突发新闻!美国股市被高估!
GMO 季度信函 2013 年 11 月 突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!本·因克(第 1 - 5 页)不光彩的奖项与任命 杰里米·格兰瑟姆(第 6 - 14 页)GMO 季度信函 2013 年 11 月 突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!
GMO QUARTERLY LETTER November 2013 Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued! Ben Inker (pages 1-5) Ignoble Prizes and Appointments Jeremy Grantham (pages 6-14) GMO QUARTERLY LETTER November 2013 Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued!
本·因克 在我们最近的客户会议上,我们揭晓了美国股市的新预测方法,这套方法也将推广到我们预测的所有其他股票资产类别。这是我们的资产配置团队和全球股票团队历时三年合作研究的成果,涉及大量人员的工作,尽管我们全球股票团队的马丁·塔利承担了绝大部分繁重任务。从多个角度来看,这是对股票预测的一次“白纸式”重新审视,我们将估值方法从仅通过销售额视角进行估值,扩展到了纳入其他几种方法。这使得我们对标普 500 指数的预测相较于旧模型每年提高了约 0.7%。在旧模型下,标普 500 指数的公允价值约为 1020 点,未来七年的预期回报率为扣除通胀后 -2.0%。在新模型下,标普 500 指数的公允价值约为 1100 点,未来七年的预期年化回报率为扣除通胀后 -1.3%。对于那些对更广泛的美国股市感兴趣的人来说,我们对威尔希尔 5000 指数的预测则稍差一些,为 -2.0%,这是因为小盘股的估值甚至比大盘股更为高估。这就是 36 个月工作得来的结果。可以说,我们当初并不知道最终会得出与开始时基本相同的预测,这确实不假,但另一方面,我们一开始也并没有特别担心我们的预测会给出错误答案。这使得标普 500 指数的预测与新兴市场的股票预测存在显著差异,正如我们一段时间以来一直告诉客户的那样,我们认为我们的预测方法高估了后者的吸引力。我们修正后的新兴市场预测明显低于旧模型得出的结果,如有需要,客户可随时联系客户经理了解更多关于这一变化的信息。
Ben Inker O ur recent client conference saw the unveiling of our new forecast methodology for the U.S. stock market, a methodology that we are extending to all of the other equity asset classes that we forecast. It is the result of a three-year research collaboration by our asset allocation and global equity teams, and involved work by a large number of people, although Martin Tarlie of our global equity team did a disproportionate amount of the heavy lifting. In a number of ways it is a “clean sheet of paper” look at forecasting equities, and we have broadened our valuation approach from looking at valuations through the lens of sales to incorporating several other methods. It results in about a 0.7%/year increase in our forecast for the S&P 500 relative to the old model. On the old model, fair value for the S&P 500 was about 1020 and the expected return for the next seven years was -2.0% after inflation. On the new model, fair value for the S&P 500 is about 1100 and the expected return is -1.3% per year for the next seven years after inflation. For those interested in the broader U.S. stock market, our forecast for the Wilshire 5000 is a bit worse, at -2.0%, due to the fact that small cap valuations are even more elevated than those for large caps. So much for 36 months of work. One could say that we didn’t know that we would wind up with the same basic forecast we started with, and that is true, but on the other hand we didn’t have any particularly large concerns that our forecast was giving us the wrong answer in the first place. This makes the S&P 500 forecast significantly different from the emerging equity forecast, where, as we have been telling our clients for a while, we believed that our forecasting methodology overstated the attractiveness of the group. Our revised emerging forecast is noticeably lower than that generated by the old model, and clients are welcome to contact their relationship manager for more information about this change if they would like.
如果我们原本就对旧模型表现良好相当有信心,那为什么还要对标普 500 指数预测做所有这些工作呢?原因有几个。第一,我们始终在努力改进我们的预测方法,而这只是我们在过去 20 年里在这个领域所做的众多项目中规模较大的一个。第二,我们希望我们的流程能尽可能贴近我们的基本信念,即股票应以重置成本出售,并且资本回报率和资本成本长期来看必须达到均衡。第三,我们希望有一套流程,能够让我们尽可能直接地以不同方式细分股票市场,同时仍然对由此得出的预测结果充满信心。关于第二点和第三点,我们认为新方法优于旧方法。将我们的信念转化为预测的主要问题在于,市场估值的关键输入变量是一个不可观察的项目:经济资本。经济资本——也就是重置成本——之所以至关重要,是因为它是产生收益的“东西”。普通股账面价值是旨在近似这一概念的会计数字,但它受到多种扭曲的影响,使其明显不足以成为真正股权资本的代理变量。理解这一点的一种方法是,直接观察净资产收益率(ROE)——即相对于普通股账面价值的回报率——随时间的变化。在美国,自 1970 年以来,标普 500 指数的平均净资产收益率为 13%,如我们在图表 1 中所见。
What was the point of doing all of this work on the S&P 500 forecast if we were pretty confident that the old model was doing its job well? There were several reasons. First, we are always trying to improve our forecast methods, and this was merely a larger project than a number of others we’ve tackled over the past 20 years in this area. Second, we want our process to adhere as closely as possible to our basic beliefs that stocks should sell at replacement cost and that the return on capital and cost of capital need to be in equilibrium in the long run. And third, we want a process that makes it as straightforward as possible to slice the equity markets in a different way and still be confident in the resulting forecast. On both the second and third points, we believe the new methodology is superior to the old. The primary issue with turning our beliefs into forecasts is that the key input to valuing the market is an unobservable item: economic capital. Economic capital – aka replacement cost – is central because it is the “thing” that generates earnings. Book value of common equity is the accounting figure that is supposed to approximate this term, but it is subject to multiple distortions that make it a clearly inadequate proxy for true equity capital. One way of seeing this is to simply look at ROE – that is, return on book value of equity – over time. In the U.S., the average ROE for the S&P 500 has been 13% since 1970, as we can see in Exhibit 1.
如果真实的股权资本回报率确实是 13% 且其他条件不变,那么在过去的 43 年里,实际每股账面价值增长率应该超过通胀率 7% 以上,总回报率则应该超过 11% 的实际回报率。但实际上,回报率大约为实际 5.7%,实际账面价值增长率约为每年 2%。所以,真实的 GMO 季度信函 —— 突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!—— 2013 年 11 月 1 图表 1 标普 500 指数净资产收益率 19% 17% 15% 13% 11% 9% 7% 5% 1969 年 12 月 71 年 73 年 75 年 77 年 79 年 81 年 83 年 85 年 87 年 89 年 91 年 93 年 95 年 97 年 99 年 01 年 03 年 05 年 07 年 09 年 11 年 来源:Compustat 数据截至 2013 年 9 月 30 日 股权资本回报率必定显著低于 13% 的净资产收益率¹。而投资者们的行为也显然表明,他们相信真实的经济资本大于账面价值,因为标普 500 指数在过去 43 年里的交易价格大约是账面价值的两倍。如果我们宣称经济资本是账面价值的两倍,那么数学计算就合理得多。基于这一假设,“真实”净资产收益率为 6.5%,而自 1970 年以来标普 500 指数的实际回报率为 5.7%,这虽然不是完全精确,但确实在合理范围内。你完全可以就此打住,然后宣称目前交易价格约为账面价值 2.5 倍的标普 500 指数,因此必然被高估了 25%。问题是,即使在过去 40 年里账面价值平均仅为经济资本的一半,我们又如何知道今天它仍然只是经济资本的一半呢?图表 2 展示了美国账面价值随时间变化的一种方式——由商誉等无形资产构成的总账面价值占比不断上升。这一比例已从 1970 年代的不到 10% 升至今天的超过 50%。这种变化是由会计准则变更以及并购和回购活动推动的。这并不意味着今天的账面价值比 40 年前的“更不正确”。很可能今天的数字比历史数据更接近经济资本,并且我们当然可以期望随着时间推移,会计准则的变化会推动我们朝着正确的方向发展。但就它们所推动的方向而言——图表 2 标普 500 指数无形资产占总账面价值百分比 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 1967 年 4 月 70 年 73 年 76 年 79 年 82 年 85 年 88 年 91 年 94 年 97 年 00 年 03 年 06 年 09 年 12 年 来源:Compustat 数据截至 2013 年 10 月 31 日 ¹ 乍一看,似乎可以争辩说净资产收益率确实是 13%,但企业系统性地对留存收益做了愚蠢的事,才导致了我们所观察到的低增长率。问题在于,账面价值是留存收益的直接结果,因此,认为实际回报率是 13% 而企业投资行为存在根本缺陷,在逻辑上是不一致的。
If the true return on equity capital had been 13% and other things remained equal, real book per share growth should have been more than 7% above inflation over the last 43 years, and total returns should have been over 11% real. In reality, returns have been about 5.7% real and real book growth has been approximately 2% per year. So, the true GMO Quarterly Letter – Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued! – November 2013 1 Exhibit 1 ROE of S&P 500 19% 17% 15% 13% 11% 9% 7% 5% Dec- 69 71 73 75 77 79 81 83 85 87 89 91 93 95 97 99 01 03 05 07 09 11 Source: Compustat As of 9/30/13 return on equity capital must have been significantly lower than the 13% ROE.1 And investors have certainly acted as if they believed true economic capital has been greater than book value, as the S&P 500 has traded at approximately twice book over the past 43 years. If we declared that economic capital is twice book value, the math works out much better. With that assumption, “true” ROE has been 6.5%, against a real return of 5.7% for the S&P 500 since 1970, which is certainly in the ballpark, if not quite spot on. You could simply stop there and declare that the S&P 500, which is currently trading at about 2.5 times book value, must therefore be overvalued by 25%. The problem is, even if book value has been half of economic capital on average over the last 40 years, how do we know it is still half of economic capital today? Exhibit 2 shows one way that book value has changed over time in the U.S. – the increasing percentage of total book, which consists of intangible assets such as goodwill. This has risen from less than 10% of total book in the 1970s to over 50% today. The change has been driven by accounting changes and merger and buyback activity. It doesn’t mean that today’s book values are less “correct” than those of 40 years ago. It may well be that today’s numbers are much closer to economic capital than historical numbers, and we can certainly hope that changing accounting standards push us in the right direction over time. But insofar as they push us in any direction – Exhibit 2 Intangibles as Percent of Total Book Value for S&P 500 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Apr- 67 70 73 76 79 82 85 88 91 94 97 00 03 06 09 12 Source: Compustat As of 10/31/13 1 At first blush it seems that you could make an argument that ROE is really 13% but corporations do something systematically stupid with retained earnings that causes the low level of growth we have observed. The trouble is that book value is a direct consequence of retained earnings, so it becomes logically inconsistent to believe that actual returns are 13% and that corporate investment behavior is fundamentally flawed.
