绩更大的起伏,而且他恰好是个从骨子里倾向于集中投资的人——结果摆在那里。顺便一提,这份记录属于查理·芒格,我在经营伯克希尔·哈撒韦时长期合作的伙伴。不过,在他管理自己的合伙基金时,他的投资组合持仓几乎完全不同于我,也不同于前面提到的那几位。

He was willing to accept greater peaks and valleys of performance, and he happens to be a fellow whose whole psyche goes toward concentration, with the results shown. Incidentally, this record belongs to Charlie Munger, my partner for a long time in the operation of Berkshire Hathaway. When he ran his partnership, however, his portfolio holdings were almost completely different from mine and the other fellows mentioned earlier.

表 6 记录的是查理·芒格的一位朋友——不是商学院出身——他是南加州大学的数学专业毕业生。毕业后他去了 IBM 工作,当过一段时间的 IBM 销售员。在我联系上查理之后,查理又联系上了他。这恰好是里克·盖林的业绩记录。

Table 6 is the record of a fellow who was a pal of Charlie Munger’s—another non-business school type—who was a math major at USC. He went to work for IBM after graduation and was an IBM salesman for a while. After I got to Charlie, Charlie got to him. This happens to be the record of Rick Guerin.

里克,从 1965 年到 1983 年,在标普指数累计上涨 316% 的背景下,他取得了 22,200% 的回报——可能因为他没上过商学院,他认为这一数字具备统计显著性。顺带说一句:让我始终感到不可思议的是,用 40 美分买 1 美元钞票这个想法,要么立刻被人接受,要么完全不被接受。就像打预防针一样。要是不能马上抓住一个人,我发现你再跟他讲多少年、给他看多少业绩记录,都毫无分别。

Rick, from 1965 to 1983, against a compounded gain of 316 percent for the S&P, came off with 22,200 percent which, probably because he lacks a business school education, he regards as statistically significant. One sidelight here: it is extraordinary to me that the idea of buying dollar bills for 40 cents takes immediately with people or it doesn’t take at all. It’s like an inoculation. If it doesn’t grab a person right away, I find that you can talk to him for years and show him records, and it doesn’t make any difference.

他们似乎就是没法掌握这个概念,尽管它如此简单。像里克·盖林这样的人,没有受过正规的商业教育,瞬间就能领会价值投资方法,并且五分钟后就开始运用。我从来没见过哪个人是花了十年时间慢慢皈依的。这跟智商或学历似乎也没什么关系。要么瞬间领悟,要么永远不行。

They just don’t seem able to grasp the concept, simple as it is. A fellow like Rick Guerin, who had no formal education in business, understands immediately the value approach to investing and he’s applying it five minutes later. I’ve never seen anyone who became a gradual convert over a ten-year period to this approach. It doesn’t seem to be a matter of I.Q. or academic training. It’s instant recognition, or it is nothing.

表 7 是斯坦·佩里米特的业绩记录。斯坦在密歇根大学读的是文科专业,曾是博泽尔与雅各布斯广告公司(Bozell & Jacobs)的合伙人。我们恰好都在奥马哈的同一栋大楼里办公。1965 年,他意识到我做的生意比他强,于是离开了广告业。同样,斯坦只用了五分钟就接受了价值投资理念。

Table 7 is the record of Stan Perimeter. Stan was a liberal arts major at the University of Michigan who was a partner in the advertising agency of Bozell & Jacobs. We happened to be in the same building in Omaha. In 1965 he figured out I had a better business than he did, so he left advertising. Again, it took five minutes for Stan to embrace the value approach.

佩里米特并不持有沃尔特·施洛斯持有的股票。他也不持有比尔·鲁安持有的股票。这些业绩都是独立创造的。但佩里米特每次买入一只股票,都是因为他得到的东西比他付出的钱更值。

Perimeter does not own what Walter Schloss owns. He does not own what Bill Ruane owns. These are records made independently. But every time Perimeter buys a stock it’s because he’s getting more for his money than he’s paying.

他心里想的只有这一件事。他不在乎季度盈利预测,也不管明年的盈利会怎样,连今天是星期几都无所谓。不管哪家机构的投资研究说什么,他都不放在心上;价格动能、成交量之类的东西,他更没兴趣。他就是问一个问题:这家企业值多少钱?

