「人类误判心理学」——1995年6月演讲逐字记录(rbcpa.com存档版)
查理·芒格论
人类误判心理学
哈佛大学演讲
估计日期:1995 年 6 月
转录、评论(方括号内)及少量编辑:惠特尼·蒂尔森 ([email protected])
主持人:
CHARLIE MUNGER ON THE PSYCHOLOGY OF HUMAN MISJUDGMENT Speech at Harvard University Estimated date: June, 1995 Transcription, comments [in brackets] and minor editing by Whitney Tilson ([email protected]) Moderator:
……而且他们在考察的经济领域里发现了大量极端、明显非理性的现象。他们有点困扰,因为研究生院学到的任何东西都无法解释这些模式。现在我希望芒格先生如今能多花点时间在研究生院转转,因为我们已经达到了他 30 年前的境界,正在努力解释那些模式,而今天在座的一些演讲者正是从事这一领域研究的。
所以我认为他把自己专长的领域视为“人类误判心理学”,而人类误判的一部分,当然源于亨利·考夫曼刚才提到的那些时尚潮流和社会压力。我觉得伯克希尔·哈撒韦的总部不设在纽约,甚至也不设在洛杉矶或旧金山,而是设在内布拉斯加这个中西部中心地带,这很有意义。
在谈到人类误判这个问题时,他指出了两个重要问题——我相信还有更多——但他说:“由于没有依赖这一点、没有理解这一点,我损失了很多钱。”我猜你们在座有些人来这里,可能也是觉得这让自己损失的钱——也许少一些。芒格先生提出的第二点是:不理解人类误判,也削弱了他帮助自己关爱的一切事物的能力。好吧,我希望他爱你们,我相信他会帮助你们。谢谢。(掌声)
…and they discovered extreme, obvious irrationality in many areas of the economy that they looked at. And they were a little bit troubled because nothing that they had learned in graduate school explained these patterns. Now I would hope that Mr. Munger spends a little bit more time around graduate schools today, because we’ve gotten now where he was 30 years ago, and we are trying to explain those patterns, and some of the people who are doing that will be speaking with you today. So I think he thinks of his specialty as the Psychology of Human Misjudgment, and part of this human misjudgment, of course, comes from worrying about the types of fads and social pressures that Henry Kaufman talked to us about. I think it’s significant that Berkshire Hathaway is not headquartered in New York, or even in Los Angeles or San Francisco, but rather in the heart of the country in Nebraska. When he referred to this problem of human misjudgment, he identified two significant problems, and I’m sure that there are many more, but when he said, “By not relying on this, and not understanding this, it was costing me a lot of money,” and I presume that some of you are here in the theory that maybe it’s costing you even a somewhat lesser amount of money. And the second point that Mr. Munger made was it was reducing…not understanding human misjudgment was reducing my ability to help everything I loved. Well I hope he loves you, and I’m sure he’ll help you. Thank you. [Applause]
Munger:
Munger:
尽管我对人类的误判这个主题非常感兴趣——老天知道我自己就犯过不少——但我觉得我犯的错还没达到统计上的平均数,原因之一,就是我在离开哈佛法学院后,努力去填补自己那可怕的认知空白。
当我看到这种极端、有规律的非理性行为时,我没有任何理论或方法去应对,但我能看出它很极端,而且有规律可循。于是我开始建立自己的心理学体系,一部分靠零散的阅读,但很大程度上来自个人经验,我靠这套体系来指导我的人生。在生命较晚的阶段,我偶然读到了一本书,叫《影响力》,作者是心理学家鲍勃·西奥迪尼。他很年轻就在一个两千人的教职队伍中拿到了超级终身教职,成了大红人。他写了这本书,卖了三十多万册,对一个人来说相当了不起。这是一本面向大众的学术著作,填补了我那套粗糙体系里的很多漏洞。在这些被填补的漏洞里,我觉得自己拥有了一套很好用的工具,我想跟各位分享一下。
我来这儿,是因为行为经济学。经济学怎么能不是行为性的呢?如果它不行为,那它他妈的到底是什么?我认为很清楚的一点是,所有现实都必须尊重其他现实。如果你遇到不一致的地方,就必须去解决它们。所以,如果心理学里有任何有效的东西,经济学就必须承认它,反之亦然。因此,我认为那些工作在经济学和心理学交叉地带的人完全正确,而且我认为多年来这个领域存在大量错误。
好吧,让我在我有限的时间里赶紧过一遍这张清单:
人类误判的 24 个标准原因
1. 第一:低估了心理学家所称的“强化”和经济学家所称的“激励”的力量。
你可能会说:“这谁不知道啊。”但我想说,我这一辈子在同龄人中,对激励力量的理解大概排在前 5%,可我这一辈子都在低估它。没有哪一年我不被某个新发现震惊,不断把我的认知边界再推远一点。
关于激励的力量,我最喜欢的一个案例是联邦快递。这个系统完整性的核心在于,所有包裹每晚都必须在一个中心地点快速分拣。如果整个分拣过程不能快速完成,系统就没有完整性可言。联邦快递曾经费了老大的劲才让它正常运转。他们试过道德劝诫,试过世界上所有办法,最后有人灵光一闪:他们给夜班工人按小时付薪,也许改成按班次付薪,系统会更有效。果不其然,这个办法奏效了。
在施乐公司的早期,当时在政府任职的乔·威尔森不得不回到施乐,因为他想不通,为什么性能更好、更新的机器,销量竟然比老旧的劣质机器差那么多。当然,他回去后发现,销售人员的佣金安排给了劣质机器巨大的激励。
在哈佛大学,就在 B.F. 斯金纳的影子下——这个人真的把“强化”当作一个强大的思想来研究,你知道,斯金纳在很多地方声誉扫地,但如果你分析哈佛实验科学的整个历史,他绝对排在最前面几位。他的实验非常巧妙,结果反直觉,而且很重要。实验科学能做到这个地步已经很不错了。让斯金纳声誉受损的是,他患上了我所谓“手持锤子综合征”:对于一个手持锤子的人来说,每个问题看起来都像钉子。斯金纳是学术界历史上这种综合征最极端的案例之一,而这个综合征不会因为某人聪明就放他一马。这就是个拿着锤子的人……斯金纳就是一个极端的例子。等会儿我往下讲的时候,我们再回头想想,为什么像斯金纳这样的人会患上“手持锤子综合征”。
顺便说一句,我在哈佛法学院的时候,有个教授(自然是在耶鲁)在哈佛被人嘲笑,他们常说:“可怜的布兰查德老头,他觉得宣示判决能治癌症。”斯金纳就是那个样子。不仅如此,他还很有文采,他鄙视任何持有不同思维或认为其他事情重要的反对者。如果后来发现这些人其实也在做重要的事,那这就不是一条建立持久声誉的路。
Although I am very interested in the subject of human misjudgment -- and lord knows I’ve created a good bit of it -- I don’t think I’ve created my full statistical share, and I think that one of the reasons was I tried to do something about this terrible ignorance I left the Harvard Law School with. When I saw this patterned irrationality, which was so extreme, and I had no theory or anything to deal with it, but I could see that it was extreme, and I could see that it was patterned, I just started to create my own system of psychology, partly by casual reading, but largely from personal experience, and I used that pattern to help me get through life. Fairly late in life I stumbled into this book, Influence, by a psychologist named Bob Cialdini, who became a super-tenured hotshot on a 2,000-person faculty at a very young age. And he wrote this book, which has now sold 300-odd thousand copies, which is remarkable for somebody. Well, it’s an academic book aimed at a popular audience that filled in a lot of holes in my crude system. In those holes it filled in, I thought I had a system that was a good-working tool, and I’d like to share that one with you. And I came here because behavioral economics. How could economics not be behavioral? If it isn’t behavioral, what the hell is it? And I think it’s fairly clear that all reality has to respect all other reality. If you come to inconsistencies, they have to be resolved, and so if there’s anything valid in psychology, economics has to recognize it, and vice versa. So I think the people that are working on this fringe between economics and psychology are absolutely right to be there, and I think there’s been plenty wrong over the years. Well let me romp through as much of this list as I have time to get through: 24 Standard Causes of Human Misjudgment. 1. First: Under-recognition of the power of what psychologists call ‘reinforcement’ and economists call ‘incentives.’ Well you can say, “Everybody knows that.” Well I think I’ve been in the top 5% of my age cohort all my life in understanding the power of incentives, and all my life I’ve underestimated it. And never a year passes but I get some surprise that pushes my limit a little farther. One of my favorite cases about the power of incentives is the Federal Express case. The heart and soul of the integrity of the system is that all the packages have to be shifted rapidly in one central location each night. And the system has no integrity if the whole shift can’t be done fast. And Federal Express had one hell of a time getting the thing to work. And they tried moral suasion, they tried everything in the world, and finally somebody got the happy thought that they were paying the night shift by the hour, and that maybe if they paid them by the shift, the system would work better. And lo and behold, that solution worked. Early in the history of Xerox, Joe Wilson, who was then in the government, had to go back to Xerox because he couldn’t understand how their better, new machine was selling so poorly in relation to their older and inferior machine. Of course when he got there he found out that the commission arrangement with the salesmen gave a tremendous incentive to the inferior machine. And here at Harvard, in the shadow of B.F. Skinner -- there was a man who really was into reinforcement as a powerful thought, and, you know, Skinner’s lost his reputation in a lot of places, but if you were to analyze the entire history of experimental science at Harvard, he’d be in the top handful. His experiments were very ingenious, the results were counterintuitive, and they were important. It is not given to experimental science to do better. What gummed up Skinner’s reputation is that he developed a case of what I always call man-with-a-hammer syndrome: to the man with a hammer, every problem tends to look pretty much like a nail. And Skinner had one of the more extreme cases in the history of Academia, and this syndrome doesn’t exempt bright people. It’s just a man with a hammer…and Skinner is an extreme example of that. And later, as I go down my list, let’s go back and try and figure out why people, like Skinner, get man-with-a-hammer syndrome. Incidentally, when I was at the Harvard Law School there was a professor, naturally at Yale, who was derisively discussed at Harvard, and they used to say, “Poor old Blanchard. He thinks declaratory judgments will cure cancer.” And that’s the way Skinner got. And not only that, he was literary, and he scorned opponents who had any different way of thinking or thought anything else was important. This is not a way to make a lasting reputation if the other people turn out to also be doing something important.