GMO 季度信函 —— 突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!—— 2013 年 11 月 2 无论是正确还是错误——它们都使得将今天的净资产收益率和市净率与历史数据进行比较变得更加困难。绕过会计准则对账面价值影响问题的一种方法是,转而观察销售回报率。销售额有一个很好的特性,即会计变更对它们的影响相对较小。1970 年的销售额数据与今天的销售额数据基本上是按照相同的基础计算的,并且很可能与 2050 年的计算方式相同。从历史上看,销售回报率看起来相当稳定,而且正如你在图表 3 中所见,我们当前的销售利润率远高于正常水平,其偏离程度比净资产收益率偏离正常水平更大。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued! – November 2013 2 right or wrong – they make it more difficult to compare today’s ROE and price to book ratios with historical figures. One way to get around the problem of accounting changes on book value is to look instead at return on sales. Sales have the nice feature that accounting changes have relatively little impact on them. Sales figures from 1970 were calculated on basically the same basis as sales figures today, and probably the same as they will be in 2050. Return on sales has looked fairly stable historically, and as you can see in Exhibit 3, we are significantly further above normal profit margin on sales than we are above normal ROEs.
图表 3 标普 500 指数销售回报率 9% 8% 7% 6% 5% 4% 3% 2% 1% 0% 1969 年 12 月 71 年 73 年 75 年 77 年 79 年 81 年 83 年 85 年 87 年 89 年 91 年 93 年 95 年 97 年 99 年 01 年 03 年 05 年 07 年 09 年 11 年 来源:Compustat 数据截至 2013 年 9 月 30 日 将当前标普 500 指数超过 19 倍的市盈率与超出历史平均水平约 42% 的销售回报率结合起来,我们会估算出标普 500 指数大约被高估了 75%。但销售回报率稳定的假设之所以有问题,原因与净资产收益率不同。账面价值至少是股权资本的会计估计值,尽管不完美,但在资本主义体系中,股权资本回报率理论上应该均值回归。而对于销售回报率,并没有如此强有力的回归论据。从历史上看,它确实会均值回归,但一家公司的高销售回报率并不一定意味着竞争会随之而来。英特尔在微处理器上拥有高销售回报率,但要能够销售这些微处理器,需要巨额的投资和智力资本。一个由英特尔这类公司驱动型的经济,其所能支撑的利润率很可能高于一个由超市驱动的经济²。因此,存在这种可能性,即这个基于销售回报率的框架高估了美国的估值过高程度。我们旧的股票预测方法对此进行了调整,并假设销售利润率会回归到高于其长期平均值的水平。这有助于解释为什么我们对美国的实际预测没有太大变化,但它需要相当多的人工调整才能得出我们的均衡数字,而且对于那些历史数据不如标普 500 指数那样丰富的股票组合,这些调整更难准确估算。这使得我们难以轻易地为那些我们此前未将其作为一个连贯群体进行研究的股票组合(例如欧元区股票或除资源公司之外的新兴市场股票,这些都是我们最近有理由关注的板块)生成预测。
Exhibit 3 Return on Sales of S&P 500 9% 8% 7% 6% 5% 4% 3% 2% 1% 0% Dec- 69 71 73 75 77 79 81 83 85 87 89 91 93 95 97 99 01 03 05 07 09 11 Source: Compustat As of 9/30/13 Combining the current P/E of over 19 for the S&P 500 and a return on sales about 42% over the historical average, we would get an estimate that the S&P 500 is approximately 75% overvalued. But the assumption of stable return on sales is problematic for a different reason than ROE. Book value is at least an accounting estimate of equity capital, and as imperfect as it is, return on equity capital is what is supposed to mean revert in a capitalistic system. There is not such a strong argument for reversion when it comes to return on sales. Historically it has been mean reverting, but a high return on sales for a given company does not necessarily mean that competition will follow. Intel has a high return on sales on its microprocessors, but being in a position to sell those microprocessors requires huge amounts of investment and intellectual capital. An economy driven by Intels could easily support higher profit margins than one of supermarkets.2 So there is a chance that this return on sales framework overstates the degree of overvaluation in the U.S. Our old methodology for equity forecasting made adjustments for this, and we assumed that profit margin on sales would revert to something higher than its long-term average. This helps explain why there hasn’t been much change to our actual forecast for the U.S., but it required a fair bit of manual adjustment to come up with our equilibrium number and the adjustments were harder to estimate properly for groups of stocks where we have less good historical data than we have for the S&P 500. This has made it difficult to readily generate a forecast for sets of stocks that we want to build a forecast for that we hadn’t previously researched as a coherent group, such as eurozone stocks or emerging market stocks ex-resource companies, which we have had reason to look at recently.
在我们的新预测框架中,研究这类组合变得容易得多。由于我们有多种方法来计算真实经济资本的代理变量,因此就不那么需要确保任何一个单一衡量指标具有随时间保持稳定的特性。我们仍然需要警惕所有扭曲因素最终都朝着同一方向推动的情况,但对于一个组合的快速初步判断,以确定是否需要更详细的工作,新方法使得首次尝试就能获得一个合理数字变得更加容易。
In our new forecasting apparatus, looking at such groups becomes significantly easier. Because we have multiple ways to calculate proxies for true economic capital, there is less pressure on ensuring that any single measure has characteristics that are stable over time. We still have to look out for situations in which the distortions all wind up pushing in the same direction, but for a quick first pass on a group to see whether more detailed work is warranted, the new methodology makes it easier to get a reasonable number on the first try.
² 即使在我同事詹姆斯·蒙蒂尔曾详细论述过的卡莱茨基方程的宏观经济利润框架下,也是如此。从宏观经济角度看,企业投资是利润的一个正来源,因此高投资/高利润率的经济可以在不引发任何宏观经济不稳定的情况下持续存在。然而在现实世界中,过去几十年里,美国和整个发达国家的投资率都在下降,因此我们几乎不可能达到了一个稳定的新的“英特尔均衡”。
2 This is even true under the macro-economic profit framework of the Kalecki equation that my colleague James Montier has written about at some length. Macro-economically speaking, corporate investment is a positive source of profits, so a high investment/high profit margin economy can persist without requiring any macro-eco-nomic instability. In the real world, however, investment rates have fallen in the U.S. and across the developed world over the past couple of decades, so it is almost inconceivable that we have achieved a stable new “Intel equilibrium.”
GMO 季度信——突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!——2013 年 11 月 3 页 在重建模型的过程中,我们趁机重新审视了其他假设,包括估值和盈利能力回归均衡状态的预期时间,以及我们对会计收益与真实经济利润之间“差损”的假设。我们得出的结论是,七年的回归周期仍然大致合理。股票估值回归所需的时间差异很大——七年平均值并不意味着市场不可能在 15 年或 20 年内持续高估或低估。但从历史证据来看,在某一年里,预期股市会向公允价值回归七分之一,这一点是合理的。我们稍作调整的一个假设是股权收益中的“差损”因子,这个因子我们已经用了十多年。差损背后的想法是,市场的平均盈利收益率与实际平均回报率之间似乎存在差距。举个例子,自 1970 年以来,标普 500 指数的平均盈利收益率为 6.7%,而复合回报率为 5.7%。最直接的理解方式是,会计收益并不能精确反映真实经济利润,而公布的盈利收益率与实际回报(剔除估值变动因素)之间的差距,则表明了(未观测到的)真实经济利润与会计收益之间的平均差异。我们将这一差损估计值从收益的 15% 下调至 9%,这使得均衡市盈率从 15 倍升至 16.3 倍。这一调整实际上几乎解释了预测结果的所有变化,因为我们对资本回报率的估计与我们基于销售额的估计非常接近。但细节就说到这里。对我们而言,基本观点仍然不变——美国股市目前的交易水平,似乎并不足以支撑投资者习惯从股票中获得的回报类型。我们的额外研究只是进一步证实了我们之前对美国股市当前吸引力——或者更确切地说缺乏吸引力——的看法。回答我们最常被问及的一个预测问题——“你们怎么可能会错?”——我们犯错的可能性有两种。一种是令人愉快但不太可能的情形,另一种可能性更大,但远不那么令人愉快。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued! – November 2013 3 As we rebuilt our models, we took the opportunity to take a fresh look at our other assumptions, including the expected period of reversion to equilibrium valuation and profitability, and our assumptions about the “slippage” between accounting earnings and true economic profit. We have concluded that a seven-year period of reversion for valuation still looks to be about right. There is plenty of variation in the time it takes equity valuations to revert – a seven-year average period doesn’t mean a market can’t spend 15 or 20 years being overvalued or undervalued. But in a given year, the historical evidence says it is fair to expect that a stock market will move one-seventh of the way back to fair value. One assumption we have tweaked a bit is the “slippage” factor in equity earnings that we have been building in for over a decade. The idea behind slippage is that there seems to be a gap between the average earnings yield of the market and the average real return. As an example, since 1970 the average earnings yield for the S&P 500 has been 6.7%, while the compound return has been 5.7%. The most straightforward way to think about this is that accounting earnings are not an exact representation of true economic profits and the gap between the stated earnings yield and the actual return, adjusted for valuation shifts, is an indication of the average difference between the (unobserved) true economic profit and accounting earnings. We are reducing our estimate of this slippage from 15% of earnings to 9%, which increases equilibrium P/E from 15 to 16.3 This change is actually responsible for almost all of the change to the forecast, as our estimate of return on capital is very similar to our estimate based on sales. But enough about the details. The basic point for us remains the same – the U.S. stock market is trading at levels that do not seem capable of supporting the type of returns that investors have gotten used to receiving from equities. Our additional work does nothing but confirm our prior beliefs about the current attractiveness – or rather lack of attractiveness – of the U.S. stock market. To answer the question we get most often about our forecast – “How could you be wrong?” – there are a couple of ways we could be wrong. One of them is pleasant and implausible, the other is more plausible, but far less pleasant.