That’s the only thing he’s thinking about. He’s not looking at quarterly earnings projections, he’s not looking at next year’s earnings, he’s not thinking about what day of the week it is, he doesn’t care what investment research from any place says, he’s not interested in price momentum, volume or anything. He’s simply asking. What is the business worth?

表 8 和表 9 是我参与过的两家养老基金的业绩记录。它们并不是从我所涉足的几十家养老基金中挑选出来的;这是我所影响的仅有的两家。在这两家,我都引导它们投向了价值导向的基金管理人。极、极少数养老基金是基于价值角度进行管理的。

Table 8 and Table 9 are the records of two pension funds I’ve been involved in. They are not selected from dozens of pension funds with which I have had involvement; they are the only two I have influenced. In both cases I have steered them toward value-oriented managers. Very, very few pension funds are managed from a value standpoint.

表 8 是《华盛顿邮报》公司的养老基金。多年前它托管于一家大银行,我建议他们最好选择有价值取向的经理人来管理。大家可以看到,自从做出这一改变后,他们的整体业绩一直排在前百分位。

Table 8 is the Washington Post Company’s Pension Fund. It was a large bank some years ago, and I suggested that they would do well to select managers who had a value orientation. As you can see, overall they have been in the top percentile ever since they made the change.

《华盛顿邮报》要求基金管理人至少将 25% 的资金配置在债券上,这未必是这些基金管理人自己的选择。所以,我把债券表现放进来,只是为了说明这群人对债券并没有特别的专长。他们自己也不会说自己有。

The Post told the managers to keep at least 25 percent of these funds in bonds, which would not have been necessarily the choice of these managers. So, I’ve included the bond performance simply to illustrate that this group has no particular expertise about bonds. They wouldn’t have said they did.

即便有这 25% 的资金拖累,投在了他们并不擅长的领域,他们的基金管理业绩仍排进了前 1%。《华盛顿邮报》的这个例子覆盖的时间虽然不算特别长,但它确实代表了三位基金管理人做出的众多投资决策,而且这三位并不是事后才确定下来的。

Even with this drag of 25 percent of their fund in an area that was not their game, they were in the top percentile of fund management. The Washington Post experience does not cover a terribly long period but it does represent many investment decisions by three managers who were not identified retroactively.

表 9 是 FMC 公司基金的业绩记录。我本人没替他们管理过一分钱,但在 1974 年,我确实影响了他们选择价值导向型基金管理人的决定。在此之前,他们选择基金管理人的方式与大多数大公司没什么两样。在转向价值投资方法之后,在同规模养老基金的贝克调查中,他们如今稳居第一。

Table 9 is the record of the FMC Corporation fund. I don’t manage a dime of it myself but I did, in 1974, influence their decision to select value-oriented managers. Prior to that time they had selected managers much the same way as most larger companies. They now rank number one in the Becker survey of pension funds for their size over the period of time subsequent to this “conversion” to the value approach.

去年,他们共有八位持股期超过一年的股权基金经理。其中七位的累计业绩跑赢了标普 500 指数。去年全部八位的业绩都优于标普 500 指数。

Last year they had eight equity managers of any duration beyond a year. Seven of them had a cumulative record better than the S&P. All eight had a better record last year than the S&P.

现在,FMC 基金的普通表现和实际表现之间的净值差是 2.43 亿美元。FMC 把这点归功于他们从我们这里学到的选择经理的思维方式。那些经理未必是我会挑选的人,但他们都有一个共同点——依据价值来挑选证券。

The net difference now between a median performance and the actual performance of the FMC fund over this period is $243 million. FMC attributes this to the mindset given to them about the selection of managers. Those managers are not the managers I would necessarily select but they all have the common denominator of selecting securities based on value.

所以,这九位“掷硬币者”的记录都来自格雷厄姆-多德维尔。我不是在事后从成千上万的人中挑选出他们的。这不像我在给你们念一堆彩票中奖者的名字——那些人中奖前我从未听说过。

So these are nine records of “coin-flippers” from Graham-and-Doddsville. I haven’t selected them with hindsight from among thousands. It’s not like I am reciting to you the names of a bunch of lottery winners—people I had never heard of before they won the lottery.