2. 第二个因素是纯粹的心理否认(psychological denial)。
我第一次真正被这个击中要害,是在我们家族一位朋友的儿子身上。他是超级运动员、超级优等生,驾驶战机从北大西洋一艘航母起飞后,再也没有回来。他的母亲,一位非常理智的女人,就是不相信他已经死了。当然,你打开电视就能看到,那些人类历史上最显而易见的罪犯的母亲,都认为自己的儿子是无辜的。这就是纯粹的心理否认。现实太过痛苦,无法承受,于是你扭曲它,直到它变得可以承受。我们所有人都在某种程度上会这么做,这是一种常见的心理误判,会造成严重问题。
2. My second factor is simple psychological denial. This first really hit me between the eyes when a friend of our family had a super-athlete, super-student son who flew off a carrier in the north Atlantic and never came back, and his mother, who was a very sane woman, just never believed that he was dead. And, of course, if you turn on the television, you’ll find the mothers of the most obvious criminals that man could ever diagnose, and they all think their sons are innocent. That’s simple psychological denial. The reality is too painful to bear, so you just distort it until it’s bearable. We all do that to some extent, and it’s a common psychological misjudgment that causes terrible problems. 3. Third: incentive-cause bias, both in one’s own mind and that of ones trusted advisor, where it creates what economists call ‘agency costs.’ Here, my early experience was a doctor who sent bushel baskets full of normal gall bladders down to the pathology lab in the leading hospital in Lincoln, Nebraska. And with that quality control for which community hospitals are famous, about five years after he should’ve been removed from the staff, he was. And one of the old doctors who participated in the removal was also a family friend, and I asked him: I said, “Tell me, did he think, ‘Here’s a way for me to exercise my talents’” -- this guy was very skilled technically-- “’and make a high living by doing a few maimings and murders every year, along with some frauds?’” And he said, “Hell no, Charlie. He thought that the gall bladder was the source of all medical evil, and if you really love your patients, you couldn’t get that organ out rapidly enough.” Now that’s an extreme case, but in lesser strength, it’s present in every profession and in every human being. And it causes perfectly terrible behavior. If you take sales presentations and brokers of commercial real estate and businesses… I’m 70 years old, I’ve never seen one I thought was even within hailing distance of objective truth. If you want to talk about the power of incentives and the power of rationalized, terrible behavior: after the Defense Department had had enough experience with cost-plus percentage of cost contracts, the reaction of our republic was to make it a crime for the federal government to write one, and not only a crime, but a felony. And by the way, the government’s right, but a lot of the way the world is run, including most law firms and a lot of other places, they’ve still got a cost-plus percentage of cost system. And human nature, with its version of what I call ‘incentive-caused bias,’ causes this terrible abuse. And many of the people who are doing it you would be glad to have married into your family compared to what you’re otherwise going to get. [Laughter] Now there are huge implications from the fact that the human mind is put together this way, and that is that people who create things like cash registers, which make most [dishonest] behavior hard, are some of the effective saints of our civilization. And the cash register was a great moral instrument when it was created. And Patterson knew that, by the way. He had a little store, and the people were stealing him blind and never made any money, and people sold him a couple of cash registers and it went to profit immediately. And, of course, he closed the store and went into the cash register business…
3. 第三个因素:激励机制引发的偏见(incentive-cause bias),既存在于自己的头脑中,也存在于受信任的顾问头脑中,它造成了经济学家所说的“代理成本”。
我早年的一段经历是,一位医生把满满几大筐正常的胆囊送到内布拉斯加州林肯市一家领先医院的病理实验室。凭借社区医院那“著名”的质量控制水平,他大约在早该被开除出员工队伍五年后,才终于被开除。参与开除他的一位老医生也是我们家的朋友,我问他:“告诉我,他当时是不是想,‘这是一个让我发挥才华的方式’”——这个人在技术上是极其娴熟的——“通过每年搞几次致残和谋杀,再加上一些欺诈,来过上高收入的生活?”他说:“不,查理。他认为胆囊是所有医学罪恶的根源,如果你真的爱你的病人,你恨不得立刻就把那个器官摘除掉。”
这是一个极端的例子,但在程度较轻的情况下,这种现象存在于每一个行业、每一个人身上。它会导致极其糟糕的行为。如果你看过商业地产和企业的销售演示和经纪人的说辞……我今年 70 岁了,我从未见过一个我认为甚至接近客观事实的。如果你想谈谈激励机制的力量,以及合理化恶劣行为的力量:在国防部吃够了“成本加成百分比合同”的苦头之后,我们共和国的反应是,联邦政府签署这种合同构成犯罪,不仅是犯罪,而且是重罪。
顺便说一句,政府是对的。但当今世界很多地方的运作方式,包括大多数律师事务所和其他许多地方,仍然沿用着成本加成百分比的体系。而人性,加上我称之为“激励机制引发的偏见”这种东西,导致了这种可怕的滥用。许多这样做的人,和他们比起来,你会乐意让他们嫁进你的家族。[笑声]
人类的大脑是以这种方式构建的,这一事实有着巨大的影响。那就是,那些发明了像收银机之类、让大多数不诚实行为变得困难的人,是我们文明中一些真正有效的圣人。收银机被发明出来时,是一件伟大的道德工具。顺便说一句,帕特森(Patterson)就明白这一点。他开了一家小店,员工把他偷得精光,他根本赚不到钱。有人卖给他两台收银机,店里立刻就扭亏为盈了。然后,他当然就关掉了小店,进入了收银机行业……
这是一个非常、非常重要的事情。如果你去读心理学教科书,如果它们有 1000 页厚,你大概只会找到一句话。不知何故,激励机制引发的偏见在标准的心理学概论课程中被遗漏了。
4. 第四个因素,这是一种导致错误的超级心理倾向:来自一致性倾向(consistency tendency)和承诺倾向(commitment tendency)的偏见,包括避免或迅速解决认知失调(cognitive dissonance)的倾向。还包括对所有结论,特别是表达过的结论,以及那些来之不易的结论,进行自我确认的倾向。
我这里想说的是,人类思维很像人类的卵子。卵子有一个关闭装置:一旦一个精子进入,它就关闭,阻止下一个精子进入。人类思维有很大程度上的相同倾向。同样,这不仅仅影响普通人;它甚至影响了物理学的泰斗。根据马克斯·普朗克(Max Planck)的说法,那些真正创新、重要的新物理学,从未真正被老一代物理学家接受。相反,是一代新的物理学家出现,他们的大脑没有被先前结论所阻塞。如果马克斯·普朗克那帮人,都有这种一致性承诺倾向,即使面对否定性的证据,也要顽固地保留他们旧有的结论,你可以想象,你和我所属的这帮人会怎样行事。
当然,如果你公开宣布了你的结论,你就是在把它往自己脑袋里砸。那些冲着我们大喊大叫的学生,你知道,他们不是在说服我们,而是在为自己实现思维转变。因为他们喊出来的东西,正是他们往自己脑子里砸进去的东西。我认为,那些营造出一种让这种事情过度发生氛围的教育机构……从根本上说,是不负责任的机构。不要因为过早地喊出一些东西,而给自己戴上思想的枷锁,这一点非常重要。
所有像痛苦的资格审核和入会仪式这类东西,都会强化你的承诺和观念。中国人的洗脑系统,用于战俘的那种,比其它任何人的都高明得多。他们引导人们做出小小的承诺和声明,然后慢慢累积。这种方法远比酷刑有效。
5. 第五个因素:来自巴甫洛夫式联想(Pavlovian association)的偏见,错误地将过去的关联性当作决策的可靠基础。
我从未上过心理学课程,经济学也没上过,但我在高中生物学里学过了巴甫洛夫。他们教的方式,你懂的,就是狗听到铃声流口水。那又怎样?没有人费任何力气把它和广阔的世界联系起来。而事实是,巴甫洛夫式联想是我们所有人日常生活中一股极为强大的心理力量。确实如此,在经济学中,如果没有所谓的“二级强化”(secondary reinforcement)的作用,我们甚至不会有货币——这是一种在实验室中得到证实的纯粹心理现象。
几乎……我会说四分之三的广告纯粹依靠巴甫洛夫式联想。想想联想,纯粹联想是如何起作用的。以可口可乐公司为例(我们是它最大的股东)。他们希望与每一个美妙的形象关联:奥运会中的英雄行为、美妙的音乐,你说得出来的。他们不想与总统的葬礼等事情关联。你什么时候见过可口可乐广告出现那些?而联想确实有效。
And so this is a huge, important thing. If you read the psychology texts, you will find that if they’re 1,000 pages long, there’s one sentence. Somehow incentive-caused bias has escaped the standard survey course in psychology. 4. Fourth, and this is a superpower in error-causing psychological tendency: bias from consistency and commitment tendency, including the tendency to avoid or promptly resolve cognitive dissonance. Includes the self-confirmation tendency of all conclusions, particularly expressed conclusions, and with a special persistence for conclusions that are hard-won. Well what I’m saying here is that the human mind is a lot like the human egg, and the human egg has a shut-off device. When one sperm gets in, it shuts down so the next one can’t get in. The human mind has a big tendency of the same sort. And here again, it doesn’t just catch ordinary mortals; it catches the deans of physics. According to Max Planck, the really innovative, important new physics was never really accepted by the old guard. Instead a new guard came along that was less brain-blocked by its previous conclusions. And if Max Planck’s crowd had this consistency and commitment tendency that kept their old inclusions intact in spite of disconfirming evidence, you can imagine what the crowd that you and I are part of behaves like. And of course, if you make a public disclosure of your conclusion, you’re pounding it into your own head. Many of these students that are screaming at us, you know, they aren’t convincing us, but they’re forming mental change for themselves, because what they’re shouting out [is] what they’re pounding in. And I think educational institutions that create a climate where too much of that goes on are…in a fundamental sense, they’re irresponsible institutions. It’s very important to not put your brain in chains too young by what you shout out. And all these things like painful qualifying and initiation rituals pound in your commitments and your ideas. The Chinese brainwashing system, which was for war prisoners, was way better than anybody else’s. They maneuvered people into making tiny little commitments and declarations, and then they’d slowly build. That worked way better than torture. 5. Fifth: bias from Pavlovian association, misconstruing past correlation as a reliable basis for decision-making. I never took a course in psychology, or economics either for that matter, but I did learn about Pavlov in high school biology. And the way they taught it, you know, so the dog salivated when the bell rang. So what? Nobody made the least effort to tie that to the wide world. Well the truth of the matter is that Pavlovian association is an enormously powerful psychological force in the daily life of all of us. And, indeed, in economics we wouldn’t have money without the role of so-called secondary reinforcement, which is a pure psychological phenomenon demonstrated in the laboratory. Practically…I’d say 3/4 of advertising works on pure Pavlov. Think how association, pure association, works. Take Coca-Cola company (we’re the biggest share-holder). They want to be associated with every wonderful image: heroics in the Olympics, wonderful music, you name it. They don’t want to be associated with presidents’ funerals and soforth. When have you seen a Coca-Cola ad…and the association really works.
所有这些心理倾向在很大程度上或完全是在潜意识层面运作的,这让它们变得极其阴险。现在再来看看“波斯信使综合征”。波斯人确实会杀死带来坏消息的信使。你以为这种事儿已经绝迹了吗?我是说你真该看看比尔·佩利(前 CBS 老板、董事长兼首席执行官,简历见 http://www.kcmetro.cc.mo.us/pennvalley/biology/lewis/crosby/paley.htm)在他最后 20 年里的样子。他听不进任何一句他不想听的话。所有人都知道,要是有人把比尔·佩利不想听的消息带给他,那信使就得倒霉。这就意味着,领导者等于把自己关进了一个不真实的茧里,而这家企业可是一家巨型公司,天哪,他在最后 20 年里犯下的愚蠢错误可真不少。
如今,“波斯信使综合征”依然大行其道。几年前,我看到阿科公司和埃克森公司为了他们在阿拉斯加北坡租约中几亿美元账目不清的问题,在德克萨斯州的一处高等法院里聘请了成群的律师和专家对簿公堂。这简直就是一场疯帽匠的茶会:两家工程风格的公司,为了澄清一点账目不清的问题,居然要在德克萨斯州高等法院里花掉几千万美元?依我看,根本原因就是没人愿意把坏消息报告给高层主管。那几亿美元你原本以为有,结果却没有。而像波斯信使那样躲起来,不去带回战败的消息,要安全得多。
说到经济学,我在漫长的一生中反复观察到一种非常有趣的现象。假设有两种产品,而且是复杂的技术产品。你可能会想,按照经济学规律,如果产品 A 的价格是 X,产品 Y 的价格是 X 减去一点,那它的销路就会比价格为 X 加上一点的时候更好,但事实并非如此。在很多情况下,当你提高替代品的价格时,它反而能获得比价格低于竞争对手时更大的市场份额。这是因为那个铃铛——一个巴甫洛夫式的铃铛——我指的是通常情况下价格和价值之间存在相关性,但同时你又面临着信息效率低下问题。所以当你提高价格时,销售额反而相对于你的竞争对手上升了。这种情况一再发生。这纯粹是一种巴甫洛夫现象。你可以说,“嗯,经济学家在开始谈论信息效率低下时已经弄清楚了这类事情”,但他们在经济学领域发现这么显而易见的事情已经相当晚了。而且,当然,其中大多数人并不会去追问是什么导致了信息效率低下。
造成信息效率低下的原因之一,就是纯粹的巴甫洛夫和他的狗效应。接下来还有斯金纳理论中的生物效应:操作性条件反射,你知道的,就是给狗一个奖励,然后强化狗在获得奖励之前出现的行为。当然,斯金纳通过让奖励偶然跟某些行为同时出现,成功制造出了迷信的鸽子,而且,我们当然都知道有些人就是人类版的迷信鸽子。这是一种非常强大的现象。而且,操作性条件反射确实管用。我是说,那些认为操作性条件反射很重要的人,他们的看法在很大程度上是对的,只是斯金纳把它稍微夸大了点。
在商业中,你看到因心理倾向造成的极其糟糕的后果,就体现在会计上。看看西屋电气,它借给开发商去建酒店的钱,税前至少亏了二三十亿美元吧?而且几乎是 100% 的贷款?你肯定会说,傻子都知道,你最不想打交道的就是开发商,另一个最不想碰的就是酒店。结果你还给一个要建酒店的开发商提供 100% 的贷款……(笑声)但这个家伙,他可能是个工程师之类的人,他和我一样没学过心理学,结果落在了那些销售员手里,这帮销售员在他们自己的“激励机制引发的偏见”下运作,任何能让西屋电气掏钱的做法都被视为正常业务,然后他们就把钱亏光了。
如果会计制度不是从一开始就让每笔交易都显示出漂亮的财务结果,这种事情根本不可能发生。所以,会计标准宽松的公司,简直就是在引诱其他人做出极其恶劣的行为。这是一种罪过,绝对的罪过。如果你提着满筐的钞票穿过贫民窟,还故意让人容易偷走,那你就犯下了严重的罪过,因为你会导致大量不良行为,而且这种不良行为还会蔓延。同样,一家会计制度潦草的公司也犯下了真正的人罪,而且这也是一种愚蠢的经商方式,西屋电气已经完美地证明了这一点。
奇怪的是,没有人(至少我没看到有人)提到乔·杰特和基德尔·皮博迪公司发生的事。问题的真相在于,会计制度的设计使得乔·杰特这类人只需按几个按钮就能显示出利润,而这些利润又会带来奖励、声望和一切其他东西……乔·杰特这类人永远都会存在,在我看来,他们并不真正应该受到指责。但是那个设计出这种愚蠢会计系统的混蛋,据我所知还没有被活活剥皮,他才应该被千刀万剐。
6\. 第六,互惠倾向所带来的偏见,包括一个人在顺风顺水时倾向于按他人的期望行事。
嗯,关于这一点,西奥迪尼做得非常出色,你们每个人都会收到一本西奥迪尼的书。如果你们有我认为你们应有的一半聪明,你们就会立刻为你所有的孩子和几位朋友订购这本书。你们绝不可能做出比这更划算的投资了。
太容易成为他所谓的“这个世界的顺从从业者”的冤大头了。无论如何,互惠倾向是一种非常非常强大的现象,西奥迪尼通过在一所大学校园里做实验证明了这一点。他先让人们带少年犯去动物园。这是在大学校园里,结果六个人中真的有一个人同意了。等他积累了足够的统计数据后,他又在同一校园里去找另一些人,他说,“哎呀,你们愿不愿意每周花两个下午的时间,带少年犯去某个地方,自己吃很多苦头来帮助他们?”结果 100% 的人都拒绝了。但在他提出第一个请求之后,他稍微退了一步,然后说,“那你们至少愿意花一个下午带他们去动物园吗?”他把顺从率从三分之一提高到了一半。他仅仅通过“先提大要求再退而求其次”这个策略,就把成功率提高了两倍。
如果人的潜意识可以这样被操纵而你却毫不知情,我总是用这句话来形容:“你就像一个在踢屁股比赛中的独腿人。”我是说,你真的在把你承受不起的这么多主动权拱手让给外部世界。至于所谓的“角色理论”,即人们倾向于按他人的期望行事,如果你想一想社会是如何组织的,那其实也是一种互惠。