我们可能出错的最乐观情景是:美国即将迎来企业投资与经济增长的黄金时代,这种局面将逐步压低当前的资本回报率,使得整体利润在股市市盈率缓慢回落的过程中仍然保持可观增长。这能解决大量问题,包括联邦财政赤字和失业问题,甚至很可能还有医疗成本问题。但遗憾的是,从表 4 可以明显看出,没有任何证据表明这种情况正在发生。
The pleasant way we could be wrong is if the U.S. is about to embark on a golden age of corporate investment and economic growth that will gradually compete down the current return on capital such that overall profits manage to grow decently as the P/E of the stock market wafts slowly down. This would solve lots of problems, including the federal deficit and unemployment and, quite possibly, health care costs as well, but there is sadly no evidence whatsoever that it is occurring, as can be seen in Exhibit 4.
原件此处是表格,PDF 抽取时列结构已丢失,下面只剩按列读出的数字,行列对应关系无法还原。核对数据请打开来源正文。
附件 4 美国净投资
16%
14%
12%
净投资占 GDP 比重
10%
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
-2%
-4%
1952 年 3 月 55 58 61 64 67 70 73 76 79 82 85 88 91 94 97 00 03 06 09 12
数据来源:经济分析局,截至 2013 年 6 月 30 日
上述变化的技术原因在于,当股权估值存在波动时,即使没有损耗,平均盈利收益率也会略高于股票预期回报率。更好的衡量指标是平均盈利收益率与平均市盈率之比的平方根,这个数值略低于平均盈利收益率。对于拥有数学或物理学高等学位的人来说,这显然是一个非常优雅的结果,所以请随意拦住你身边的数学家,让他解释一下为什么会这样,以及它为什么很酷。
Exhibit 4 U.S. Net Investment 16% 14% 12% Net Investment as Percent of GDP 10% 8% 6% 4% 2% 0% -2% -4% Mar- 52 55 58 61 64 67 70 73 76 79 82 85 88 91 94 97 00 03 06 09 12 Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis As of 6/30/13 3 The technical reason for this change is that in the presence of volatility in equity valuations, an average earnings yield is slightly higher than the expected return to equities even if there is no slippage. A better measure to use is the square root of the ratio of the average earnings yield to average P/E, and this figure is slightly lower than the average earnings yield. This is apparently a very elegant result to those with advanced degrees in math or physics, so feel free to corner your local mathematician for an explanation of why this is so and why it is cool.
GMO 季度信——突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!——2013 年 11 月 4 要推动如此强劲增长的投资热潮,几乎必须至少达到 1950 年代和 1960 年代的水平,但如你所见,不仅在后金融危机时代企业投资大幅下降,而且在此之前的 40 年里已呈下行趋势。这并不意味着它绝对不可能改变,但押注于此进行投资,只比把退休计划寄托在中彩票上稍微明智一点点。4 另一种不那么愉快的看错方式在于,如果 5.7% 的实际收益率不再是美国股票均衡回报率的合理估计。如果未来百年股票实际回报率只有 3.5% 左右,那么今天的价格就大致合理了。我们关于美国股市估值过高的判断会出错,但每个养老基金、基金会和捐赠基金——更不用说每个为退休储蓄的个人——都将陷入困境,因为每个投资者的投资组合回报假设都包含了高得多的收益。在标准 40 年工作生涯中,如果按当前假设的储蓄率最终能累积到终薪水的 10 倍,那么在今天估值成为新均衡的情况下,实际积累会比目标少 40%。每个捐赠基金和基金会都将发现自己在逐渐萎缩,而无法为后代维持下去。公共养老基金的困境可能甚至不值得计算,因为我们将发现自己身处一个世界,在那里,我们如今所知的退休生活从根本上来说已经支付不起——无论我们此前假装如何为之筹集了资金。威廉·伯恩斯坦在《金融分析师杂志》9 月刊发表了一篇文章,题为《财富悖论》,相当令人信服地解释了为什么财富水平的普遍提升可能会压低全球经济的资本回报率。这篇文章很值得一读,不过也许不该在吃饱饭后看,因为它是我读过的最让人默默压抑的文章之一(这话可是出自一个过去 21 年都在读杰里米·格兰瑟姆信件的人之口!)。伯恩斯坦的想法无疑引人深思,未来几年我们必须认真审视它,但就目前而言,我们还没有改变对股票或其他资产均衡回报率的估计。我们仍然相信 5.7% 的实际收益率是对长期股票回报率的合理估计,而今天美国股市的估值是一个暂时性问题,要么通过相对快速的熊市来解决,要么通过更长时间近乎持平的回报率来解决——正如过去 13 年,尽管其间时有振奋,但最终结果正是如此。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued! – November 2013 4 The investment boom to drive such strong growth would almost certainly have to be at least as large as what we saw in the 1950s and 1960s, but as you can see, not only is corporate investment down significantly in the post-GFC years, it had been on a downward trend for 40 years prior to that. That doesn’t mean it absolutely cannot change, but investing on the basis that it will occur makes only slightly more sense than basing your retirement plans on winning the lottery.4 The less pleasant way we could be wrong is if 5.7% real is no longer a reasonable guess at an equilibrium return for U.S. equities. If equity returns for the next hundred years were only going to be 3.5% real or so, today’s prices are about right. We would be wrong about how overvalued the U.S. stock market is, but every pension fund, foundation, and endowment – not to mention every individual saving for retirement – would be in dire straits, as every investors’ portfolio return assumptions build in far more return. Over the standard course of a 40-year working life, a savings rate that is currently assumed to lead to an accumulation of 10 times final salary would wind up 40% short of that goal if today’s valuations are the new equilibrium. Every endowment and foundation will find itself wasting away instead of maintaining itself for future generations. And the plight of public pension funds is probably not even worth calculating, as we would simply find ourselves in a world where retirement as we now know it is fundamentally unaffordable, however we pretend we may have funded it so far. William Bernstein wrote a piece in the September issue of the Financial Analysts Journal, entitled “The Paradox of Wealth,” which explains far too plausibly why generally increasing levels of wealth might drive down the return on capital across the global economy. It’s well worth a read, although perhaps not on a full stomach, as it is one of the most quietly depressing pieces I have ever come across (and this is coming from someone who has spent the last 21 years reading Jeremy Grantham’s letters!). Bernstein’s is definitely an intriguing idea, and we will have to look seriously at it in the years ahead, but for now we have not changed our estimate of equilibrium returns to equities or other assets. We still believe that 5.7% real is a decent estimate of long-term equity returns and today’s valuations for the U.S. stock market are a temporary issue that will be resolved either through a relatively quick bear market or a longer period of more or less flat returns – as the last 13 years, for all of their periodic excitement, have turned out to be.