多年前,我之所以选中这些人,是因为他们的投资决策框架。我知道他们所学的内容,而且对他们的才智、品性和气质也有一定个人了解。很重要的一点是,要理解这群人承担的风险远低于平均水平——看看他们在市场整体疲弱的年份里的表现就知道了。

I selected these men years ago based upon their framework for investment decision-making. I knew what they had been taught and additionally, I had some personal knowledge of their intellect, character and temperament. It’s very important to understand that this group has assumed far less risk than average; note their record in years when the general market was weak.

尽管这些投资者的风格千差万别,但在思想上,他们始终是在买入生意,而不是买入股票。少数人有时会买下整个企业,更多时候则只是买入企业的一小部分权益。无论买下整个企业还是一小部分,他们的态度都一样。有些人持有几十只股票的投资组合,另一些人则集中于少数几只股票。但所有这些人都在利用企业市场价格与其内在价值之间的差异。

While they differ greatly in style, these investors are, mentally, always buying the business, not buying the stock. A few of them sometimes buy whole businesses, far more often they simply buy small pieces of businesses. Their attitude, whether buying all or a tiny piece of a business, is the same. Some of them hold portfolios with dozens of stocks: others concentrate on a handful. But all exploit the difference between the market price of a business and its intrinsic value.

我确信市场中有大量的低效。这些格雷厄姆-多德村的投资者成功抓住了价格与价值之间的缺口。当一只股票的价格可能被华尔街的“羊群”所影响,而价格又是由最情绪化、最贪婪或最沮丧的人来边际定价时,就很难论证市场总是理性定价的。实际上,市场价格常常是荒谬的。

I’m convinced that there is much inefficiency in the market. These Graham-and-Doddsville investors have successfully exploited gaps between price and value. When the price of a stock can be influenced by a “herd” on Wall Street with prices set at the margin by the most emotional person, or the greediest person, or the most depressed person, it is hard to argue that the market always prices rationally. In fact, market prices are frequently nonsensical.

我想说一个关于风险与回报的重要问题。有时候,风险与回报之间存在正相关关系。如果有人对我说:“我这儿有把左轮手枪,我往里面塞了一发子弹。”

I would like to say one important thing about risk and reward. Sometimes risk and reward are correlated in a positive fashion. If someone were to say to me, “I have here a six-shooter and I have slipped one cartridge into it.

你为什么不干脆按住扳机开一次枪?要是你活下来,我给你 100 万美元。”我会拒绝——也许会说 100 万美元不够。然后他可能会出 500 万美元让我开两枪——这风险与回报之间倒是有正相关了!

Why don’t you just spin it and pull it once? If you survive, I will give you $1 million.” I would decline—perhaps stating that $1 million is not enough. Then he might offer me $5 million to pull the trigger twice—now that would be a positive correlation between risk and reward!

价值投资的情况正好相反。如果你用 60 美分买 1 美元钞票,那比用 40 美分买 1 美元钞票风险更高,但后者的预期回报更大。价值投资组合的潜在回报越大,风险反而越小。

The exact opposite is true with value investing. If you buy a dollar bill for 60 cents. it’s riskier than if you buy a dollar bill for 40 cents, but the expectation of reward is greater in the latter case. The greater the potential for reward in the value portfolios the less risk there is.

举一个简单的例子:1973 年,《华盛顿邮报》公司在市场上的售价是 8000 万美元。而当时,你可以把它的资产卖给十个买家中的任何一个,成交价不会低于 4 亿美元,很可能还要高得多。

One quick example: The Washington Post Company in 1973 was selling for $80 million in the market. At the time, that day, you could have sold the assets to any one of ten buyers for not less than $400 million, probably appreciably more.

公司拥有《华盛顿邮报》和《新闻周刊》,外加几家位于重要市场的电视台。同样的资产如今价值 20 亿美元,所以当年愿意掏出 4 亿美元的人,脑子并不糊涂。那么,如果股价跌得更低,让估值从 8000 万美元变成 4000 万美元,它的贝塔值反而会更大。对那些认为贝塔能衡量风险的人来说,更便宜的价格反而让它看上去风险更高了。

The company owned the Post. Newsweek, plus several television stations in major markets. Those same properties are worth $2 billion now so the person who would have paid $400 million would not have been crazy. Now, if the stock had declined even further to a price that made the valuation $40 million instead of $80 million, its beta would have been greater. And to people who think beta measures risk, the cheaper price would have made it look riskier.