And all these psychological tendencies work largely or entirely on a subconscious level, which makes them very insidious. Now you’ve got Persian messenger syndrome. The Persians really did kill the messenger who brought the bad news. You think that is dead? I mean you should’ve seen Bill Paley in his last 20 years. [Paley was the former owner, chairman and CEO of CBS; his bio is at http://www.kcmetro.cc.mo.us/pennvalley/biology/lewis/crosby/paley.htm] He didn’t hear one damn thing he didn’t want to hear. People knew that it was bad for the messenger to bring Bill Paley things he didn’t want to hear. Well that means that the leader gets in a cocoon of unreality, and this is a great big enterprise, and boy, did he make some dumb decisions in the last 20 years. And now the Persian messenger syndrome is alive and well. I saw, some years ago, Arco and Exxon arguing over a few hundred millions of ambiguity in their North Slope treaties before a superior court judge in Texas, with armies of lawyers and experts on each side. Now this is a Mad Hatter’s tea party: two engineering-style companies can’t resolve some ambiguity without spending tens of millions of dollars in some Texas superior court? In my opinion what happens is that nobody wants to bring the bad news to the executives up the line. But here’s a few hundred million dollars you thought you had that you don’t. And it’s much safer to act like the Persian messenger who goes away to hide rather than bring home the news of the battle lost. Talking about economics, you get a very interesting phenomenon that I’ve seen over and over again in a long life. You’ve got two products; suppose they’re complex, technical products. Now you’d think, under the laws of economics, that if product A costs X, if product Y costs X minus something, it will sell better than if it sells at X plus something, but that’s not so. In many cases when you raise the price of the alternative products, it’ll get a larger market share than it would when you make it lower than your competitor’s product. That’s because the bell, a Pavlovian bell -- I mean ordinarily there’s a correlation between price and value -- then you have an information inefficiency. And so when you raise the price, the sales go up relative to your competitor. That happens again and again and again. It’s a pure Pavlovian phenomenon. You can say, “Well, the economists have figured this sort of thing out when they started talking about information inefficiencies,” but that was fairly late in economics that they found such an obvious thing. And, of course, most of them don’t ask what causes the information inefficiencies. Well one of the things that causes it is pure old Pavlov and his dog. Now you’ve got bios from Skinnerian association: operant conditioning, you know, where you give the dog a reward and pound in the behavior that preceded the dog’s getting the award. And, of course, Skinner was able to create superstitious pigeons by having the rewards come by accident with certain occurrences, and, of course, we all know people who are the human equivalents of superstitious pigeons. That’s a very powerful phenomenon. And, of course, operant conditioning really works. I mean the people in the center who think that operant conditioning is important are very much right, it’s just that Skinner overdid it a little. Where you see in business just perfectly horrible results from psychologically-rooted tendencies is in accounting. If you take Westinghouse, which blew, what, two or three billion dollars pre-tax at least loaning developers to build hotels, and virtually 100% loans? Now you say any idiot knows that if there’s one thing you don’t like it’s a developer, and another you don’t like it’s a hotel. And to make a 100% loan to a developer who’s going to build a hotel… [Laughter] But this guy, he probably was an engineer or something, and he didn’t take psychology any more than I did, and he got out there in the hands of these salesmen operating under their version of incentive-caused bias, where any damned way of getting Westinghouse to do it was considered normal business, and they just blew it. That would never have been possible if the accounting system hadn’t been such but for the initial phase of every transaction it showed wonderful financial results. So people who have loose accounting standards are just inviting perfectly horrible behavior in other people. And it’s a sin, it’s an absolute sin. If you carry bushel baskets full of money through the ghetto, and made it easy to steal, that would be a considerable human sin, because you’d be causing a lot of bad behavior, and the bad behavior would spread. Similarly an institution that gets sloppy accounting commits a real human sin, and it’s also a dumb way to do business, as Westinghouse has so wonderfully proved. Oddly enough nobody mentions, at least nobody I’ve seen, what happened with Joe Jett and Kidder Peabody. The truth of the matter is the accounting system was such that by punching a few buttons, the Joe Jetts of the world could show profits, and profits that showed up in things that resulted in rewards and esteem and every other thing... Well the Joe Jetts are always with us, and they’re not really to blame, in my judgment at least. But that bastard who created that foolish accounting system who, so far as I know, has not been flayed alive, ought to be. 6. Sixth: bias from reciprocation tendency, including the tendency of one on a roll to act as other persons expect. Well here, again, Cialdini does a magnificent job at this, and you’re all going to be given a copy of Cialdini’s book. And if you have half as much sense as I think you do, you will immediately order copies for all of your children and several of your friends. You will never make a better investment. It is so easy to be a patsy for what he calls the compliance practitioners of this life. At any rate, reciprocation tendency is a very, very powerful phenomenon, and Cialdini demonstrated this by running around a campus, and he asked people to take juvenile delinquents to the zoo. And it was a campus, and so one in six actually agreed to do it. And after he’d accumulated a statistical output he went around on the same campus and he asked other people, he said, “Gee, would you devote two afternoons a week to taking juvenile delinquents somewhere and suffering greatly yourself to help them,” and there he got 100% of the people to say no. But after he’d made the first request, he backed up a little, and he said, “Would you at least take them to the zoo one afternoon?” He raised the compliance rate from a third to a half. He got three times the success by just going through the little ask-for-a-lot-and-back-off. Now if the human mind, on a subconscious level, can be manipulated that way and you don’t know it, I always use the phrase, “You’re like a one-legged man in an ass-kicking contest.” I mean you are really giving a lot of quarter to the external world that you can’t afford to give. And on this so-called role theory, where you tend to act in the way that other people expect, and that’s reciprocation if you think about the way society is organized.
一个叫津巴多的人,在斯坦福大学把人们分成两组:一组是狱警,另一组是囚犯,他们开始按照人们的预期扮演各自的角色。他不得不在大约五天后停止了实验。实验开始引发人们的痛苦、崩溃和病态行为。我的意思是,这……这太惊人了。然而,津巴多被严重误读了。导致这种结果的不仅仅是互惠倾向和角色理论,还有一致性与承诺倾向。每个人在扮演狱警或囚犯时,这个行为本身就在强化这种观念。[有关这个著名实验的更多信息,请参见 http://www.prisonexp.org。]
无论你转向何处,这种一致性与承诺倾向都在影响着你。换句话说,你的想法可能会改变你的行为,但或许更重要的是,你的行为会改变你的想法。你可能会说:“这谁都知道。”我想告诉你的是,我早年对此了解得不够透彻,也没有足够早地认识到这一点。
第七点,这一点很了不起,亨利·考夫曼明智地谈到了它:来自社会认同过度影响的偏见——也就是说,他人的结论,特别是在天然存在不确定性和压力的条件下。
这里,心理学家举的一个案例是凯蒂·吉诺维斯,当时她正被慢慢杀害,而所有这些旁观者——我不知道,大概有 50、60、70 个人——就只是坐在那里,无动于衷。现在的解释之一是,每个人都看着其他人,而其他人什么都没做,所以就有了自动的社会认同:正确的做法就是什么都不做。在我看来,对于凯蒂·吉诺维斯事件,这不是一个足够充分的解释。那只是其中一部分原因。微观经济学的概念、得失比等也在其中起作用。我认为,在现实中,心理概念和经济概念一次又一次地相互作用,不了解这两方面的人就是个十足的傻瓜。
大牌商人们也会陷入这种社会认同的浪潮中。你记得几年前吗?一家石油公司收购了一家化肥公司,然后几乎所有其他大型石油公司都竞相跑去收购化肥公司。所有这些石油公司要收购化肥公司,根本没有一点点该死的理由,但它们不知道到底该做什么,如果埃克森美孚这么做了,那对美孚来说就足够好了,反之亦然。我想现在这些收购都消失了吧,但它完全是一场灾难。
现在让我们来谈谈有效市场理论,这是一个美妙的经济学说,尽管有伯克希尔·哈撒韦的经验,它还是风靡了很长时间。事实上,有一位共享诺贝尔奖的经济学家,他看着伯克希尔·哈撒韦年复一年的表现——人们会把这个例子甩到他脸上,暗示市场也许并不像他想的那么有效——他说:“嗯,那是一个二西格玛事件。”然后他说我们是三西格玛事件。接着他又说我们是四西格玛事件。最后他一路加到了六西格玛——与其因为证据不符而改变理论,不如加上一个西格玛。[笑声] 当然,当这位诺贝尔奖得主亲自投身于资金管理行业时,他就像一块石头一样沉了下去。
如果你思考一下我谈到的这些学说,即:第一,强化的力量——毕竟,你做了一些事情,市场上涨了,你得到了回报、奖励和掌声等等,意味着大量的强化,如果你在市场上押注而且市场对你有利。此外,还有社会认同。我的意思是,市场价格是社会认同的终极形式,反映了其他人的想法,所以两者的结合非常强大。你为什么会期望市场总体水平总是完全有效的,比如说,即使在 1973-74 年的低谷,或者 1972 年,或者不管什么时候,当“漂亮五十”正处于全盛时期?如果这些心理概念是正确的,你就会预期会出现一些非理性的浪潮,它们会影响总体市场水平,因此这些浪潮是与理性不一致的。
第八点(他实际想说第九点):是什么让这些经济学家爱上了有效市场理论?是因为它的数学如此优雅。
毕竟,数学是他们学会做的事情。对于一个拿着锤子的人来说,每个问题看起来都像是钉子。而与之相反的真相则有点混乱,他们忘记了伟大的经济学家凯恩斯,我记得他说过:“大致正确比精确错误要好。”
第九点:来自对比引起的感知、知觉和认知扭曲的偏见。
这里,西奥迪尼在他的课堂上做的一个著名实验是:他拿来三桶水:一桶热的、一桶冷的、一桶室温的。他让学生把左手放进热水里,右手放进冷水里。然后他让他们把手拿出来,都放进室温的那桶水里。当然,在同一桶水里,一只手感觉是热的,另一只手感觉是冷的,因为人类的感官装置被对比过度影响了。它没有绝对刻度;它里面有一个对比刻度。而且这个刻度还带有量子效应。需要达到一定的百分比变化才能被注意到。
也许你曾让魔术师摘走你的手表——我当然有过——而你却没有注意到。这是同样的事情。他利用了你的感官装置中的对比型问题。但这里的重要真理是,认知模仿了感觉,而认知操纵者则模仿了摘手表的魔术师。换句话说,人们整天都在利用这种对比现象操纵你。
西奥迪尼引用了房地产经纪人的案例。你有一个刚被调到你们镇上的土包子,你做的第一件事就是带这个土包子去看两栋你见过的最糟糕、要价最高的房子,然后你再带这个土包子去看一栋要价中等偏高的房子,接着你就把他搞定了。这招相当管用,所以房地产销售员才会这么做。而且它总是会奏效。
生活中的意外也会对你做同样的事,它可能会毁了你的生活。在我这一代,当女人在结婚前都住在娘家时,我见过一些非常有魅力的女人缔结了极其糟糕的婚姻,只因为她们原来的家很糟糕。我也见过一些糟糕的第二次婚姻,只因为比更糟糕的第一次婚姻稍好一点。你认为自己对这类事情免疫,你会笑,但我想告诉你,你并没有。
我最喜欢的类比,我无法保证其准确性。我有一个没用的朋友,我喜欢和他打桥牌,他完全是个业余的知识分子,靠继承的遗产生活,但他有一次告诉我一件事,我听了真的很开心。他说:“查理,”他说,“如果你把一只青蛙扔进非常烫的水里,青蛙会跳出来,但如果你把青蛙放在室温的水里,然后慢慢加热,青蛙就会死在里面。”我现在不知道这是否是真的关于青蛙的事,但它绝对是我认识很多商人的真实写照 [笑声],而这,同样是那个对比现象。但这些人可都是些精明强干、位高权重的人物。我的意思是,他们不是傻瓜。如果事情是一点一点地出现在你面前,你很可能就会错过,所以,如果你想成为一个有良好判断力的人,你就必须对你头脑中这种会被单纯的对比严重误导的扭曲做出一些改变。
第十点:来自权威过度影响的偏见。
嗯,这就是所谓的米尔格拉姆实验——我想关于米尔格拉姆的心理学论文已经有 1600 篇了。他让一个人假扮成权威人物,诱骗普通人去对完全无辜的同胞施加他们完全有理由认为会造成严重痛苦的强烈电击。他试图以此展示为什么希特勒会成功,以及一些其他事情,所以这确实引起了全世界的兴趣。部分原因是它在政治上非常正确,以及权威的过度影响……
你会喜欢这个例子的:有一个飞行员和一个副驾驶。飞行员是权威人物。他们在真飞机上不这么做,但在模拟器上做过。他们让飞行员做一些事情,而副驾驶——他受过很长时间的模拟器训练,知道自己不能让飞机坠毁——飞行员做了一些即使白痴副驾驶也知道飞机会坠毁的事情,但飞行员正在做,而副驾驶就坐在那里,飞行员是权威人物。结果有 25% 的情况下飞机会坠毁。我的意思是,这是一种非常强大的心理倾向。它没有一些人想的那么强大,这点我稍后会讲到。
第十一点:来自剥夺超级反应综合征的偏见,包括由当前或威胁性稀缺引起的偏见,包括威胁要拿走某样几乎已经拥有但从未真正拥有的东西。
这里我用芒格的狗来举例,一条可爱无害的狗。让这条狗咬你的唯一方法,就是试着从它已经叼在嘴里的东西里抢走什么。你知道,如果你尝试过在劳资谈判中进行“拿走式”谈判,你就会知道,我们每个人身上都存在那条狗的人类版本。我有一个邻居,是我之前的住户,他家房子周围有个小岛。他的隔壁邻居在那个小岛上种了一棵大约三英尺高的小松树,这使得他对港口 180 度的视野变成了 179.75 度。结果他们就结下了像哈特菲尔德和麦考伊家族那样血海深仇,一直没完没了……
我的意思是,人们对于微小的减损真的会变得非常疯狂。然后,如果你对这些行为做出反应,你就会陷入互惠倾向,因为你不仅会回报情感,也会回报敌意,整件事就会升级。因此,仅仅因为潜意识地过度看重你正在失去的东西、或者几乎得到却没能得到的东西的重要性,就可能产生巨大的疯狂行为。
这里最极端的商业案例是“新可乐”。可口可乐拥有世界上最宝贵的商标。我们是它的主要股东——我想我们了解那个商标。可口可乐拥有大批杰出的工程师、律师、心理学家、广告主管等等,而且他们有一个口味的商标,他们花了将近 100 年的时间让人们相信这个商标还拥有所有这些无形的价值。人们把这个商标与一种口味联系在一起。然后他们打算告诉人们,不是产品改进了,因为你没法改进一种口味。口味就是味觉问题。我的意思是,你可以改进一种洗涤剂或其他什么东西,但别以为你能对一种口味做出重大改变。所以他们引发了这种巨大的剥夺超级反应综合征。