即便我们低估了美国股市未来回报的潜力,我们仍然不认为自己的投资组合离最优化有多远。毕竟,任何能让美国股票看上去有吸引力的合理论据——考虑到它们的市盈率高于历史平均水平,利润率接近历史最高点——都应该让非美国股票成为“极度廉价”的买入机会,因为后者通常市盈率更低,利润率也远更接近历史均值。美国并非一个治理得独一无二优秀国家,美国公司的经营方式也并非世界上其他地方无法效仿。说清楚一点,我们不认为非美国股市是“极度廉价”的买入机会。但作为在任何地方倾听任何资产“喊出买入信号”的价值管理者,目前的世界听起来死寂一片。从欧洲和新兴市场股票中传来的嘶哑低语“买我”(以及美国优质股票礼貌的咳嗽声以引起注意),却显得响亮而清晰。为了对客户做正确的事,我们今天主要的担忧是:我们拉长的耳朵是否把那些估值最不偏高的股票的耳语,听成了比实际更大声的声音,从而持有了比合理水平更多的这类股票。相比之下,“美国股市远比我们估计更具吸引力”这一风险,在我们看来概率很低,也极不可能损害客户的投资组合。
And even if we are underestimating the potential for the U.S. stock market to deliver returns from here, it’s still not obvious to us that our portfolios are that far off from optimal. After all, any plausible argument that can make U.S. equities attractive, given that they are trading at above historic average P/Es with profit margins close to all-time highs, should make non-U.S. equities, generally trading at lower P/Es with margins much closer to historical averages, a screaming buy. It is not as if the U.S. is a uniquely well-governed country or U.S. companies are run in a way that cannot be emulated elsewhere around the world. To be clear, we don’t consider non-U.S. equity markets a screaming buy. But as value managers listening for any assets, anywhere, that are screaming to be bought, the world currently sounds a deathly quiet place. The hoarse whisper of “buy me” coming from European and emerging equities (as well as the polite cough for attention coming from U.S. high quality stocks) comes through loud and clear. For the purpose of doing the right thing by our clients, our major worry today is about whether our straining ears are hearing the whispers of the least overvalued equities as louder than they really are and that we consequently own more of them than is warranted. The “risk” that the U.S. stock market is significantly more attractive than we estimate it to be strikes us, by contrast, as a low probability, as well as one that is exceedingly unlikely to hurt our clients’ portfolios.
4 投资率与利润之间的关系有一个奇特之处。从短期看,只要利润以某种方式花掉,较低的投资对利润率可能是有利的,因为它意味着竞争减少。从长期看,低投资使得盈利大幅增长变得极其困难,除非市场市盈率较低、资金被用于回购股票——即便总盈利增长不多,回购也能增加每股收益。然而,眼下的回购并非特别划算的买卖,因为市场市盈率偏高意味着这一“投资”的资本回报率相当低,因此无法带来可观的盈利增长。
4 There is a strange feature of the relationship between investment rates and profits. In the short term, as long as the profits are spent in some fashion or other, lower investment is probably good for margins, as it means less competition. In the long run, low investment makes it extremely difficult to grow earnings much, except in cases of a market trading at low P/Es where the money is used to buy back stock, which can increase earnings per share even though aggregate earnings wouldn’t grow much. Today’s buybacks, however, are not a particularly good buy, as the high P/E of the market means the return on capital of that “investment” is fairly low and therefore cannot lead to a lot of earnings growth.
英科先生担任资产配置联席主管。
Mr. Inker is the co-head of asset allocation.
免责声明:本文所表达的观点系本·英克截至 2013 年 11 月 18 日的个人观点,并可能随时根据市场及其他条件发生变化。本文并非针对任何证券的买入或卖出要约或招揽,也不应被视为此类文件。
Disclaimer: The views expressed herein are those of Ben Inker as of November 18, 2013 and are subject to change at any time based on market and other conditions. This is not an offer or solicitation for the purchase or sale of any security and should not be construed as such.
版权所有 © 2013 GMO LLC。保留所有权利。
Copyright © 2013 by GMO LLC. All rights reserved.
GMO 季度信——突发新闻!美国股市估值过高!——2013 年 11 月 5 GMO 季度信 2013 年 11 月 不光彩的奖项与任命 杰里米·格兰瑟姆 第一部分:诺贝尔奖 经济学是一门非常软的科学,但它却抱有“硬度”的错觉,或者说患上了所谓的“物理学嫉妒”。我心目中为数不多的经济学英雄之一肯尼思·博尔丁曾说过,数学确实为经济学带来了严谨,但不幸的是,它也带来了“僵化”。在他的职业生涯后期,他认为经济学已迷失在计量经济学公式的迷宫中,将优雅置于准确性之上,从而忘记了其服务于社会的使命。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Breaking News! U.S. Equity Market Overvalued! – November 2013 5 GMO QUARTERLY LETTER November 2013 Ignoble Prizes and Appointments Jeremy Grantham Part 1. The Nobel Prize Economics is a very soft science but it has delusions of hardness or what has been called physics envy. One of my few economic heroes, Kenneth Boulding, said that while mathematics had indeed introduced rigor into economics, it unfortunately also brought mortis. Later in his career he felt that economics had lost sight of its job to be useful to society, having lost its way in a maze of econometric formulas, which placed elegance over accuracy.
在最顶层的建立在明显错误假设之上的经济理论中,名列前茅的是理性预期理论——它假设人类是编程好的机器,能做出理性反应。尽管我们所有人都知道——甚至经济学家也知道——这一假设不符合现实世界,但它确实能得出相对简单的结论,而假设人性复杂、矛盾且情绪化则做不到这一点。理性预期的愚蠢之处,导致五六七十年的经济学主流工作基本被丢弃。不过,它确实给我们留下了一个也许是所有基于假设的理论中最可笑的一个:有效市场假说(EMH)。
At the top of the list of economic theories based on clearly false assumptions is that of Rational Expectations, in which humans are assumed to be machines programmed with rational responses. Although we all know – even economists – that this assumption does not fit the real world, it does allow for relatively simple conclusions, whereas the assumption of complicated, inconsistent, and emotional humanity does not. The folly of Rational Expectations resulted in five, six, or seven decades of economic mainstream work being largely thrown away. It did leave us, though, with perhaps the most laughable of all assumption-based theories, the Efficient Market Hypothesis (EMH).
有人告诉我们,投资泡沫从未发生过,也绝不会发生,因为有效市场假说(EMH)的支持者以其未经证实的假设为铁律。然而,在我们的眼前,过去 25 年间至少出现了投资史上四次重大的投资泡沫。首先,是日本股市泡沫,在 1989 年达到峰值时市盈率达 65 倍(按他们的会计准则),而此前从未超过 25 倍,随后 MSCI 日本指数跌幅接近 90%!其次,是日本地产泡沫,在 1991 年稍晚见顶。这可能是历史上最大的泡沫,无疑比郁金香泡沫和南海泡沫严重得多。而且,没错,在东京市中心地产价格下,皇居脚下的土地确实等同于加利福尼亚州的全部土地价值。在我看来,这似乎很有效……加州是如此庞大而难以驾驭。接下来,我们在 2000 年遇到了迄今为止最大的美国股市泡沫,峰值时市盈率达 35 倍,而 1929 年的峰值是 21 倍,但此前的增长率却不到 1928 年和 1929 年的一半。最后,是我在 2007 年所描述的首次真正意义上的全球泡沫。它覆盖了全球所有股票、艺术品和收藏品,以及几乎所有房地产市场。最后一个泡沫由美国住房市场引领,美国住房市场因其巨大的多样性而受益,历史上一直极其稳定,直到格林斯潘插手。与之前超稳定的数据相比,这被衡量为一个 3.5 西格玛事件,按照 EMH 关于完全随机性的假设,这种事件应该每 1 万年才发生一次。然而,在 EMH 的鼓励(用“洗脑”来形容可能更准确)下,伯南克(和耶伦)无法或不愿认识到这一风险,让我们付出了极其惨重的代价。
We are told that investment bubbles have not occurred and, indeed, could never occur, by the iron law of the unproven assumptions used by the proponents of the EMH. Yet, in front of our eyes there have appeared in the last 25 years at least four of the great investment bubbles in all of investment history. First, there was the bubble in Japanese stocks, which peaked in 1989 at 65 times earnings (on their accounting) having never peaked at over 25 times previously, to be followed by a loss of almost 90% in the MSCI Japan index! Second, we had the Japanese land bubble peaking a little later in 1991. This was probably the biggest bubble in history and was certainly far worse than the Tulip Bubble and the South Sea Bubble. And, yes, the land under the Emperor’s Palace, valued at property prices in downtown Tokyo, really was equal to the value of the land in the state of California. Seems efficient to me … California is so big and unwieldy. Next, we had by far the largest U.S. equity bubble in 2000, which peaked at 35 times earnings compared to a peak of 21 times in 1929, yet had had previous growth rates less than half of those in 1928 and 1929. Finally, we had what I described in 2007 as the first truly global bubble. It covered all global stocks, fine arts and collectibles, and almost all of the real estate markets. The last of these was led by the U.S. housing market, which, having benefited from its great diversity, had historically been remarkably stable until Greenspan got his hands on it. Compared to previous ultra-stable data, this measured as a 3.5 sigma event, which, according to the EMH assumption of perfect randomness, should have occurred only once every 10,000 years. Yet, encouraged (brainwashed might be a more accurate description) by the EMH, Bernanke (and Yellen) could not, or would not, even recognize the risk, to our very substantial cost.
以有效市场假说(EMH)为代表的那套建筑,基于经不起检验且完全错误的假设,它之所以被辩护,并非因其能产出有用的结果,而是——尤其被该理论的高级祭司们——辩护为所能呈现的最精确的现实反映。于是,1987 年股灾中一天暴跌 22%(一天半内跌去超过三分之一),被给出 12 条理由,解释成这是对突然变化的世界作出的理性经济反应。(我当时的合伙人迪克·梅奥,通常每天沉浸于市场交易十小时,那天确实做好了迎接重大事件的准备。他和其他专业人士一样,对这些理由中的任何一条都没在意,而是聚焦于那个未经检验、所谓的“投资组合保险”,以及它带来的道德风险和虚假信心——顺便说一句,这个原因并未出现在那 12 条理由之中!)同样,日本股市市盈率高达 65 倍,被用会计错误和低利率来辩护;科技泡沫则被格林斯潘“永久性”提高的生产率所辩护——这种生产率除了数据之外无处不在,而数据后来显示生产率反而降低了。我必须承认,我从未听过为“皇帝的新装”辩护的有效市场假说论调,但你明白我的意思。
The edifice of unproven and totally inaccurate assumptions represented by the EMH was not defended as having useful output, but was defended, especially by the high priests of the theory, as being the most accurate reflection of reality that could be rolled out. Thus, 12 reasons were given as to why the 22% drop in one day (over one-third in a day and a half) in the 1987 crash was a rational economic response to a suddenly changed world. (My then partner, Dick Mayo, typically immersed in market trading 10 hours a day, was indeed braced that day for remarkable events. He, like other professionals, had paid no attention to any of these reasons, but had focused on the new, unproven so- GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 6 called portfolio insurance and the moral hazard and false confidence it brought with it – a reason, by the way, that did not appear on the list of 12!) Similarly, Japan at 65 times earnings was justified by accounting errors and low interest rates, and the Tech Bubble by Greenspan’s “permanently” increased productivity that appeared everywhere except in the data, which showed a subsequently reduced level of productivity. I must admit that I have never heard an EMH rationale for the Emperor’s Palace, but you get my point.