这简直是在梦游仙境。我始终想不明白,花 4000 万美元买价值 4 亿美元的地产,怎么会比花 8000 万美元买更危险。实际上,如果你买的是这样一批证券,而且你对企业估值略知一二,那么用 8000 万美元买下价值 4 亿美元的东西,基本上毫无风险——尤其是当你分十次购买,每次花 800 万美元买下 4000 万美元的资产时。

This is truly Alice in Wonderland. I have never been able to figure out why it’s riskier to buy $400 million worth of properties for $40 million than $80 million. And, as a matter of fact, if you buy a group of such securities and you know anything at all about business valuation there is essentially no risk in buying $400 million for $80 million, particularly if you do it by buying ten $40 million piles for $8 million each.

既然你没直接把 4 亿美元攥在手里,那你得确保跟你打交道的人诚实又还算能干——不过这事不难做到。你还得具备一些知识,能对标的企业的价值做出一个非常粗略的估算。但你不必斤斤计较。

Since you don’t have your hands on the $400 million, you want to be sure you are in with honest and reasonably competent people, but that’s not a difficult job. You also have to have the knowledge to enable you to make a very general estimate about the value of the underlying businesses. But you do not cut it close.

这就是本·格雷厄姆所说的安全边际。你不会试图用 8000 万美元去买一家价值 8300 万美元的公司。你得给自己留出巨大的余地。造桥时,你坚持让桥能承受 3 万磅的重量,但只让 1 万磅的卡车开过去。同样的道理,在投资中也适用。

That is what Ben Graham meant by having a margin of safety. You don’t try and buy businesses worth $83 million for $80 million. You leave yourself an enormous margin. When you build a bridge, you insist it can carry 30,000 pounds, but you only drive 10,000-pound trucks across it. And that same principle works in investing.

最后,你们当中那些更具商业头脑的人可能会纳闷,我为什么写这篇文章。让更多人皈依价值投资法,必然会缩小价格与价值之间的差距。我只能告诉你们,这个秘密已经公开了 50 年,自从本·格雷厄姆和戴维·多德写出《证券分析》以来就是如此,但在我践行价值投资的 35 年里,没看到任何转向价值投资的趋势。

In conclusion, some of the more commercially minded among you may wonder why I am writing this article. Adding many converts to the value approach will perforce narrow the spreads between price and value. I can only tell you that the secret has been out for 50 years, ever since Ben Graham and Dave Dodd wrote Security Analysis, yet I have seen no trend toward value investing in the 35 years I’ve practiced it.

人类似乎天生有种反常特质,总喜欢把简单的事情搞复杂。要说变化,过去 30 年学术界反而离价值投资教育越来越远了,这种趋势很可能还会继续。船照样环球航行,但地平说协会照样红火。

There seems to be some perverse human characteristic that likes to make easy things difficult. The academic world, if anything, has actually backed away from the teaching of value investing over the last 30 years. It’s likely to continue that way. Ships will sail around the world but the Flat Earth Society will flourish.

市场上价格与价值之间的巨大差距将持续存在,而那些研读过格雷厄姆与多德著作的人将继续从中获利。

There will continue to be wide discrepancies between price and value in the marketplace, and those who read their Graham & Dodd will continue to prosper.

沃伦·E·巴菲特是伯克希尔·哈撒韦公司的董事长兼首席执行官。这家总部设在奥马哈的保险公司,在多个其他行业持有大量股权,包括通用食品、施乐和华盛顿邮报公司。

Warren E. Buffett, is chairman and chief executive officer of Berkshire Hathaway, Inc., an Omaha-based insurer with major holdings in several other industries, including General Foods, Xerox and Washington Post Company.

1951 年,巴菲特在本杰明·格雷厄姆的课上拿到 A+,从哥伦比亚商学院毕业后,进入华尔街的格雷厄姆-纽曼公司工作。1957 年,他创办了自己的合伙公司,并经营了十年。本文基于他 1984 年 5 月 17 日在哥伦比亚商学院的一次演讲,那是一场纪念本杰明·格雷厄姆与戴维·多德合著的《证券分析》出版 50 周年的研讨会。

After getting an A+ in Benjamin Graham’s class and graduating from Columbia Business School in 1951, Buffett went to work on Wall Street at Graham-Newman & Company. In 1957 founded his own partnership, which he ran for ten years. This article is based on a speech he gave at Columbia Business School, May 17, 1984 at a seminar marking the 50th anniversary of the publication of Benjamin Graham and David Dodd’s Security Analysis.