A guy named Zimbardo had people at Stanford divide into two pieces: one were the guards and the other were the prisoners, and they started acting out roles as people expected. He had to stop the experiment after about five days. He was getting into human misery and breakdown and pathological behavior. I mean it was…it was awesome. However, Zimbardo is greatly misinterpreted. It’s not just reciprocation tendency and role theory that caused that, it’s consistency and commitment tendency. Each person, as he acted as a guard or a prisoner, the action itself was pounding in the idea. [For more on this famous experiment, see http://www.prisonexp.org.] Wherever you turn, this consistency and commitment tendency is affecting you. In other words, what you think may change what you do, but perhaps even more important, what you do will change what you think. And you can say, “Everybody knows that.” I want to tell you I didn’t know it well enough early enough. 7. Seventh, now this is a lollapalooza, and Henry Kaufman wisely talked about this: bias from over-influence by social proof -- that is, the conclusions of others, particularly under conditions of natural uncertainty and stress. And here, one of the cases the psychologists use is Kitty Genovese, where all these people -- I don’t know, 50, 60, 70 of them -- just sort of sat and did nothing while she was slowly murdered. Now one of the explanations is that everybody looked at everybody else and nobody else was doing anything, and so there’s automatic social proof that the right thing to do is nothing. That’s not a good enough explanation for Kitty Genovese, in my judgment. That’s only part of it. There are microeconomic ideas and gain/loss ratios and so forth that also come into play. I think time and time again, in reality, psychological notions and economic notions interplay, and the man who doesn’t understand both is a damned fool. Big-shot businessmen get into these waves of social proof. Do you remember some years ago when one oil company bought a fertilizer company, and every other major oil company practically ran out and bought a fertilizer company? And there was no more damned reason for all these oil companies to buy fertilizer companies, but they didn’t know exactly what to do, and if Exxon was doing it, it was good enough for Mobil, and vice versa. I think they’re all gone now, but it was a total disaster. Now let’s talk about efficient market theory, a wonderful economic doctrine that had a long vogue in spite of the experience of Berkshire Hathaway. In fact one of the economists who won -- he shared a Nobel Prize -- and as he looked at Berkshire Hathaway year after year, which people would throw in his face as saying maybe the market isn’t quite as efficient as you think, he said, “Well, it’s a two-sigma event.” And then he said we were a three-sigma event. And then he said we were a four-sigma event. And he finally got up to six sigmas -- better to add a sigma than change a theory, just because the evidence comes in differently. [Laughter] And, of course, when this share of a Nobel Prize went into money management himself, he sank like a stone. If you think about the doctrines I’ve talked about, namely, one, the power of reinforcement -- after all you do something and the market goes up and you get paid and rewarded and applauded and what have you, meaning a lot of reinforcement, if you make a bet on a market and the market goes with you. Also, there’s social proof. I mean the prices on the market are the ultimate form of social proof, reflecting what other people think, and so the combination is very powerful. Why would you expect general market levels to always be totally efficient, say even in 1973-74 at the pit, or in 1972 or whatever it was when the Nifty 50 were in their heyday? If these psychological notions are correct, you would expect some waves of irrationality, which carry general levels, so they’re inconsistent with reason. 8. Nine [he means eight]: what made these economists love the efficient market theory is the math was so elegant. And after all, math was what they’d learned to do. To the man with a hammer, every problem tends to look pretty much like a nail. The alternative truth was a little messy, and they’d forgotten the great economists Keynes, whom I think said, “Better to be roughly right than precisely wrong.” 9. Nine: bias from contrast-caused distortions of sensation, perception and cognition. Here, the great experiment that Cialdini does in his class is he takes three buckets of water: one’s hot, one’s cold and one’s room temperature, and he has the student stick his left hand in the hot water and his right hand in the cold water. Then he has them remove the hands and put them both in the room temperature bucket, and of course with both hands in the same bucket of water, one seems hot, the other seems cold because the sensation apparatus of man is over-influenced by contrast. It has no absolute scale; it’s got a contrast scale in it. And it’s a scale with quantum effects in it too. It takes a certain percentage change before it’s noticed. Maybe you’ve had a magician remove your watch -- I certainly have -- without your noticing it. It’s the same thing. He’s taking advantage of contrast-type troubles in your sensory apparatus. But here the great truth is that cognition mimics sensation, and the cognition manipulators mimic the watch-removing magician. In other words, people are manipulating you all day long on this contrast phenomenon. Cialdini cites the case of the real estate broker. And you’ve got the rube that’s been transferred into your town, and the first thing you do is you take the rube out to two of the most awful, overpriced houses you’ve ever seen, and then you take the rube to some moderately overpriced house, and then you stick him. And it works pretty well, which is why the real estate salesmen do it. And it’s always going to work. And the accidents of life can do this to you, and it can ruin your life. In my generation, when women lived at home until they got married, I saw some perfectly terrible marriages made by highly desirable women because they lived in terrible homes. And I’ve seen some terrible second marriages which were made because they were slight improvements over an even worse first marriage. You think you’re immune from these things, and you laugh, and I want to tell you, you aren’t. My favorite analogy I can’t vouch for the accuracy of. I have this worthless friend I like to play bridge with, and he’s a total intellectual amateur that lives on inherited money, but he told me once something I really enjoyed hearing. He said, “Charlie,” he say, “If you throw a frog into very hot water, the frog will jump out, but if you put the frog in room temperature water and just slowly heat the water up, the frog will die there.” Now I don’t know whether that’s true about a frog, but it’s sure as hell true about many of the businessmen I know [laughter], and there, again, it is the contrast phenomenon. But these are hot-shot, high-powered people. I mean these are not fools. If it comes to you in small pieces, you’re likely to miss, so if you’re going to be a person of good judgment, you have to do something about this warp in your head where it’s so misled by mere contrast. 10. Bias from over-influence by authority. Well here, the Milgrim experiment, as it's called -- I think there have been 1,600 psychological papers written about Milgrim. And he had a person posing as an authority figure trick ordinary people into giving what they had every reason to expect was heavy torture by electric shock to perfectly innocent fellow citizens. And he was trying to show why Hitler succeeded and a few other things, and so this really caught the fancy of the world. Partly it’s so politically correct, and over-influence by authority… You’ll like this one: You get a pilot and a co-pilot. The pilot is the authority figure. They don’t do this in airplanes, but they’ve done it in simulators. They have the pilot do something where the co-pilot, who's been trained in simulators a long time -- he knows he’s not to allow the plane to crash -- they have the pilot to do something where an idiot co-pilot would know the plane was going to crash, but the pilot’s doing it, and the co-pilot is sitting there, and the pilot is the authority figure. 25% of the time the plane crashes. I mean this is a very powerful psychological tendency. It’s not quite as powerful as some people think, and I’ll get to that later. 11. Eleven: bias from deprival super-reaction syndrome, including bias caused by present or threatened scarcity, including threatened removal of something almost possessed, but never possessed. Here I took the Munger dog, a lovely, harmless dog. The only way to get that dog to bite you is to try and take something out of its mouth after it was already there. And you know, if you’ve tried to do takeaways in labor negotiations, you’ll know that the human version of that dog is there in all of us. And I have a neighbor, a predecessor who had a little island around the house, and his next door neighbor put a little pine tree on it that was about three feet high, and it turned his 180 degree view of the harbor into 179 3/4. Well they had a blood feud like the Hatfields and McCoys, and it went on and on and on… I mean people are really crazy about minor decrements down. And then, if you act on them, then you get into reciprocation tendency, because you don’t just reciprocate affection, you reciprocate animosity, and the whole thing can escalate. And so huge insanities can come from just subconsciously over-weighing the importance of what you’re losing or almost getting and not getting. And the extreme business case here was New Coke. Coca-Cola has the most valuable trademark in the world. We’re the major shareholder -- I think we understand that trademark. Coke has armies of brilliant engineers, lawyers, psychologists, advertising executives and so forth, and they had a trademark on a flavor, and they’d spent the better part of 100 years getting people to believe that trademark had all these intangible values too. And people associate it with a flavor. And so they were going to tell people not that it was improved, because you can’t improve a flavor. A flavor is a matter of taste. I mean you may improve a detergent or something, but don’t think you’re going to make a major change in a flavor. So they got this huge deprival super-reaction syndrome.
百事公司差几周就要把老可乐装进百事瓶里卖,那将是现代商业史上最大的笑话。简直是彻头彻尾的疯狂。顺便说一句,戈伊苏埃塔(当时可口可乐的 CEO)和基奥(公司极具影响力的前总裁兼董事)对此的态度都非常坦然。我是说,他们拿这事儿开玩笑。基奥总是说:“我肯定那时候度假去了。”实际上他参与了每一个决策——他是个很棒的人。戈伊苏埃塔也是个聪明的好人——他是一名工程师。聪明人也会犯这种荒唐的错误。你怎么能不明白“被剥夺超级反应综合征”呢?但人们对损失和收益的反应就是不对称的。也许像泽克豪泽那样的顶尖桥牌选手能做到,但那是一种训练出来的反应。普通人,潜意识里受天生倾向的影响……
12. 嫉妒/妒忌带来的偏见。
嫉妒/妒忌,十诫里占了两条吧?你们这些养过孩子的就知道嫉妒是什么,或者开过律所、投行、甚至大学院系的也懂。我听沃伦说过不下六次:“驱动世界的不是贪婪,是嫉妒。”
这又来了,你去翻心理学概论教材,翻到索引:嫉妒/妒忌,一千页的书,这一页是空白的。学术界有些盲点,但嫉妒是一种极其强大的力量,在很大程度上是在潜意识层面运作。任何不理解这一点的人,都背着本不该有的缺陷。
13. 化学物质依赖带来的偏见。
这个我们不用多说了。我们见得够多了,但有趣的是,只要有需要,它总会导致道德崩溃,而且总是伴随着大规模的否认。你看,它只是加剧了我们之前说的飞行员案例里的那种倾向——扭曲现实以便能让自己忍受。
14. 误赌强迫症带来的偏见。
这个嘛,斯金纳做了你在标准心理学概论课程里能找到的唯一解释。当然,他给鸽子和老鼠设定了变比率强化,发现这比任何其他强化模式都能更好地巩固行为。他说:“啊哈!我解释了为什么赌博在文明社会中是一种如此强大、令人上瘾的力量。”我认为这很大程度上是对的,但因为是斯金纳,他似乎觉得这是唯一的解释,而事实上,那些设计现代赌博机器和技术的人知道很多斯金纳不知道的东西。
比如彩票。有一种彩票,你通过抽签拿到号码,然后某人再抽一个号,这种玩法参与的人很少。另一种彩票,人们可以自己选号,参与的人就很多。这又是承诺和一致性倾向。人们觉得,如果自己已经承诺选择了某个号码,那它一定是好的。一旦他们自己选了,这个号码就有了额外的正当性。毕竟,他们思考过,并且按此行动了。
再看看老虎机,你转出“bar、bar、walnut”。一次又一次。全是这种差一点就中的情况。这就是被剥夺超级反应综合征,而那些设计机器的人可太懂人类心理学了。针对高智商人群,他们还有扑克机,让你做选择。所以你可以跟机器玩二十一点。我们用电脑把文明社会搞成什么样了,真是了不起。
但无论如何,误赌强迫症是一种非常非常强大且重要的东西。看看我们国家正在发生什么:每个印第安保留地,每个河滨小镇,再看看在股票经纪人和其他人帮助下被它毁掉的人。这又来了,如果你翻标准心理学教材,除了可能一句话提到斯金纳的老鼠,几乎什么都找不到。这根本不是对这个主题的充分覆盖。
15. 喜欢扭曲带来的偏见,包括特别喜欢自己、自己的同类和自己的思想体系的倾向,以及特别容易被自己喜欢的人误导的倾向。不喜欢扭曲带来的偏见,即喜欢扭曲的反面,以及不能从自己不喜欢的人身上适当学习的倾向。
这个嘛,我们又有非常强大的倾向了。如果你看看我们现在坐在这里时哈佛法学院部分地方的战争,你会发现非常聪明的人会陷入这种近乎病态的行为。这些都是非常非常强大、基础的、潜意识的心理学倾向,或者至少部分是潜意识的。
现在让我们回到 B.F. 斯金纳,重提“拿锤子的人综合征”。为什么“拿锤子的人综合征”总是存在?如果你停下来想一想,这是激励机制带来的偏见。他的专业声誉完全与他所知道的东西捆绑在一起。他喜欢自己,也喜欢自己的想法,并且他把这些想法传达给了别人——这是一致性和承诺倾向。我是说,四五个基本的心理学倾向结合起来,造就了这种“拿锤子的人综合征”。
一旦你意识到你不能真正地“买”到思考——部分可以,但很大程度上在这个世界上你不能——你就学到了生活中非常有用的一课。萧伯纳在《医生的困境》里让一个人物说:“归根结底,每一个职业都是针对外行的阴谋。”但他说得不完全对,因为这与其说是阴谋,不如说是一种潜意识的心理学倾向。
那个人告诉你对他有利的东西。他并不觉得自己做错了什么,就像那个切掉所有正常胆囊的医生一样。他相信自己的思想体系能治愈癌症,他相信自己守护的恶魔是最大的、最重要的恶魔,而实际上,与你面对的恶魔相比,它们可能非常渺小。所以在这个世界上,你从你付费的顾问那里得到建议,而他带着这一大堆可怕的偏见。那你就惨了。
处理它只有两种办法:你可以雇佣你的顾问,然后只应用一个“风偏修正”,就像我以前射击步枪时那样。我只是根据风速调整一下。或者,你可以学习你顾问那个行业的基本知识。顺便说一句,你不用学很多,因为只要学一点点,你就能让他解释为什么他是对的。这两种倾向会部分矫正你雇佣来的思考中的扭曲。总体而言,效果糟透了。我这辈子从没见过哪份管理咨询报告结尾不是下面这段话的:“这种情况真正需要的是更多的管理咨询。”一次都没有。我总翻到最后一页看。当然伯克希尔不雇佣他们,所以我只是在一种“窥视”的基础上这么做。有时候我在非营利机构,某个白痴雇了一个咨询师。(笑声)
16. 第十七条(他意指第 16 条):人类大脑在自然状态下处理概率时,因使用粗糙的启发法而产生的非数学特性所带来的偏见,并且常常被单纯的对比所误导,倾向于过度看重方便获得的信息以及这份清单上的其他心理误导性思维倾向。
当大脑应该使用费马和帕斯卡的简单概率数学,应用于所有合理可得、权重正确、对预测结果有价值的信息项目时,正确的思考方式就是像泽克豪泽打桥牌那样。就是这么简单。而你的大脑天生不知道如何像泽克豪泽打桥牌那样思考。现在,你注意到我加入了“可得性”这个东西,我这是在模仿一些非常著名的心理学家卡尼曼、埃克豪特(我希望我发音正确)和特沃斯基,他们把“可得性”提升为一整套判断失误的启发法。他们说得非常对。
我的意思是,问问可口可乐公司吧,他们把“可得性”提升为一种世俗宗教。如果可得性改变行为,那么可乐总是唾手可得,你就会喝得多得多。我是说,可得性的确会改变行为和认知。尽管如此,尽管我承认这一点,并且称赞特沃斯基和卡尼曼,但我不喜欢把它放进我自己的个人系统,除非作为更大子系统的组成部分,那就是你必须像泽克豪泽打桥牌那样思考。而扭曲你判断的,不仅仅是缺乏可得性。这份清单上的所有东西都会扭曲判断。我想训练自己,在脑子里大致过一遍这份清单,而不是仅仅抓住“可得性”不放。所以我才这样表述。
从某种意义上说,这些心理倾向让某些东西变得“不可得”,因为如果你迅速跳到某件事上,然后因为跳过去了,一致性和承诺倾向让你锁定,砰,这就是第一个错误。或者如果某件事非常生动,我接下来会谈到这个,那就会真正强化。而真正重要的东西变得“不可得”,格外生动的东西胜出的原因,我是说,格外生动造成了“不可得”。所以我认为,拥有一整套让你不那么像泽克豪泽的因素清单,远比只抓住单一因素要好得多。
在这里,我认为我们应该谈谈约翰·古特弗罗因德。这是一个非常有趣的人性案例,未来至少一代人里,每一所像样的专业学院都会教授这个案例。古特弗罗因德有一个值得信赖的员工,后来不是通过坦白,而是意外发现,这个值得信赖的员工对政府撒了弥天大谎,操纵了会计系统,这实际上等同于伪造。这个人立刻说:“我以前从没干过,以后再也不会干了。这只是个孤立的例子。”当然,很明显他是在试图帮助政府,也帮助他自己,因为他认为政府蠢到通过了一条他公开反对过的规则——毕竟,如果政府连所罗门的一个债券交易员的话都不听,那这政府还能是什么样的政府呢?