还有人认为,法玛的研究催生了指数基金。其实不然。我们 1971 年在 Batterymarch 推出指数基金时,之所以这么做,是因为我们知道这是一个零和游戏。对我们而言,这就是指数化的充分且完整的理由:主动管理者的总回报等于市场回报减去高额费用和佣金,而指数投资者的总回报等于市场回报减去低廉费用。为了验证我们的信念,我们同时运作了一个主动管理组合,在其头八年——这个数字随机选择,恰好与我任职时间重合——累计跑赢标普指数 7%。Batterymarch 在最初几年与富国银行基本平分了指数基金业务,凭借我们资深合伙人迪恩·勒巴隆相当厉害的宣传技巧,大致抵消了他们规模庞大的优势。不过,他们确实谈论过市场有效性,尤其在那个年代,这个概念只存在于少数几位教授以及显然一两位有学术偏好的富国银行人士的头脑中。为了彻底说清这一点,杰克·博格尔 1975 年创立的先锋指数基金,和我们一样,也明确基于零和游戏的概念以及由此带来的确定性——即大多数玩家都会跑输市场。
It has also been suggested that Fama’s work led to indexing. Not really. When we offered indexing at Batterymarch in 1971 we did so because we knew it was a zero-sum game. That for us was a complete and sufficient reason for indexing: active managers summed to market returns less large fees and commissions while indexers summed to market returns less small fees. To prove our belief, we simultaneously ran an active portfolio that ended its first eight years – a random number selected to coincide with my stay there – up 7% a year relative to the S&P. Batterymarch more or less shared the indexing business in its first few years with Wells Fargo, with the considerable propaganda skills of Dean LeBaron, our senior partner, more or less offsetting their huge size. They however did talk about the market’s efficiency, which, particularly back then, only existed in the minds of a few professors and apparently one or two academically inclined Wells Fargoans. To nail home this point, Jack Bogle’s Vanguard Index Fund in 1975 was, like us, also emphatically based on the concept of a zero-sum game and the certainty it offered that most players would underperform.
这套有效市场谬论对我们价值管理人毫无坏处,所以我真该抽空感谢那些炮制并热情鼓吹这一理念的人。在 1970 年代和 1980 年代,我相信它帮助减少了一大批数理天赋极高的人进入资产管理行业。何必把粒子物理学的博士学位浪费在有效市场上呢?这行当因此多了大概 20 年的清净,留给了一群非常普通、并不特别具备数理头脑的人。这感觉真是太棒了。而且,顺便说一句,有效市场假说的拥趸们不仅兜售他们的理论,还通过学术建制里的那帮高僧大德,把其他学术研究者逼得要么离开本行,要么接受拿不到终身教职的现实,要么就干脆皈依了这门“宗教”。
None of this efficient market nonsense was detrimental to us value managers so I should find time to thank all those involved for producing and passionately promoting the idea. During the 1970s and 1980s I am convinced it helped reduce the number of quantitatively-talented individuals entering the money management business. Why waste your PhD in particle physics on an efficient market? The field was left for an extra 20 years or so to very ordinary, not particularly quantitatively-minded individuals. And very nice it was too. And, by the way, the proponents of the EMH not only promoted their theory, but via the academic establishment the high priests badgered academic researchers into leaving, resigning themselves to non-tenure, or getting religion, as it were.
1981 年,在这片错误假设的泥沼中终于透进一束光——罗伯特·希勒提出了一个检验市场非有效性的简单方法。他假定存在完全的预知能力,然后追问:如果你既知道长期市场回报率或贴现率(通胀调整后约在 6% 到 7% 之间),更重要的是,还知晓未来完整且准确的股息流,那么市场在 1880 年、1915 年、1961 年等时间点究竟值多少钱?
Into this morass of false assumptions there did come a ray of light back in 1981, when Robert Shiller proposed a simple test of market inefficiency. He assumed total clairvoyance and asked the question: What were markets worth back in, say, 1880, 1915, 1961, etc., if you knew both the long-term market return, or discount rate (in the 6% to 7% range after inflation), and, more importantly, you also knew the complete and accurate future stream of dividends?
图 1 展示的是我们的简化版本。即便仅凭股息本身,其流量的确相当平滑,但由于市场的价值等于未来所有折现股息的总和,这就使得它变得异常平滑——在三分之二的时间里,我们称之为“公允价值模型”的数值,与其长期趋势的偏差在 ±1% 以内。这个趋势的年实际增长率约为相当温和的 1.5%。(此处加入相对稳定的 GDP 序列作为参考,它在三分之二的时间里偏差在 ±4.5% 以内。)红色的序列是情绪化且注重职业保护的投资者对这个稳定世界所做下的。标普 500 指数在三分之二的时间里,与自身趋势的偏差达到 ±19%!这种近乎荒谬的波动性——比基本面所真正能解释的幅度大出 19 倍——在我看来,主要源于个体投资者受行为因素驱动而产生的“羊群效应”:非专业人士在羊群中就是感觉更安全,事实上,长久以来,“审慎”投资在法律上被定义为他人在做什么你就做什么。对于专业投资者而言,原因则在于需要向对市场熟悉程度逐级递减的上司汇报——最高决策者通常看起来和感觉起来与个体投资者非常相似(有少数显著例外),并将自己的意愿强加于机构投资者身上,而机构投资者的第一要务就是保住工作。正如凯恩斯在《通论》第 12 章中精辟阐述的那样,孤身犯错对于投资经理而言是头等大罪。为了避免这一点,专业人士拼尽全力确保,如果他们真要跳下悬崖,那么:a)得有大批同伴;b)大部分同伴还得比他们领先一步。简言之,职业生涯风险的管理导致了极具破坏性的羊群效应。它同时还催生了大量的“外推法”,同样是为了保护职业生涯。毕竟,如果你做出预测,天晓得,你可能会错。于是,你改用外推法,而凯恩斯指出,这是我们采纳的一种习惯做法,尽管我们凭自身经验知道它在现实世界中并不适用。(在理解市场方面,凯恩斯领先所有其他经济学家 47 年,而且还在继续领先,因为他们至今仍远远未能赶上。)
Exhibit 1 shows our simplified version. Even on its own the dividend stream really is fairly smooth, but because the market is worth the sum of all future discounted dividends, it becomes remarkably smooth so two-thirds of the time the “fair value model,” as we’ll call it, is within ±1% of its long-term trend. The trend turns out to be about a rather modest 1.5% real. (The relatively stable series of GDP is put in here for reference. It is within ±4.5% two-thirds of the time.) The red series is what we emotional and career-protective investors do to this stable world. The S&P 500 is within ±19% of its trend two-thirds of the time! This almost ridiculous volatility, 19 times more than is really justified by the underlying fundamentals, is in my opinion caused mainly by individual investors driven by behavioral factors that result in herding: non-experts simply feel more comfortable in a herd and, indeed, “prudent” investing has long been legally defined as doing what others do. For professional investors it is caused by the need to report upwards to decreasing levels of market familiarity – the top decision-makers usually look and feel very much like individual investors (with some very notable exceptions) and impose their will on the institutional investors, whose number one imperative is to keep their jobs. Being wrong on your own, as Keynes describes so eloquently in Chapter 12 of The General Theory, is the cardinal crime for an investment manager. To avoid this, the professionals try very hard to ensure that if they are going to run off any cliff they will: a) have a lot of company; and b) that most of the company will be one step ahead. In short, the management of career risk results in very destructive herding. It also produces a great deal of extrapolation, also designed to protect their careers. After all, if you make a forecast, Lord knows, you can be wrong. So, instead you use extrapolation, which Keynes said is a convention we adopt even though we know from personal experience that it is not applicable in the real world. (Keynes was 47 years ahead of all other economists in understanding markets. And counting, for they are still nowhere near catching up.)
GMO 季报——不光彩的奖项与任命——2013 年 11 月 7 日 图表 1 长期企业利润非常稳定,似乎几乎不带来长期风险 标普实际价格 vs. 完美预期公允价值*:1882 年 – 2005 年 13.0 20 波动率 12.5 2/3 时间 GDP ± 4.5% 18 对数空间的真实价格与公允价值 12.0 2/3 时间公允价值 ± 1% 2/3 时间价格 ± 19% GDP 16 对数空间的真实 GDP 11.5 11.0 公允 10.5 价值 12 10.0 9.5 标普实际价格 8 9.0 8.5 8.0 4 *希勒模型:希勒计算的美国股票历史公允价值 来源:GMO、标准普尔、美联储 截至 2005 年 12 月 31 日 再回到希勒那个简单的实验:它是否足以让市场有效性的前进脚步停顿一下?一秒钟都没有。它就像一只烦人的苍蝇一样被拍走了,原因是我无法板着脸解释的。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 7 Exhibit 1 Long-Term Corporate Profits Are Very Stable and Seem to Offer Little Long-Term Risk Real S&P price vs. perfect foresight fair value*: 1882 – 2005 13.0 20 Volatility 12.5 2/3 of the Time GDP ± 4.5% 18 Real Prices and Fair Value in Log Space 12.0 2/3 of the Time Fair Value ± 1% 2/3 of the Time Prices ± 19% GDP 16 Real GDP in Log Space 11.5 11.0 Fair 10.5 Value 12 10.0 9.5 S&P Real Price 8 9.0 8.5 8.0 4 *Shiller model: Shiller’s calculation of the historic fair value of U.S. equities Source: GMO, Standard & Poor’s, Federal Reserve As of 12/31/05 Going back to Shiller’s simple experiment: was it enough to cause a pause in the march of market efficiency? Not for a second. It was batted away like a bothersome fly for reasons that I cannot explain with a straight face.
这就引出一个有趣的问题:要怎样才能让波动变得和市场一样剧烈?我认为这里只有两种选择,一种糟糕,一种良好。糟糕的那种通常以自我为中心:投资者每分钟都在改变贴现率。按照这种思路,我们就得相信,1987 年股市暴跌时,投资者们并非像所有投资组合持有者试图挤过起火剧院的小门那样恐慌性出逃,而只是在那个上午重新评估了遥远的未来,认为它远不如前一天那么有吸引力!无论市场的波动多么荒唐,数学上都能通过假设的贴现率做出同等荒唐的变动来“自圆其说”。不过,第二种理论与我对市场的全部认知(或者说我从凯恩斯那里接受的观点)是一致的:外推法主导着市场的运作。
This brings up an interesting question. What would it take to become as volatile as the market? I believe there are only two choices here, one bad and one good. The bad one is typically self-referential: that investors change the discount rate minute by minute. In this way we would have to believe that they did not panic in 1987 as portfolio investors all tried to squeeze through the small door of the burning theatre, but that they merely reassessed the distant future that morning as very much less attractive than the day before! Whatever the ridiculous move in the market, the math will “solve” with an equally ridiculous change in the assumed discount rate. The second theory, though, is compatible with everything I know about the market (or what I accepted from Keynes): that extrapolation dominates the workings of the market.
让我简要给出我的关键证据。为了节省篇幅,我就不展示我最喜欢的一个展品了。它会展示的是,美国 30 年期国债收益率在 1982 年达到 16% 的峰值,因为当时通胀率一度飙升至 13%(尽管保罗·沃尔克已经在抗通胀的道路上展开了行动)。是的,你可能会预期短期国库券收益率在 14% 左右,实际情况也确实如此。但这是一个 30 年期国债!将高达 13% 的通胀率——这一完全异常的事件,就其本质而言,注定是暂时性的,非生即死——外推整整 30 年!当然,更近一些,我们又在将当前极低的通胀率外推 30 年。我的观点已不言自明。
Let me briefly give you my prime evidence. I will spare you one of my favorite exhibits in the interest of saving space. What it would show is that the 30-year U.S. government bond peaked in 1982 at a 16% yield, because inflation had spiked for a second to 13% (even though Paul Volcker was already on the anti-inflation warpath). Yes, you might expect the T-Bill to be 14% or so, which it was. But a 30-year bond! To extrapolate a full 13% inflation – a complete outlier event, by its very nature bound, kill or cure, to be temporary – for a full 30 years! More recently, of course, we extrapolate currently very low inflation for 30 years. My case rests.
股票市场的表现显然也是如此。如果每次利润率短暂飙升或暴跌时,你都把这些反常的临时水平外推至永远,并忽略其明显的均值回归特性,那么你得到的波动性就会和市场本身一模一样!好吧,实际上还会稍微小一点。这真是市场参与者周期性愚蠢行为的绝佳证明。(这里或许可以荣幸地引用我另一位最欣赏的经济学家——海曼·明斯基——的观点。他同样指出,周期性金融危机“几乎不可避免”,因为一种外推行为会随之发生:稳定催生出更多冒险行为,进而陷入螺旋,直到某些事情必然出错。可惜,像他这样有真知灼见的圈外人,永远别指望赢得诺贝尔奖。)
Well the stock market apparently does the same. If for every time profit margins spiked up or down you were to extrapolate forever those abnormal temporary levels and ignore their obviously mean-reverting nature, you would get the same volatility as the market delivers! Well, actually, a little less. What an amazing testimonial to the periodic idiocy of the market players. (An honorable reference might be made here to another of my favorite economists – Hyman Minsky – who said rather similarly that periodic financial crises were “well-nigh inevitable,” because a form of extrapolation would occur with stability generating more risk-taking and on into a spiral until something inevitably would go wrong. A useful outsider like him would, alas, never have a prayer of winning a Nobel Prize.)
GMO 季度信函——非荣耀的奖项与任命——2013 年 11 月 8 日 所以,经济学大约已有 50 年没太大长进了。那就可怜一下瑞典央行的处境吧:它手握着大笔钱,以阿尔弗雷德·诺贝尔的名义到处发奖,或许还带着对更硬核科学的一丝嫉妒。如果你有 120 万美元要发出去,却又找不到几个够格的受奖人,你会怎么做?我会建议把它改成三年一次,不过那样的话,每位得主就能拿到 360 万美元,对那些严肃程度几乎高出无数倍的科学家来说,似乎有点不公平。即便如此,我还是会选择三年一轮的做法。这样一来,那少数几位莫迪利亚尼——好比说真材实料的人物——就不用和那么多普通喽啰分享荣耀和奖金了。但看看今年瑞典央行做了什么?它把奖颁给了三位经济学家,仿佛够格的受奖人多到一年一个奖项根本不够分似的。而为了进一步证明他们彻底搞不清状况,他们把奖金的三分之二给了两位试图证明市场非有效的经济学家,另外三分之一给了另一位声称市场有效、并且是极其有效的经济学家。真是一场闹剧。再去读读那些文雅的描述——或者更确切地说,那些合理化解释——解释这为什么合理,你就会意识到,无论学识水平如何,体制是多么受人敬重。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 8 So, economics has been more or less threadbare for 50 years. Pity then the plight of the Bank of Sweden with all that money to give away in honor of Alfred Nobel and in envy, perhaps, of the harder sciences. If you had $1.2 million to give away but few worthy recipients, what would you do? I would suggest making it a once-every-three-year event, although that would make $3.6 million per winner, which would seem a little unfair to the almost infinitely more serious scientists. Still, I would adopt the three-year routine. Then the handful of Modiglianis – the real McCoys as it were – would not have had to share the glory or the money with so many ordinary soldiers. But what does the Bank do this year? It gives the prize to three economists as if there were far too many worthy recipients for a puny one-prize-a-year to satisfy. And to further prove how completely they have lost the plot, they gave two-thirds of the prize to two economists who attempted to prove market inefficiency and one-third to another who claimed it was efficient and seriously efficient at that. What a farce. And to read all these genteel descriptions, or rather rationalizations, as to why this made sense is to realize to what extent the establishment is respected, regardless of its competence level.
罗伯特·希勒至少为社会做出了贡献——肯尼思·博尔丁想必会认可这一点——他在 2000 年春天出版的《非理性繁荣》一书时机绝佳,大声警告我们科技泡沫即将带来的灾难。这可不赖!他还提前很久就向我们警示了危险得多的房地产泡沫;在一个更理性的世界里,格林斯潘、伯南克、耶伦以及几位银行家或许会把他的警告放在心上。在某个平行宇宙中,光凭这些切实的贡献,就足以拿个诺贝尔奖了。至于尤金·法玛,他反而为我们所有人提供了信心满满地走向悬崖边上的理由,还是少说为妙。对于那些信奉市场有效性以及与之相伴的所有假设的人来说,现实世界其实不过是一个恼人的特例而已。
Robert Shiller at least served society – Kenneth Boulding would have approved – by loudly warning us of impending doom from the Tech Bubble with his superbly timed book Irrational Exuberance in the spring of 2000. Not bad! He also warned us well in advance of the much more dangerous housing bubble; in a more rational world, Greenspan, Bernanke, Yellen, and a few bankers might have taken his warning to heart. In a parallel universe those practical services alone might be worth a Nobel Prize. As for Fama, who conversely provided a rationale for all of us to walk off the cliff with confidence, the less said the better. For believers in market efficiency and all the assumptions that go along with it, the real world really is merely an annoying special case.
第二部分。耶伦与美联储延续老调的前景。
Part 2. Yellen and the Prospect of the Same Ole, Same Ole at the Fed.