Pepsi was within weeks of coming out with old Coke in a Pepsi bottle, which would’ve been the biggest fiasco in modern times. Perfect insanity. And by the way, both Goizuetta [Coke's CEO at the time] and Keough [an influential former president and director of the company] are just wonderful about it. I mean they just joke. Keough always says, “I must’ve been away on vacation.” He participated in every single decision -- he’s a wonderful guy. And by the way, Goizuetta is a wonderful, smart guy -- an engineer. Smart people make these terrible boners. How can you not understand deprival super-reaction syndrome? But people do not react symmetrically to loss and gain. Well maybe a great bridge player like Zeckhauser does, but that’s a trained response. Ordinary people, subconsciously affected by their inborn tendencies… 12. Bias from envy/jealousy. Well envy/jealousy made, what, two out of the ten commandments? Those of you who have raised siblings you know about envy, or tried to run a law firm or investment bank or even a faculty? I’ve heard Warren say a half a dozen times, “It’s not greed that drives the world, but envy.” Here again, you go through the psychology survey courses, and you go to the index: envy/jealousy, 1,000-page book, it’s blank. There’s some blind spots in academia, but it’s an enormously powerful thing, and it operates, to a considerable extent, on the subconscious level. Anybody who doesn’t understand it is taking on defects he shouldn’t have. 13. Bias from chemical dependency. Well, we don’t have to talk about that. We’ve all seen so much of it, but it’s interesting how it’ll always cause this moral breakdown if there’s any need, and it always involves massive denial. See it just aggravates what we talked about earlier in the aviator case, the tendency to distort reality so that it’s endurable. 14. Bias from mis-gambling compulsion. Well here, Skinner made the only explanation you’ll find in the standard psychology survey course. He, of course, created a variable reinforcement rate for his pigeons and his mice, and he found that that would pound in the behavior better than any other enforcement pattern. And he says, “Ah ha! I’ve explained why gambling is such a powerful, addictive force in this civilization.” I think that is, to a very considerable extent, true, but being Skinner, he seemed to think that was the only explanation, but the truth of the matter is that the devisors of these modern machines and techniques know a lot of things that Skinner didn’t know. For instance, a lottery. You have a lottery where you get your number by lot, and then somebody draws a number by lot, it gets lousy play. You have a lottery where people get to pick their number, you get big play. Again, it’s this consistency and commitment thing. People think if they have committed to it, it has to be good. The minute they’ve picked it themselves it gets an extra validity. After all, they thought it and they acted on it. Then if you take the slot machines, you get bar, bar, walnut. And it happens again and again and again. You get all these near misses. Well that’s deprival super-reaction syndrome, and boy do the people who create the machines understand human psychology. And for the high IQ-crowd they’ve got poker machines where you make choices. So you can play blackjack, so to speak, with the machine. It’s wonderful what we’ve done with our computers to ruin the civilization. But at any rate, mis-gambling compulsion is a very, very powerful and important thing. Look at what’s happening to our country: every Indian has a reservation, every river town, and look at the people who are ruined by it with the aid of their stock brokers and others. And again, if you look in the standard textbook of psychology you’ll find practically nothing on it except maybe one sentence talking about Skinner’s rats. That is not an adequate coverage of the subject. 15. Bias from liking distortion, including the tendency to especially like oneself, one’s own kind and one’s own idea structures, and the tendency to be especially susceptible to being misled by someone liked. Disliking distortion, bias from that, the reciprocal of liking distortion and the tendency not to learn appropriately from someone disliked. Well here, again, we’ve got hugely powerful tendencies, and if you look at the wars in part of the Harvard Law School, as we sit here, you can see that very brilliant people get into this almost pathological behavior. And these are very, very powerful, basic, subconscious psychological tendencies, or at least party subconscious. Now let’s get back to B.F. Skinner, man-with-a-hammer syndrome revisited. Why is manwith-a-hammer syndrome always present? Well if you stop to think about it, it’s incentivecaused bias. His professional reputation is all tied up with what he knows. He likes himself and he likes his own ideas, and he’s expressed them to other people -- consistency and commitment tendency. I mean you’ve got four or five of these elementary psychological tendencies combining to create this man-with-a-hammer syndrome. Once you realize that you can’t really buy your thinking -- partly you can, but largely you can’t in this world -- you have learned a lesson that’s very useful in life. George Bernard Shaw had a character say in The Doctor’s Dilemma, “In the last analysis, every profession is a conspiracy against the laity.” But he didn’t have it quite right, because it isn’t so much a conspiracy as it is a subconscious, psychological tendency. The guy tells you what is good for him. He doesn’t recognize that he’s doing anything wrong any more than that doctor did when he was pulling out all those normal gall bladders. And he believes his own idea structures will cure cancer, and he believes that the demons that he’s the guardian against are the biggest demons and the most important ones, and in fact they may be very small demons compared to the demons that you face. So you’re getting your advice in this world from your paid advisor with this huge load of ghastly bias. And woe to you. There are only two ways to handle it: you can hire your advisor and then just apply a windage factor, like I used to do when I was a rifle shooter. I’d just adjust for so many miles an hour wind. Or you can learn the basic elements of your advisor's trade. You don’t have to learn very much, by the way, because if you learn just a little then you can make him explain why he’s right. And those two tendencies will take part of the warp out of the thinking you’ve tried to hire done. By and large it works terribly. I have never seen a management consultant’s report in my long life that didn’t end with the following paragraph: "What this situation really needs is more management consulting." Never once. I always turn to the last page. Of course Berkshire doesn’t hire them, so I only do this on sort of a voyeuristic basis. Sometimes I’m at a non-profit where some idiot hires one. [Laughter] 16. Seventeen [he means 16]: bias from the non-mathematical nature of the human brain in its natural state as it deal with probabilities employing crude heuristics, and is often misled by mere contrast, a tendency to overweigh conveniently available information and other psychologically misrouted thinking tendencies on this list. When the brain should be using the simple probability mathematics of Fermat and Pascal applied to all reasonably obtainable and correctly weighted items of information that are of value in predicting outcomes, the right way to think is the way Zeckhauser plays bridge. It’s just that simple. And your brain doesn’t naturally know how to think the way Zeckhauser knows how to play bridge. Now, you notice I put in that availability thing, and there I’m mimicking some very eminent psychologists [Daniel] Kahneman, Eikhout[?] (I hope I pronounced that right) and [Amos] Tversky, who raised the idea of availability to a whole heuristic of misjudgment. And they are very substantially right. I mean ask the Coca-Cola Company, which has raised availability to a secular religion. If availability changes behavior, you will drink a helluva lot more Coke if it’s always available. I mean availability does change behavior and cognition. Nonetheless, even though I recognize that and applaud Tversky and Kahneman, I don’t like it for my personal system except as part of a greater sub-system, which is you’ve got to think the way Zeckhauser plays bridge. And it isn’t just the lack of availability that distorts your judgment. All the things on this list distort judgment. And I want to train myself to kind of mentally run down the list instead of just jumping on availability. So that’s why I state it the way I do. In a sense these psychological tendencies make things unavailable, because if you quickly jump to one thing, and then because you jumped to it the consistency and commitment tendency makes you lock in, boom, that’s error number one. Or if something is very vivid, which I’m going to come to next, that will really pound in. And the reason that the thing that really matters is now unavailable and what’s extra-vivid wins is, I mean, the extravividness creates the unavailability. So I think it’s much better to have a whole list of things that would cause you to be less like Zeckhauser than it is just to jump on one factor. Here I think we should discuss John Gutfreund. This is a very interesting human example, which will be taught in every decent professional school for at least a full generation. Gutfreund has a trusted employee and it comes to light not through confession but by accident that the trusted employee has lied like hell to the government and manipulated the accounting system, and it was really equivalent to forgery. And the man immediately says, “I’ve never done it before, I’ll never do it again. It was an isolated example.” And of course it was obvious that he was trying to help the government as well as himself, because he thought the government had been dumb enough to pass a rule that he’d spoken against, and after all if the government’s not going to pay attention to a bond trader at Salomon, what kind of a government can it be?