反对萨默斯的观点常被有力而雄辩地提出。对我而言,最刺耳的负面评价是他与盟友鲁宾、格林斯潘,以及令人意外的莱维特,联手压制了布鲁克斯利·伯恩——她本应履行职责,监管那些明显失控的金融工具,却遭萨默斯压制。其目的为了推动银行巨型化,特别是花旗银行,萨默斯和鲁宾还欣然助力废除《格拉斯-斯蒂格尔法案》,大概是为了让鲁宾在几乎立刻接任花旗董事长后,能拥有一家更大的银行,以便在纳税人的代价下将其推向悬崖。相比之下,耶伦曾在美联储主席格林斯潘和伯南克手下担任一些有实权的职位,见证了他们那些孤注一掷的过度刺激实验、对后续崩盘的补救,以及道德风险加剧到几乎让金融界所有人被短期贪婪吞噬理智的地步。我认为,耶伦的一些支持者相当绝望地声称,她曾警告过房地产泡沫即将破裂,但她公开发表的言论却与伯南克如出一辙,我甚至分不清哪句是谁说的——意思大致是,房地产只是反映了强劲的经济。她听起来也像早期的格林斯潘,暗示泡沫并不存在,即使存在,也不是美联储的职责去干预;即便该干预,他们也束手无策;即便有办法,干预带来的必然痛苦也不值得换取可能的好处。(那位执掌英国央行的加拿大人卡尼先生,自称更懂行:房地产泡沫确实存在,值得关注。他需要一些运气来应对今天英国房价的水平——即便英国政府还在鼓励更高杠杆的抵押贷款。他们难道永远学不乖?担保 5% 以上的新抵押贷款只会进一步推高房价,使新买家只能在低抵押贷款利率下才买得起房。但英国可是浮动利率抵押贷款啊!亲爱的购房者,总有一天,抵押贷款利率会回归常态,甚至可能变得苛刻——这并非没有先例——而你将根本无力偿还月供。这真是糟糕透顶的主意。)
The case against Summers was made often and eloquently. The most cutting negative for me was his famous suppression – with his allies Rubin, Greenspan, and, surprisingly, Levitt – of the sensible and determined stand by Brooksley Born to do her job and regulate obviously out-of-control financial instruments. In order to facilitate the giantification of banks, pointedly Citicorp, he and Rubin also cheerfully helped dispatch Glass-Steagall, presumably so that Rubin, when he more or less immediately became Citi’s Chairman, could have an even larger bank to run off the cliff at tax payers’ expense. Yellen, on the other hand, has sat in positions of some authority near Fed bosses Greenspan and Bernanke as their desperate experiments in overstimulation, amelioration of ensuing collapses, and moral hazard intensified to a level where apparently almost everyone in finance had their prudence overwhelmed by short-term greed. Some of Yellen’s supporters, rather desperately I think, claim that she warned of an impending housing bust, yet she has quotes out there, so like Bernanke’s that I forget which quote is which, to the effect that housing merely reflected a strong economy. She also sounded like early Greenspan in suggesting that bubbles don’t exist, and even if they did, it would not be the Fed’s business to intervene, and even if it were, there would be nothing they could do, and even if there were, the guaranteed pain of intervention would not be worth the possible benefits. (The Canadian running the Bank of England, Mr. Carney, claims to know better: that housing bubbles do indeed exist and are worth keeping an eye on. He’ll need some luck with the level of U.K. housing prices today – even as the U.K. government encourages more leveraged mortgages. Do they never learn? Guaranteeing new mortgages over 5% will serve to further push the prices up so that for any new buyers, houses will be affordable only at low mortgage rates. But England has floating mortgage rates for heaven’s sake! And one day, dear home buyer, mortgage rates will become more normal, possibly even nasty – it has happened – and you will simply not be able to afford the payments. What a bad idea this is.)
不过说回耶伦,她一直乐此不疲地延续美联储那条屡试不爽的失败政策:一边重复完全相同的操作,一边疯狂期盼不同的结果。这种策略过去两次带来的后果都极其惨烈,而且两三年内很可能再次酿成同样的苦果。所以,是的,如果让我选,我宁可挑萨默斯而不是耶伦——哪怕只有一丝微弱的可能,出于客气说,他那种超级自信的个性,说不定会做出截然不同的举动。没错,我承认,这是绝望时代的绝望逻辑。
But back to Yellen, who has happily gone along with the failed Fed policy of hoping madly for a different outcome despite repeating exactly the same thing. The past consequences of this strategy have been so dire on two occasions and threaten to be just as bad again sometime within two or three years that, yes, given a choice I would have picked Summers over Yellen just for the small possibility that being super confident, to be polite, he just might have done something different. Yes, I agree, desperate logic for desperate times.
GMO 季度信函——2013 年 11 月——《不光彩的奖项与任命》第 9 页。简而言之,我当时的感觉,现在也仍然是,“以上皆非!”在一种“沃尔克风范”的做法中,我会把骨气作为首要条件,再加上独立思考与坚定立场的能力。走一条不同的路,我们没什么可失去的,却有很多可以收获。在处理美联储掌门人的人选时,“相关经验”很难评估,而且,以往被证明的卓越也未必总是切合目标。格林斯潘在之前的任何重要工作中都明显没有取得过成功;事实上,细想一下,他压根就没有过什么正经工作。不过,他在 20 世纪 70 年代作为股市经济预测者,倒是有着近乎可笑的失败记录。那么,谁符合我的描述呢?布鲁克斯利·伯恩、希拉·贝尔,或许还有托马斯·霍尼格(他经常投票反对美联储的政策,但总是徒劳无功),这些人能体现我的意思。不,没指望的,我知道。不过,重要的是这份心意。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 9 In short, my feeling was and is “none of the above!” In a “shades of Volcker” approach, I would put a requirement for backbone first along with the ability to think for yourself and stand firm. We have little to lose by taking a different course, and much to gain. “Relevant experience” is difficult to appraise in dealing with a Fed boss, and previous proven excellence has anyway not always been targeted. Greenspan notably had had no success at any previous serious job; in fact, come to think of it he had had no serious job, really. He did, though, have a proven record of almost laughable failure as an economic prognosticator to the stock market back in the 1970s. So, who meets my description? Brooksley Born, Sheila Bair, and possibly Thomas Hoenig (who voted quite often but always in vain against the Fed’s policies) would catch the flavor of my point. No, not a prayer, I know. Still it’s the thought that counts.
如果我的建议不受欢迎,那换个加拿大人、英国人——甚至德国人怎么样?你能想象哪怕一分钟,联邦储备委员会里坐着个外国人吗?而以前可是英国人才被认为保守古板的呢。
And if my suggestions fall flat, how about a Canadian or a Brit or even a German? Can you even for a minute imagine a foreigner at the Fed? And it used to be the Brits who were considered stodgy.
关于所有“对崩盘的解释,五年之后”的评论。最近几个月,大量文章在 2008 年崩盘五周年之际回顾这一事件。和以往一样,几乎所有的回顾都将其视为一场压倒性的金融事件。当然,金融几乎必然地渗透到了经济的方方面面,但在我看来,有两个现实世界(与债务的纸面世界相对)的因素,其对崩盘的影响在过往分析中被低估了:大宗商品价格上涨和房地产泡沫。大宗商品价格常常作为整体通胀的一部分而飙升,但这一次,工资或消费价格并未出现通胀。因此,大宗商品价格的惊人上涨——尤其是石油价格,在九年内上涨了近八倍,而其中大部分涨幅发生在见顶前的最后一年——对需求造成了尤为严重的打击。这一次,价格是由寻找和输送石油的长期成本快速上升以及短期短缺共同推动的。此前有记录显示,石油价格的飙升曾导致经济衰退,尤其是在 1972 年至 1980 年间。在那段时期,石油在美国 GDP 中所占的份额确实更大:由于资源价格占 GDP 的份额暂时飙升,从 1972 年到 1980 年,其对经济造成的直接挤压约为 8.5%。这一次,资源价格上涨对美国经济的挤压幅度较小,为 5%,但这仍然是一个巨大的影响,即便分摊到六年,尤其是其中近一半的影响集中在截至 2008 年中期的 12 个月内。(参见我在 GMO 2012 年 10 月季度信函中的报告。)
A Comment on all of the “Explanations of the Crash, Five Years on” Much has been written in recent months, reviewing the crash of 2008 on its fifth anniversary. Almost all reviews, as usual, see it overwhelmingly as a financial event. Of course, finance is involved in every aspect of the economy almost by definition but, in my opinion, there are two aspects of the real world as opposed to the paper world of debt that are understated in their influence on the crash: commodity price rises and the housing bubble. Commodity prices often spike as part of a general inflation, but this time there was no inflation in wages or consumer prices. Therefore, the remarkable rise in commodity prices – especially oil, which went up almost eight times in nine years with most of the increase in the last year before the peak – took a particularly hard toll on demand. This time prices were driven by both the rapidly rising long-term costs of finding and delivering oil and short-term shortages. Previous spikes in oil have been documented as having caused downturns in the economy, notably in the period between 1972 and 1980. Back then oil was admittedly a larger fraction of U.S. GDP: the direct impact from resource prices as their share of GDP temporarily spiked was a squeeze on the economy of about 8.5% from 1972 to 1980. This time resource price increases squeezed the U.S. economy by a smaller 5%, but that was still a huge impact even spread out over six years, particularly because almost half of the effect was in the 12 months to mid-2008. (See my report in GMO’s Quarterly Letter of October 2012.)