反正这个人算是所罗门一个小圈子里的,这个圈子在最近短短时间里,为所罗门赚了超过 10 亿美元,就那么一小撮人。所以这里面有大量的心理因素在起作用。然后呢,你认识他老婆,他就站在你面前,有人情怜悯,他多少算是求你帮忙,这又会激发你的互惠心理,所有这些心理倾向都在起作用,再加上他还是那个为你赚了大钱的小圈子成员。总之,古特弗罗伊德没有把这个人开除。当然他之前这么干过,后来也又干了。这下你看上去就好像你几乎盼着他再干一次。或者天知道你看上去像什么,反正肯定不好看。就这么一个简单的决定,毁掉了吉姆·古特弗罗伊德,而且这种事太容易发生了。
现在我们像打桥牌的人那样,像泽克豪泽那样,把这事儿想明白。你找到喜诗糖果公司——我们的一家子公司——里一个老太太从钱柜里偷钱的孤立案例。她会怎么说?“我以前从来没干过,以后也绝不会再干了。这会毁了我的一生的。求你帮帮我。”你认识她的孩子、她的朋友,她在那儿干了 30 年,脚踝浮肿地站在糖果柜台后面。对一个老太太来说,生活并不那么光鲜。而你又有钱又有势,她就站在那儿:“我以前从来没干过,以后也绝不会再干了。”她以前真没干过的可能性有多大?如果你一年要抓 10 起贪污案,那么其中任何一起——用特沃斯基和卡尼曼说的“基线信息”来判断——会是只干了一次的人的概率有多大?那些以前干过、以后还要再干的人,他们会怎么说?在喜诗糖果公司的历史里,他们总是说:“我以前从来没干过,以后也绝不会再干了。”然后我们就开除他们。不这么做就是邪恶的,因为恶劣行为会蔓延。
还记得……什么来着?《冲突》?我是说,你只要放任那种事……你有了社会认同,你有了激励机制导致的偏见,你有了大量心理因素,它们会让恶劣行为蔓延开来,很快整个该死的……你的地方就烂了,整个文明都烂了。这不是正确的行事方式。而且我承认,我确实……在我认识对方老婆和孩子的情况下,我解雇一个在长期出差中包养情妇的人时,还付了遣散费。我在意的不是通奸,而是挪用公款。但那种情况下,我不会像古特弗罗伊德那么干,因为他们在我的企业里替我坑了别人。那种情况你必须开除。但如果他们只是从你这里偷东西,你把他们赶走,我觉得不必非要榨干最后一滴报复。实际上,我觉得根本不需要报复。报复没什么好处。
现在我们进入因过度生动的证据而产生偏见的偏向。
这里有一个例子……我在讲这个小故事的时候,至少已经损失了 3000 万美元,因为我曾经买了 300 股某只股票,那家伙打电话回来说:“我又弄到了 1500 股。”我说:“你能给我 15 分钟让我考虑一下吗?”那家公司的 CEO——我漫长人生里见过很多稀奇古怪的生动例子,但这家伙创了世界纪录,我说的是那个 CEO——我只是权重给错了。事情的真相是,那个情况本来万无一失。他不久就要死了,而我拒绝了那额外的 1500 股,现在这让我损失了 3000 万美元。这就是大城市里的生活。而且那并不是股票普遍都能买得到的情况。所以,你非常容易过度权重那些生动的证据,古特弗罗伊德就是看着那个人的眼睛,饶恕了一个同事,这么干了的。
At any rate, this guy has been part of a little clique that has made, well, way over a billion dollars for Salomon in the very recent past, and it’s a little handful of people. And so there are a lot of psychological forces at work, and then you know the guy’s wife, and he’s right in front of you, and there’s human sympathy, and he’s sort of asking for your help, which encourages reciprocation, and there’s all these psychological tendencies are working, plus the fact he’s part of a group that had made a lot of money for you. At any rate, Gutfreund does not cashier the man, and of course he had done it before and he did do it again. Well now you look as though you almost wanted him to do it again. Or God knows what you look like, but it isn’t good. And that simple decision destroyed Jim Gutfreund, and it’s so easy to do. Now let’s think it through like the bridge player, like Zeckhauser. You find an isolated example of a little old lady in the See’s Candy Company, one of our subsidiaries, getting into the till. And what does she say? “I never did it before, I’ll never do it again. This is going to ruin my life. Please help me.” And you know her children and her friends, and she’d been around 30 years and standing behind the candy counter with swollen ankles. When you’re an old lady it isn’t that glorious a life. And you’re rich and powerful and there she is: “I never did it before, I’ll never do it again.” Well how likely is it that she never did it before? If you’re going to catch 10 embezzlements a year, what are the chances that any one of them -- applying what Tversky and Kahneman called baseline information -- will be somebody who only did it this once? And the people who have done it before and are going to do it again, what are they all going to say? Well in the history of the See’s Candy Company they always say, “I never did it before, and I’m never going to do it again.” And we cashier them. It would be evil not to, because terrible behavior spreads. Remember…what was it? Serpico? I mean you let that stuff…you’ve got social proof, you’ve got incentive-caused bias, you’ve got a whole lot of psychological factors that will cause the evil behavior to spread, and pretty soon the whole damn…your place is rotten, the civilization is rotten. It’s not the right way to behave. And I will admit that I have…when I knew the wife and children, I have paid severance pay when I fire somebody for taking a mistress on an extended foreign trip. It’s not the adultery I mind, it’s the embezzlement. But there, I wouldn’t do it like Gutfreund did it, where they’d been cheating somebody else on my behalf. There I think you have to cashier. But if they’re just stealing from you and you get rid of them, I don’t think you need the last ounce of vengeance. In fact I don’t think you need any vengeance. I don’t think vengeance is much good. 17. Now we come to bias from over-influence by extra-vivid evidence. Here’s one that…I’m at least $30 million poorer as I sit here giving this little talk because I once bought 300 shares of a stock and the guy called me back and said, “I’ve got 1,500 more,” and I said, “Will you hold it for 15 minutes while I think about it?” And the CEO of this company -- I have seen a lot of vivid peculiarities in a long life, but this guy set a world record; I’m talking about the CEO -- and I just mis-weighed it. The truth of the matter was the situation was foolproof. He was soon going to be dead, and I turned down the extra 1,500 shares, and it’s now cost me $30 million. And that’s life in the big city. And it wasn’t something where stock was generally available. So it’s very easy to misweigh the vivid evidence, and Gutfreund did that when he looked into the man’s eyes and forgave a colleague.
18\. 二十二 [他指的是十八]:信息没有在思维和理论结构中排列好所造成的思维混乱,从而在回答“为什么”这个问题时产生了听起来合理但实际上是错误的概括。另外,受到那些表面上回答了“为什么”但实际并未回答的信息的误导。还有,因为没能恰当解释“为什么”而导致本应获得的影响力未能实现。嗯,我们都见过那些不及格的人,他们努力背诵,努力复述,但就是……不奏效。大脑不是那样运作的。你必须把事实排列在回答“为什么”这个问题的理论结构上。如果你不这么做,你就根本无法应对这个世界。
现在说到福伊尔斯坦,他是古特弗罗因德犯下大错时所罗门兄弟的总法律顾问,福伊尔斯坦其实明白事理。他告诉古特弗罗因德:“从道德和审慎商业判断的角度,你必须上报这件事。”他说:“这可能不违法,可能没有法律义务这样做,但从审慎行为和对主要客户恰当处理的角度,你必须这么做。”他对古特弗罗因德至少说过两三次。然后他停下了。当然,说服失败了,当古特弗罗因德倒台时,福伊尔斯坦也跟着一起垮了。这件事毁掉了福伊尔斯坦生命中的相当大一部分。
好了,福伊尔斯坦曾是《哈佛法律评论》的成员,却犯了一个基本的心理学错误。你想说服别人,你真的要告诉他们“为什么”。我们在第一课中学到了什么?激励真的重要吗?生动的证据真的有效吗?他应该告诉古特弗罗因德:“你很可能会毁了你的人生,让你的家人蒙羞,还会损失你的钱。”而莫泽值得你这么做吗?我认识这两个人。那样的话就会奏效了。所以福伊尔斯坦,这位非常老练、才华横溢的律师,在基础心理学上不及格了。但你可不要犯那种错。这并不难做,你知道,只要记住“为什么”非常重要。
19\. 感觉、记忆、认知和知识的其他正常限制。嗯,我没时间讲这个了。
20\. 压力引发的心理变化,无论大小、暂时还是永久。这里,我最喜欢的例子是伟大的巴甫洛夫。他让所有这些狗关在笼子里,这些狗都已经被条件反射训练得改变了行为,然后伟大的列宁格勒洪水来了,水正好涨上来,狗在笼子里。狗承受了你能想象到的一只狗所能承受的所有压力。洪水及时退去,救出了一些狗,巴甫洛夫注意到它们条件反射形成的性格发生了彻底的逆转。作为一位伟大的科学家,他在余生中继续给狗制造神经崩溃,他学到了非常多我觉得非常有趣的东西。
我从未认识任何一位弗洛伊德学派的分析师知道巴甫洛夫晚年工作的任何内容,我也从未遇到过一位律师明白巴甫洛夫从那些狗身上发现的东西与编程、反编程、邪教等等有任何关系。我的意思是,在高层中存在的这种基础心理学无知的程度非常严重。
18. Twenty-two [he means 18]: Mental confusion caused by information not arrayed in the mind and theory structures, creating sound generalizations developed in response to the question “Why?” Also, mis-influence from information that apparently but not really answers the question “Why?” Also, failure to obtain deserved influence caused by not properly explaining why. Well we all know people who’ve flunked, and they try and memorize and they try and spout back and they just…it doesn’t work. The brain doesn’t work that way. You’ve got to array facts on the theory structures answering the question “Why?” If you don’t do that, you just cannot handle the world. And now we get to Feuerstein, who was the general counsel with Salomon when Gutfreund made his big error, and Feuerstein knew better. He told Gutfreund, “You have to report this as a matter of morality and prudent business judgment.” He said, “It’s probably not illegal, there’s probably no legal duty to do it, but you have to do it as a matter of prudent conduct and proper dealing with your main customer.” He said that to Gutfreund on at least two or three occasions. And he stopped. And, of course, the persuasion failed, and when Gutfreund went down, Feuerstein went with him. It ruined a considerable part of Feuerstein’s life. Well Feuerstein, [who] was a member of the Harvard Law Review, made an elementary psychological mistake. You want to persuade somebody, you really tell them why. And what did we learn in lesson one? Incentives really matter? Vivid evidence really works? He should’ve told Gutfreund, “You’re likely to ruin your life and disgrace your family and lose your money.” And is Mozer worth this? I know both men. That would’ve worked. So Feuerstein flunked elementary psychology, this very sophisticated, brilliant lawyer. But don’t you do that. It’s not very hard to do, you know, just to remember that “Why?” is very important. 19. Other normal limitations of sensation, memory, cognition and knowledge. Well, I don’t have time for that. 20. Stress-induced mental changes, small and large, temporary and permanent. Here, my favorite example is the great Pavlov. He had all these dogs in cages, which had all been conditioned into changed behaviors, and the great Leningrad flood came and it just went right up and the dog’s in a cage. And the dog had as much stress as you can imagine a dog ever having. And the water receded in time to save some of the dogs, and Pavlov noted that they’d had a total reversal of their conditioned personality. And being the great scientist he was, he spent the rest of his life giving nervous breakdowns to dogs, and he learned a helluva lot that I regard as very interesting. I have never known any Freudian analyst who knew anything about the last work of Pavlov, and I’ve never met a lawyer who understood that what Pavlov found out with those dogs had anything to do with programming and de-programming and cults and so forth. I mean the amount of elementary psychological ignorance that is out there in high levels is very significant[?].
- 然后是其他常见的心理疾病和认知衰退,既有暂时性的,也有永久性的,包括因荒废而导致能力丧失的倾向。
- 接着是“说点什么综合征”引发的组织混乱与发育问题。
我在这方面的最爱例子是蜜蜂,那种采蜜的蜜蜂。蜜蜂飞出去找到花蜜,飞回来后,它会跳一种舞,告诉其他蜜蜂花蜜在哪里,然后其他蜜蜂就飞出去采蜜。有些很聪明的科学家,比如 B.F. 斯金纳,决定做个实验。他把花蜜竖直往上放,放在很高的地方。在自然环境中,根本没有花蜜是竖直往上的,可怜的蜜蜂没有遗传程序来应对它现在需要传达的信息。你可能以为蜜蜂会回到蜂巢,缩到角落里,但它没有。它飞进蜂巢,跳起乱七八糟的舞。我这辈子一直在跟人类版的这种蜜蜂打交道。[笑声] 这在人类组织中是很重要的一部分,所以那些患有“说点什么综合征”的人制造的噪音、相互附和之类的东西,并不会真正影响决策。
现在该问两三个问题了。这是整场演讲中最重要的一个问题:
1. 当这些标准心理倾向叠加在一起时,会发生什么?当环境,或者人的巧妙的操纵,让好几种倾向同时作用于一个人,把它们都朝同一个目标推进时,会怎么样?
明确的答案是,与仅有一种倾向单独起作用相比,组合会极大地增强改变行为的力量。例子包括:
21. Then we’ve got other common mental illnesses and declines, temporary and permanent, including the tendency to lose ability through disuse. 22. And then I’ve got development and organizational confusion from say-something syndrome. And here my favorite thing is the bee, a honeybee. And a honeybee goes out and finds the nectar and he comes back, he does a dance that communicates to the other bees where the nectar is, and they go out and get it. Well some scientist who is clever, like B.F. Skinner, decided to do an experiment. He put the nectar straight up. Way up. Well, in a natural setting, there is no nectar where they’re all straight up, and the poor honeybee doesn’t have a genetic program that is adequate to handle what he now has to communicate. And you’d think the honeybee would come back to the hive and slink into a corner, but he doesn’t. He comes into the hive and does this incoherent dance, and all my life I’ve been dealing with the human equivalent of that honeybee. [Laughter] And it’s a very important part of human organization so the noise and the reciprocation and so forth of all these people who have what I call say-something syndrome don’t really affect the decisions. Now the time has come to ask two or three questions. This is the most important question in this whole talk: 1. What happens when these standard psychological tendencies combine? What happens when the situation, or the artful manipulation of man, causes several of these tendencies to operate on a person toward the same end at the same time? The clear answer is the combination greatly increases power to change behavior, compared to the power of merely one tendency acting alone. Examples are: •
特百惠派对。特百惠凭借几招操纵人心的心理技巧,如今已赚了数十亿美元。这手法相当低俗,以至于贾斯汀·达特公司(Justin Dart)的董事们在他强行把这套做法塞给董事会时纷纷辞职。不过,从经济成果来看,他完全是对的。
Tupperware parties. Tupperware’s now made billions of dollars out of a few manipulative psychological tricks. It was so schlocky that directors of Justin Dart’s company resigned when he crammed it down his board’s throat. And he was totally right, by the way, judged by economic outcomes.
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Moonie(指文鲜明及统一教)的洗脑方法多有效啊。他不过是把其中四五样东西组合在一起罢了。
Moonie [as in Sun Myung Moon and the Unification Church] conversion methods: boy do they work. He just combines four or five of these things together.
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匿名戒酒会的制度:当其他一切方法都失败时,50% 的戒酒成功率?这是一个非常巧妙的制度,它同时运用了四到五种心理学机制,指向——我可以这么说——一个非常好的目标。
The system of Alcoholics Anonymous: a 50% no-drinking rate outcome when everything else fails? It’s a very clever system that uses four or five psychological systems at once toward, I might say, a very good end.
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米尔格拉姆实验。这个实验通常被理解为纯粹服从,但真正的情况是,那个引导学生施加高强度电击的实验人员,他给出了一个理由——那是个虚假的理由。“我们需要用这个来寻找科学真理”,诸如此类。这极大地改变了人们的行为。第二,他逐步升级:先是微小电击,再加大一点,再大一点。于是承诺与一致倾向、对比原理都在共同促成这种行为。所以这又涉及四种不同的心理倾向。
The Milgrim experiment. It’s been widely interpreted as mere obedience, but the truth of the matter is that the experimenter who got the students to give the heavy shocks in Milgrim, he explained why. It was a false explanation. “We need this to look for scientific truth,” and so on. That greatly changed the behavior of the people. And number two, he worked them up: tiny shock, a little larger, a little larger. So commitment and consistency tendency and the contrast principle were both working in favor of this behavior. So again, it’s four different psychological tendencies.
当你遇到这种“合力效应”时,几乎总会发现四五种因素同时起作用。
我年轻时有个侦探小说里的英雄总是说:“Cherche la femme。”(法语,“找那个女人”)。你在生活中应该寻找的是组合效应,因为组合很可能把你搞砸。或者,如果你是想出特百惠派对的人,组合效应也可能让你变得极其富有——前提是你在做这件事时能忍受刮胡子。
我最喜欢的案例之一是麦道客机疏散灾难。政府要求客机通过一系列测试,其中一项是疏散:让所有人撤离,我记得是 90 秒左右,时间很短。政府规定要尽可能逼真,等等。你不能只选二十岁的运动员来疏散乘客。所以麦道公司在机库里安排了这样一次测试,机库很暗,水泥地面有 25 英尺深,他们准备了那些小橡胶滑梯,找来一群老年人,铃声一响他们全冲出去,结果早上第一次测试时,我记不清了,大约造成了 20 人重伤,被送进医院,当然他们还安排了下午再做一次。
顺便说一句,他们连时间表也没看,除了造成这些伤者之外。那……他们怎么办?下午又做了一次。这次又造成 20 多人受伤,还有一例脊柱断裂,导致永久性、不可修复的瘫痪。这些人都是工程师,都是聪明人,这是在一个庞大官僚机构中深思熟虑的结果。同样,这是[心理倾向]的组合:权威让你这么做,他让你逼真。你决定做,你决定做两次。激励导致的偏见。如果通过测试,你能省一大笔钱。在你能销售新型客机之前,你必须跨过这道坎。又来了,三四种、五六种因素一起起作用,把人的大脑变成了一团浆糊。也许你以为这在选股时不会发生?如果这样想,那你和我生活的世界完全不同。
最后是公开喊价拍卖。公开喊价拍卖简直就是为了把大脑搅成浆糊而设计的:你有社会认同,别人在出价,你产生互惠倾向,你产生损失厌恶综合征,那东西正离你而去……我意思是,这绝对是为了操纵人们做出愚蠢行为而设计的。
最后,大型美国公司的董事会制度。头号人物坐在那里,他是个权威人物。他干着蠢事,你环顾董事会,没人反对,社会认同,这就没事了?互惠倾向,他每年给董事加薪,用公司飞机带你去看有趣的工厂,或者他们到底在干什么,然后你去了,结果作为纠错决策机构的典型美国董事会变得极度功能失调。他们只有在情况糟糕到让自己显得愚蠢、或者面临法律责任威胁时,才会采取行动——这就是芒格法则。我的意思是偶尔也有不遵循芒格法则的情况,但总的来说,如果头号人物有点疯——这种情况当然经常发生——董事会是一个非常低效的纠错机制。
2. 第二个问题:这份标准心理倾向列表,是否比欧几里得几何体系更不当地成了同义反复?也就是说,是否存在重叠?列表中某些项目是否可以从其他项目的组合中推导出来?
When you get these lollapalooza effects you will almost always find four or five of these things working together. When I was young there was a whodunit hero who always said, “Cherche la femme.” [In French, "Look for the woman."] What you should search for in life is the combination, because the combination is likely to do you in. Or, if you’re the inventor of Tupperware parties, it’s likely to make you enormously rich if you can stand shaving when you do it. One of my favorite cases is the McDonald-Douglas airliner evacuation disaster. The government requires that airliners pass a bunch of tests, one of them is evacuation: get everybody out, I think it’s 90 seconds or something like that. It’s some short period of time. The government has rules, make it very realistic, so on and so on. You can’t select nothing but 20-year-old athletes to evacuate your airline. So McDonald-Douglas schedules one of these things in a hangar, and they make the hangar dark and the concrete floor is 25 feet down, and they’ve got these little rubber chutes, and they’ve got all these old people, and they ring the bell and they all rush out, and in the morning, when the first test is done, they create, I don’t know, 20 terrible injuries when people go off to hospitals, and of course they scheduled another one for the afternoon. By the way they didn’t read[?] the time schedule either, in addition to causing all the injuries. Well…so what do they do? They do it again in the afternoon. Now they create 20 more injuries and one case of a severed spinal column with permanent, unfixable paralysis. These are engineers, these are brilliant people, this is thought over through in a big bureaucracy. Again, it’s a combination of [psychological tendencies]: authorities told you to do it. He told you to make it realistic. You’ve decided to do it. You’d decided to do it twice. Incentive-caused bias. If you pass you save a lot of money. You’ve got to jump this hurdle before you can sell your new airliner. Again, three, four, five of these things work together and it turns human brains into mush. And maybe you think this doesn’t happen in picking investments? If so, you’re living in a different world than I am. Finally, the open-outcry auction. Well the open-outcry auction is just made to turn the brain into mush: you’ve got social proof, the other guy is bidding, you get reciprocation tendency, you get deprival super-reaction syndrome, the thing is going away… I mean it just absolutely is designed to manipulate people into idiotic behavior. Finally the institution of the board of directors of the major American company. Well, the top guy is sitting there, he’s an authority figure. He’s doing asinine things, you look around the board, nobody else is objecting, social proof, it’s okay? Reciprocation tendency, he’s raising the directors fees every year, he’s flying you around in the corporate airplane to look at interesting plants, or whatever in hell they do, and you go and you really get extreme dysfunction as a corrective decision-making body in the typical American board of directors. They only act, again the power of incentives, they only act when it gets so bad it starts making them look foolish, or threatening legal liability to them. That’s Munger’s rule. I mean there are occasional things that don’t follow Munger’s rule, but by and large the board of directors is a very ineffective corrector if the top guy is a little nuts, which, of course, frequently happens. 2. The second question: Isn’t this list of standard psychological tendencies improperly tautological compared with the system of Euclid? That is, aren’t there overlaps? And can’t some items on the list be derived from combinations of other items?
对这个问题的回答显然是肯定的。
3. 第三:在实际生活中,列表中所展示的这种思维体系到底有什么好处?难道不是因为这些心理倾向是广泛进化过程编程进人类大脑的,所以我们无法摆脱它们,从而阻止了实际益处吗?所谓广泛进化,我指的是基因进化与文化进化的结合,但主要是基因进化。
答案是,这些倾向有一部分是好的,而且实际上,好的可能远多于坏的,否则它们就不会存在了。总体而言,这些经验法则考虑到人类有限的脑力,对人类来说相当管用。这就是它们被广泛进化编程进来的原因。无论如何,它们不能也不应该被简单地自动清除掉。然而,当一个人理解并建设性地运用它时,这里所描述的这种心理思维体系在传播智慧和良好行为方面非常有用。
以下是一些例子:
The answer to that is, plainly, yes. 3. Three: What good, in the practical world, is the thought system indicated by the list? Isn’t practical benefit prevented because these psychological tendencies are programmed into the human mind by broad evolution so we can’t get rid of them? [By] broad evolution, I mean the combination of genetic and cultural evolution, but mostly genetic. Well the answer is the tendencies are partly good and, indeed, probably much more good than bad, otherwise they wouldn’t be there. By and large these rules of thumb, they work pretty well for man given his limited mental capacity. And that’s why they were programmed in by broad evolution. At any rate, they can’t be simply washed out automatically and they shouldn’t be. Nonetheless, the psychological thought system described is very useful in spreading wisdom and good conduct when one understands it and uses it constructively. Here are some examples: •
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第一点是卡尔·布劳恩的沟通方式。他设计炼油厂的水平极高,为人极其正直。他的规则非常简单。还记得我说过“为什么重要吗?”在布劳恩公司,你如果犯了这个错就会被开除。你必须交代清楚五个 W:你要告诉对方你是谁、你要做什么、在哪里做、什么时候做,而且你必须告诉他为什么这么做。如果你写了一份沟通文件却漏掉了“为什么”,你会被开除,因为布劳恩知道建造炼油厂是很复杂的事。它可能会爆炸……各种状况都可能发生。他知道,如果你总是告诉他为什么,他的沟通体系运转效果会更好。这是一个简单的纪律,而且效果奇佳。
第二点是飞行员培训中使用模拟器。这一点同样印证了能力会因为荒废而衰退。模拟器简直是天赐之物,因为它能让人保持熟练状态。
第三点是匿名戒酒会的体系。这绝对是利用对人类心理倾向理解的一个建设性范例。我认为他们实际上是无意中摸索出来的,所以你可以把它看作一种进化结果。但就算他们是无意中发现的,也不意味着当你出于好的目的而需要时,不能创造出一个对等的东西。
第四点是医学院的临床培训。这是一种深刻而正确的理解心理学的方式。标准做法是:看一次、做一次、教一次。这确实能把你想灌输的东西深深地印进脑子里。这又是保持一致和承诺倾向的体现。这也是一种深刻正确的临床医学教学方式。
第五点是美国制宪会议的规则:完全保密,在整个投票完成之前不进行任何单独表决,最后只对整个宪法进行一次投票。这是非常巧妙的心理学规则。如果他们采用了不同的程序,每个人都会被自己的宣言、自己的演讲、自己的……逼到墙角。在最后一次投票之前,没有任何记名投票。凭借这些明智的规则,宪法以极其微弱的优势获得了通过。如果我们的先辈没有如此敏锐的心理学洞察力,我们根本就不会有这部宪法。再看看我们现在这帮人。
One: Karl Braun’s communication practices. He designed oil refineries with spectacular skill and integrity. He had a very simple rule. Remember I said, “Why is it important?” You got fired in the Braun company. You had to have five Ws. You had to tell Who, What you wanted to do, Where and When, and you had to tell him Why. And if you wrote a communication and left out the Why you got fired, because Braun knew it’s complicated building an oil refinery. It can blow up…all kinds of things happen. And he knew that his communication system worked better if you always told him why. That’s a simple discipline, and boy does it work. Two: the use of simulators in pilot training. Here, again, abilities attenuate with disuse. Well the simulator is God’s gift because you can keep them fresh. Three: The system of Alcoholics Anonymous, that’s certainly a constructive use of somebody understanding psychological tendencies. I think they just wandered into it, as a matter of fact, so you can regard it as kind of an evolutionary outcome. But just because they’ve wandered into it doesn’t mean you can’t invent its equivalent when you need it for a good purpose. Four: Clinical training in medical schools: here’s a profoundly correct way of understanding psychology. The standard practice is watch one, do one, teach one. Boy does that pound in what you want pounded in. Again, the consistency and commitment tendency. And that is a profoundly correct way to teach clinical medicine. Five: The rules of the U.S. Constitutional Convention: totally secret, no vote until the whole vote, then just one vote on the whole Constitution. Very clever psychological rules, and if they had a different procedure, everybody would’ve been pushed into a corner by his own pronouncements and his own oratory and his own… And no recorded votes until the last one. And they got it through by a whisker with those wise rules. We wouldn’t have had the Constitution if our forefathers hadn’t been so psychologically acute. And look at the crowd we got now.
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第六条:运用奶奶的规矩。我很喜欢这一条。有位为“中心”工作的心理学家,在全美各地出差能赚一大笔钱,他教高管们如何自我管理。奶奶的规矩就是:不吃胡萝卜,就别想吃冰淇淋。奶奶可真是个聪明的老太太。这套方法非常管用。于是,这位非常著名的心理学家在全国各地告诉高管们,把一天的工作安排好,逼自己先做那些不愉快但重要的事,然后用真正喜欢做的事来奖励自己。他说得太对了。
第七条:哈佛商学院强调决策树。我年轻又愚蠢的时候,曾经嘲笑过哈佛商学院。我说:“他们教一群 28 岁的人,高中代数在现实生活里管用?”我们说的可是基础概率。但后来我变聪明了,意识到他们这么做非常重要,晚学总比不学好。
第八条:强生公司的“事后剖析”方法。在大多数公司,如果你搞了一次收购,结果是一场灾难,当初那些导致愚蠢收购的 paperwork 和演示材料很快就被遗忘了。你会否认,你会有一切借口。你有巴甫洛夫式的联想倾向。没人愿意跟那倒霉事儿沾边,甚至提都不想提。在强生公司,他们让每个人都重新审视过去的收购,重新翻阅那些演示材料。这是非常聪明的做法。顺带一提,我自己也经常这么做。
第九条:查尔斯·达尔文的好榜样,他避开了确认偏差。达尔文很可能改变了我的一生,因为我是个传记迷。当我发现他总是特别关注那些证伪的证据,以及他用的那些小心理技巧时,我也发现,用普通人聪明才智的标准来衡量,他并不算特别聪明,可他却被安葬在威斯敏斯特大教堂。我告诉你们,那可不是我将来要去的地方。我心想:“天哪,所有客观证据都表明,这家伙远没我聪明,他却进了威斯敏斯特大教堂?他一定有些诀窍,我得学学。”于是我开始像达尔文那样,穿点“苦衣”,试图训练自己摆脱那些容易导致无数错误的潜意识心理倾向。这办法没做到尽善尽美,你们听我这场演讲就能听出来,但要是没这么做,情况会更糟。你可以了解这些心理倾向,避免成为那些试图操纵你、让你吃亏的人的替罪羊,就像山姆·沃尔顿那样。山姆·沃尔顿绝不让采购员从销售员手里接过哪怕一块手帕。他知道潜意识里的互惠倾向有多么强大。对山姆·沃尔顿来说,这么做完全正确。
第十条:沃伦·巴菲特关于公开喊价拍卖的规矩:别去。我们也不去密封投标的拍卖会,因为那通常也是个适得其反的做法,原因不同,泽克豪泽明白这一点。
Six: the use of granny’s rule. I love this. One of the psychologists who works for the Center gets paid a fortune running around America, and he teaches executives to manipulate themselves. Now granny’s rule is you don’t get the ice cream unless you eat your carrots. Well granny was a very wise woman. That is a very good system. And so this guy, a very eminent psychologist, he runs around the country telling executives to organize their day so they force themselves to do what’s unpleasant and important by doing that first, and then rewarding themselves with something they really like doing. He is profoundly correct. Seven: the Harvard Business School’s emphasis on decision trees. When I was young and foolish I used to laugh at the Harvard Business School. I said, “They’re teaching 28-year-old people that high school algebra works in real life?” We’re talking about elementary probability. But later I wised up and I realized that it was very important that they do that, and better late than never. Eight: the use of post-mortems at Johnson & Johnson. At most corporations if you make an acquisition and it turns out to be a disaster, all the paperwork and presentations that caused the dumb acquisition to be made are quickly forgotten. You’ve got denial, you’ve got everything in the world. You’ve got Pavlovian association tendency. Nobody even wants to even be associated with the damned thing or even mention it. At Johnson & Johnson, they make everybody revisit their old acquisitions and wade through the presentations. That is a very smart thing to do. And by the way, I do the same thing routinely. Nine: the great example of Charles Darwin is he avoided confirmation bias. Darwin probably changed my life because I’m a biography nut, and when I found out the way he always paid extra attention to the disconfirming evidence and all these little psychological tricks. I also found out that he wasn’t very smart by the ordinary standards of human acuity, yet there he is buried in Westminster Abbey. That’s not where I’m going, I’ll tell you. And I said, “My God, here’s a guy that, by all objective evidence, is not nearly as smart as I am and he’s in Westminster Abbey? He must have tricks I should learn.” And I started wearing little hair shirts like Darwin to try and train myself out of these subconscious psychological tendencies that cause so many errors. It didn’t work perfectly, as you can tell from listening to this talk, but it would’ve been even worse if I hadn’t done what I did. And you can know these psychological tendencies and avoid being the patsy of all the people that are trying to manipulate you to your disadvantage, like Sam Walton. Sam Walton won’t let a purchasing agent take a handkerchief from a salesman. He knows how powerful the subconscious reciprocation tendency is. That is a profoundly correct way for Sam Walton to behave. Ten: Then there is the Warren Buffett rule for open-outcry auctions: don’t go. We don’t go to the closed-bid auctions too because they…that’s a counter-productive way to do things ordinarily for a different reason, which Zeckhauser would understand.
四、第四个问题:在这个列表所揭示的思维体系中,埋藏着哪些特殊的知识难题?
首先就是悖论。我们讨论的是一种人类智慧,其特点是:越多的人学习它,这种智慧就越被削弱。这本质上是一种自相矛盾的智慧。但数学中也存在悖论,我们并没有因此放弃数学。我要说,去他的悖论。这套东西极其有用。顺便说一句,当你把“奶奶的规则”用在自己身上时,那差不多就是悖论中的悖论。即便你知道自己正在操纵自己,这套操纵依然有效。我曾见过有人对别人这么做。
几年前,我抽签和一位漂亮女士同桌共进晚餐,我之前从未见过她。她嫁给了一位洛杉矶名流,她在我身边坐下,抬起美丽的脸庞问我:“查理,”她说,“用一个词概括,是什么造就了你人生非凡的成功?”我当时就知道自己正在被操纵,而且她以前肯定也干过这招,但我非常享受。说真的,每次见到这位女士,我的心情都会为之一振。顺便说一句,我回答她说:理性。至于这是不是真的,你得自己判断。我可能正在向你展示某种我本不想展示的心理倾向。
在一个开明的经济学家头脑中,心理学和经济学的精华部分应该如何相互关联?有两种观点:一种是热力学模型。你没法从钚、引力以及力学定律中推导出热力学,尽管热力学本身就是由大量微观粒子相互作用形成的。但有一个奇妙的事实是,你可以凭借自己摸索出热力学的一些东西。有些经济学家——我觉得米尔顿·弗里德曼就属于这一派,不过我也可能猜错——多少偏好热力学模型。我认为得了诺贝尔奖的米尔顿·弗里德曼在这方面可能有点偏差。我觉得用热力学来类比是过度牵强的。我认为这些不同的软科学知识必须相互调和,以消除冲突。毕竟,热力学中没有任何东西与牛顿力学和引力相矛盾,而我认为,有些经济理论与其他知识并非完全一致,它们需要被修正。我觉得这些行为经济学……或者说行为经济学家,可能就是那些把经济学往正确方向修正的人。
现在我的预测是:一旦经济学家把一点心理学纳入考量,这种调和将是完全可以忍受的。这里我用的是“春分点进动”模型。对于一个长期研究气候的学者来说,如果地球自转轴相对于黄道面的倾角是绝对固定的,世界会简单得多。但事实并非如此。每隔大约 4 万年,地球自转轴就会有一点点摆动,而这种摆动会在长期中产生显著影响。在很多时候,心理学所要增添的,恰恰就是这么一点摆动,而这是完全可以忍受的。这里我要引用我的另一位英雄——当然是爱因斯坦——的话:“上帝是微妙的,但并不怀恶意。”我认为,把经济学稍微弯曲一下,来容纳心理学中正确的东西,这并不会太难。
五、第五个也是最后一个问题:如果说这套由心理倾向列表构成的思维体系具有巨大的、却未被认识和运用的价值,那么教育系统应该对此做些什么?
这个问题我现在不回答。我喜欢留一点神秘感。
我是不是把时间都用完了,没时间提问了?
主持人:
4. Four: What special knowledge problems lie buried in the thought system indicated by the list? Well one is paradox. Now we’re talking about a type of human wisdom that the more people learn about it, the more attenuated the wisdom gets. That’s an intrinsically paradoxical kind of wisdom. But we have paradox in mathematics and we don’t give up mathematics. I say damn the paradox. This stuff is wonderfully useful. And by the way, the granny’s rule, when you apply it to yourself, is sort of a paradox in a paradox. The manipulation still works even though you know you’re doing it. And I’ve seen that done by one person to another. I drew this beautiful woman as my dinner partner a few years ago, and I’d never seen her before. Well, she’s married to prominent Angelino, and she sat down next to me and she turned her beautiful face up and she said, “Charlie,” she said, “What one word accounts for your remarkable success in life?” And I knew I was being manipulated and that she’d done this before, and I just loved it. I mean I never see this woman without a little lift in my spirits. And by the way I told her I was rational. You’ll have to judge yourself whether that’s true. I may be demonstrating some psychological tendency I hadn’t planned on demonstrating. How should the best parts of psychology and economics interrelate in an enlightened economist's mind? Two views: that’s the thermodynamics model. You know, you can’t derive thermodynamics from plutonium, gravity and laws of mechanics, even though it’s a lot of little particles interacting. And here is this wonderful truth that you can sort of develop on your own, which is thermodynamics. And some economists -- and I think Milton Friedman is in this group, but I may be wrong on that -- sort of like the thermodynamics model. I think Milton Friedman, who has a Nobel prize, is probably a little wrong on that. I think the thermodynamics analogy is over-strained. I think knowledge from these different soft sciences have to be reconciled to eliminate conflict. After all, there’s nothing in thermodynamics that’s inconsistent with Newtonian mechanics and gravity, and I think that some of these economic theories are not totally consistent with other knowledge, and they have to be bent. And I think that these behavioral economics…or economists are probably the ones that are bending them in the correct direction. Now my prediction is when the economists take a little psychology into account that the reconciliation will be quite endurable. And here my model is the procession of the equinoxes. The world would be simpler for a long-term climatologist if the angle of the axis of the Earth’s rotation, compared to the plane of the Euclyptic, were absolutely fixed. But it isn’t fixed. Over every 40,000 years or so there’s this little wobble, and that has pronounced long-term effects. Well in many cases what psychology is going to add is just a little wobble, and it will be endurable. Here I quote another hero of mine, which of course is Einstein, where he said, “The Lord is subtle, but not malicious.” And I don’t think it’s going to be that hard to bend economics a little to accommodate what’s right in psychology. 5. Fifth: The final question is: If the thought system indicated by this list of psychological tendencies has great value not recognized and employed, what should the educational system do about it? I am not going to answer that one now. I like leaving a little mystery. Have I used up all the time so there’s no time for questions? Moderator:
我想我们要做的是,从今天最后的问题环节里借一点时间过来,把它分配给查理·芒格,如果大家没意见的话。
I think that what we’re going to do is we’re going to borrow a little bit of time from the end of the day questions, and we’re going to move it and allocate it to Charles Munger, if that's acceptable to everybody.
查理·芒格:
顺便说一句,斯坦福法学院的院长保罗·布莱斯特今天也在这里。他正尝试在斯坦福法学院开设一门课程,把类似今天的内容融进去,变成律师的世俗智慧——我觉得这主意棒极了。他写了一篇相关的文章,稍后会和西奥迪尼的书一起发给大家。[芒格先生提到的这篇文章题为《论教授职业判断力》,作者是保罗·布莱斯特和琳达·克里格,发表在 1994 年 7 月的《华盛顿法律评论》上。] 有问题吗?
第一位现场股东:
Munger: By the way, the dean of the Stanford Law School is here today, Paul Brest, and he is trying to create a course at the Stanford Law School that tries to work stuff similar to this into worldly wisdom for lawyers, which I regard as a profoundly good idea, and he wrote an article about it, and you’ll be given a copy along with Cialdini’s book. [The article Mr. Munger is referring to is called "On Teaching Professional Judgment" by Paul Brest and Linda Krieger. It was published in the July 1994 edition of the Washington Law Review.] Questions? Audience Member #1: Munger:
Audience
Member #2:
Audience Member #2:
Munger:
Munger:
现场股东 3 号:芒格:
Audience Member #3: Munger:
我们能拿到那份 24 条[人类误判的常见原因]清单的复印件吗?
可以。我猜会有人好奇想看看[笑声],我这儿有一份,会放在那边的桌子上,但每人只拿一份,因为我没想到今天来这么多人。如果不够用,我相信中心可以再复印一些。
要是听了这段讲话,你可能会觉得查尔斯·芒格是在商学院教心理学的教授。偶尔你会讲到一些微观层面的问题——比如你告诉我们,你会怎么处理其中某个问题,像喜诗糖果那位不幸的女士一样——但你没有告诉我们,这些倾向是如何影响你的,而它们很可能正是你成功的最重要或最重要的因素之一,即决定把钱投到哪里。我想知道,你是否能把其中一些原则和你过去的投资决策联系起来讲一讲。
当然,投资一家公司的普通股,通常涉及大量因素相互作用。通常,当然,会有一个大的、简单的模型,而其中很多模型都属于微观经济学范畴。我有一份小小的清单——不会有 24 条那么多——但我不太有时间讲那个。我也不太有兴趣教别人怎么致富。这倒不是因为害怕竞争之类的原因——沃伦一直对自己学到的东西非常坦诚,我也认同这种理念。我个人的行为楷模是凯恩斯勋爵:我想致富是为了获得独立,这样我就能做其他事情,比如讲讲心理学和经济学的交集。我不想让它变成彻底的执念。
从这 24 条中,你能告诉我们最重要的一条是什么吗?
我觉得,最容易出问题的是当好几个倾向叠加在一起时,就会产生“合奏效应”。再说一遍,如果你去读心理学教科书,它们不会讨论这些东西怎么组合,至少不太会。它们是相乘?相加?效果怎么产生?你肯定会觉得这理所当然该成为研究对象,但似乎没引起心理学界的兴趣。我认为这是一种来自火星的角度来看待心理学。
我只是伸手拿了我认为必须拿的东西。这和在一个经济体系里成长起来的动机完全不同,在这个体系里,奖励机制——又是强化——来自于当一头“松露犬”。这就是伟大的经济学家雅各布·维纳的比喻:松露犬——一种动物,经过如此繁育和训练,只为了一个狭窄的目的,以至于在其他方面一无是处,而很多学术部门里的奖励体系正是如此。这不一定是好事。如果你想要新药什么的,或许还行。你想让人们在很多不同方向上发育不全,这样他们就能在某个狭窄方向上成长,但我认为这不是教大众心理学的好方式。事实上,我觉得这糟透了。
Will we be able to get a copy of that list of 24 [standard causes of human misjudgment]? Yes. I presumed there would be one curious man [laughter], and I have it and I’ll put it over there on the table, but don’t take more than one, because I didn’t anticipate such a big crowd. And if we run short, I’m sure the Center is up to making other copies. If I had listened to this talk I might have thought that Charles Munger was a psychology professor operating in a business school. Every once in a while a micro-issue -- you told us how you would’ve deal with one of these issues, for example with the unfortunate lady See’s -- but you didn’t tell us how these tendencies affected you and what’s probably the most important, or one of the most important elements of your success, which was deciding where to invest your money. And I’m wondering if you might relate some of these principles to some of your past decisions that way. Well of course an investment decision in the common stock of a company frequently involves a whole lot of factors interacting. Usually, of course, there’s one big, simple model, and a lot of those models are microeconomic. And I have a little list of -- it wouldn’t be nearly 24, of those -- but I don’t have time for that one. And I don’t have too much interest in teaching other people how to get rich. And that isn’t because I fear the competition or anything like that -- Warren has always been very open about what he’s learned, and I share that ethos. My personal behavior model is Lord Keynes: I wanted to get rich so I could be independent, and so I could do other things like give talks on the intersection of psychology and economics. I didn’t want to turn it into a total obsession. Out of those 24, could you tell us the one rule that’s most important? I would say the one thing that causes the most trouble is when you combine a bunch of these together, you get this lollapalooza effect. And again, if you read the psychology textbooks, they don’t discuss how these things combine, at least not very much. Do they multiply? Do they add? How does it work? You’d think it’d be just an automatic subject for research, but it doesn’t seem to turn the psychology establishment on. I think this is a man from Mars approach to psychology. I just reached in and took what I thought I had to have. That is a different set of incentives from rising in an economic establishment where the rewards system, again, the reinforcement, comes from being a truffle hound. That’s what Jacob Viner, the great economist called it: the truffle hound -- an animal so bred and trained for one narrow purpose that he wasn’t much good at anything else, and that is the reward system in a lot of academic departments. It is not necessarily for the good. It may be fine if you want new drugs or something. You want people stunted in a lot of different directions so they can grow in one narrow direction, but I don’t think it’s good teaching psychology to the masses. In fact, I think it’s terrible.