第二个因素——房地产泡沫——确实是 GMO 当初能预见到麻烦的根源。紧盯银行的财务比率、资产负债表内外的义务质量和数量,这件事本身就无比复杂——银行的首席执行官们一开始就明显超出自身能力范围——所以我们很容易理解那些未能看清全局的人。相比之下,美国的房地产市场就像一门“泡沫入门课”。图 2 展示的是我们更新后的房地产泡沫版本。和往常一样,过早地兴奋起来很容易,但你究竟怎么能错过它呢?(众所周知,格林斯潘、伯南克和耶伦不仅无法或不愿看到这个 3.5 标准差之外的异常值,反而还添油加醋地鼓励,说这是对相当强劲经济的正常反应。)经济增长强劲得多的经济体,有些甚至伴随着更高的通胀,却并未对房地产产生同样的刺激作用。当然,在 GMO,因为我们把研究泡沫奉若神明,所以我们必须时刻牢记:这个泡沫会走上所有泡沫的老路。而且它确实变成了一个形态极其优美的泡沫。曲线漂亮。在回归趋势线之前,只是温和地越界。这最好的地方在于,你可以轻松计算出泡沫破裂的主要影响:要让中位房价与中位家庭收入之比回归趋势线,个人感知财富将损失 7 万亿美元;如果加上一次温和的典型超调,损失将达到 8 万亿美元。而这其中的大部分都已经被用作抵押品。要造成一场严重的经济衰退,你甚至不需要约翰·保尔森和高盛特意去创造出极其古怪的房地产工具!再加上次级效应——比趋势线多建了 100 万套房屋——这在短期内显然是毫无必要的。这里的超调必然会带来痛苦。被鼓励、哄骗或诱骗而购房的人口比例创纪录地多出 3 个百分点,尽管家庭收入增长史无前例地停滞,而自 1970 年以来小时工资的实际水平甚至可悲地原地踏步。(如果你不信,去查查!)为了容纳这些人,累计多建了超过 200 万套房屋。在这方面,美国资本主义进程以经典的方式对更高的价格做出了回应。爱尔兰和西班牙的情况也是如此,GMO 季度信函——可悲的奖赏与任命——2013 年 11 月 10 图 2 美国房地产:一个完美(且痛苦)的泡沫 中位房价 / 中位家庭收入 4.2 4.0 3 个标准差 3.8 3.6 2 个标准差 价格/收入 3.4 1 个标准差 3.2 3.0 2.8 -1 个标准差 2.6 2.4 -2 个标准差 2.2 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 来源:全美房地产经纪人协会、美国人口普查局、GMO,截至 2013 年 8 月 31 日。而且它们的房地产泡沫更是做了一件不可能的事——比我们的泡沫还要大。泡沫破裂后,痛苦的调整期,住房建设每年将不得不在正常水平之下减少约 50 万套,才能平衡账目。并且在趋势线之下保持很多年。在美国,这一切都按照既定规则发生了,现在的住房拥有率几乎恢复到了正常水平,肯定已完成了四分之三的调整,大概再有一年就能完全恢复。总而言之,这是一个极其规矩、可预测的周期。建筑、房地产销售和房地产融资领域的就业岗位减少所带来的次级痛苦,也同样可以非常准确地预测到。三级效应则更难计算,而且我怀疑其可预测性也更低:当消费者意识到自己的净资产比想象中少得多,而且养老金能力有时被残酷削弱后,他们的行为会如何?我们通常都认为,住房带来的财富效应大于股票市场,并且更加危险,因为住房拥有率涉及的公众比例比股票持有率高 30% 以上,而这些额外受影响的人群,应对危机的流动性通常远低于股票持有者。
The second factor – the housing bubble – really accounted for why we at GMO saw the trouble coming. Focusing on the financial ratios of banks, on the quality and quantity of their obligations on and off the balance sheet, was so complex – the bank CEO’s were clearly out of their depth for starters – that it is easy to sympathize with those who missed the big picture. The housing market in the U.S., in contrast, was like a lesson in Bubbles for Beginners. Exhibit 2 shows our updated version of the housing bubble. As usual, it was easy to get excited about this too early, but how on earth could you miss it? (Famously, Greenspan, Bernanke, and Yellen, not only could not or would not see this 3½ sigma outlier, but they added words of encouragement that it was somehow a normal response to a decently strong economy.) Much stronger economies, including some with greater inflation, had somehow not had the same stimulating effect on housing. Certainly at GMO, because we make a fetish of studying bubbles, we had to eat and sleep with the knowledge that this bubble would go the way of all bubbles. And what a beautiful looking bubble it became. Nice lines. With a modest overrun before moving back to trend. The best aspect to this was that you could easily calculate the primary impact of the bust: it would involve the loss of $7 trillion of perceived personal wealth to get to trend and reach an $8 trillion loss with a modest, typical overrun. Most of which had been borrowed against. To have a serious economic setback you didn’t even need John Paulson and Goldman Sachs to go out of their way to create decidedly odd real estate instruments! Add to this the secondary effects – the building of an extra million houses above trend – clearly unnecessary in the short term. The overrun here was bound to be painful. A record extra 3% of the public had been encouraged, cajoled, or conned into buying a house despite the unprecedented lack of growth in household income and hourly wages tragically being unchanged in real terms since 1970. (If you don’t believe it, check it!) An extra cumulative two million plus houses were built to accommodate them. In this respect the capitalist process here in the U.S. responded to higher prices in the classic way. As it also did in Ireland and Spain, GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 10 Exhibit 2 U.S. Housing: A Perfect (and Painful) Bubble Median House Price / Median Family Income 4.2 4.0 3 std dev 3.8 3.6 2 std dev Price/Income 3.4 1 std dev 3.2 3.0 2.8 -1 std dev 2.6 2.4 -2 std dev 2.2 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 Source: National Association of Realtors, U.S. Census Bureau, GMO As of 8/31/13 but even more so since their housing bubbles did the impossible and out-bubbled ours. Painfully after the bust, home building would have to cool down half a million or so a year below normal in order to balance the books. And stay below trend for quite a few years. In the U.S. that has all happened according to Hoyle, and we are almost back to normal in home ownership, certainly three-quarters of the way, perhaps within a year of full readjustment. All in all this was an incredibly well-behaved, predictable cycle. The secondary pain of fewer jobs in construction, real estate sales, and real estate financing also added quite predictably to the misery. The tertiary effect is harder to calculate and, I suspect, less predictable: what is consumer behavior after realizing their net worth is so much less than thought and their pension capabilities sometimes brutally reduced? We all generally assume that the wealth effect from housing is greater than that for the stock market and more dangerous, for home ownership involves over 30% more of the general public than stock ownership and those additionally impacted had typically far less liquidity to deal with a crisis than did stockholders.
我的观点是:我们经历了石油和其他大宗商品有史以来最大幅度的价格上涨。即使考虑到它们在 GDP 中相对较小的比重进行调整,这也是一个世纪以来给经济带来的两次最严重的大宗商品挤压之一。第二,我们经历了美国历史上唯一一次全国性的房地产泡沫。它造成了 8 万亿美元的直接损失,以及数万亿美元的次生和三级效应。其影响注定会持续数年。这两件事同时发生,注定了经济会深度衰退,复苏缓慢。对我来说,其他金融效应似乎几乎没有什么空间来扮演非常重要的角色,更不用说扮演它们被认为扮演的那种压倒性角色了。这全都是我们经济思维中一种普遍偏见的一部分,这种偏见夸大了金融世界和纸面世界的重要性,而牺牲了更平凡但也更重要的现实世界。这种夸大使得金融世界及其所有组成部分看起来更加重要,任何部分性的失败看起来都比实际更具潜在灾难性,而且,如果我们不小心,这会在很大程度上使金融部门受益,并以经济其他部分为代价。
This is my point: we had the largest price jumps in oil and other commodities ever. Even after adjusting for their lower relative size in GDP it was one of the two most painful commodity squeezes on the economy in a century. Second, you had the only U.S.-wide housing bubble in history. It inflicted $8 trillion of direct losses and trillions of dollars in secondary and tertiary effects. The effect was guaranteed to last for several years. You had them hit together, guaranteeing a deep economic setback and a slow recovery. To me, there seems hardly any room for other financial effects to play a very important role let alone the overwhelming role that they are represented as having played. It is all part of a general bias in our economic thinking that exaggerates the significance of the financial, paper world at the expense of the more mundane, but more important, real world. This exaggeration makes the financial world and all of its pieces seem more important and any partial failure more potentially disastrous than it really is, and works, unless we are careful, much to the advantage of the financial sector and much to the cost of the balance of the economy.
把握熊市时机 我个人认为,格林斯潘-伯南克时代的过度刺激政策(现在由耶伦管理)将会照常进行,而市场阻力最小的路径将是上涨。我相信,需要一场严重的经济冲击才能压倒美联储不断推高市场的影响力。看看在经济增长几乎普遍令人失望的情况下,市场仍在继续上涨。GMO 季度信函——可悲的奖赏与任命——2013 年 11 月 11 图 3 显示的是国际货币基金组织一年前对主要经济国家所做的经济预测,以及实际发生的情况。只有日本是个温和的惊喜,比预测高出 0.7%,英国和瑞士则是险胜。其他所有国家都未能达标。很少有这样的情况:经济增长如此普遍地令人失望,却仍允许美国和其他大多数主要经济体的股市出现实质性的上涨。这是美联储刺激政策具有全球影响力的又一例证(正如新兴市场股市仅仅因为听到缩减量化宽松的言论就出现大幅下跌一样!)。
Timing Bear Markets My personal view is that the Greenspan-Bernanke regime of excessive stimulus, now administered by Yellen, will proceed as usual, and that the path of least resistance, for the market will be up. I believe that it would take a severe economic shock to outweigh the effect of the Fed’s relentless pushing of the market. Look at the market’s continued GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 11 advance despite almost universal disappointment in economic growth. Exhibit 3 shows the economic forecasts for major economic countries made a year ago by the IMF compared to what actually happened. Only Japan was a modest pleasant surprise at 0.7% ahead of forecast and the U.K. and Switzerland scraped home by the skin of their teeth. Everyone else fell short. There have been few such occasions when such broad disappointment with economic growth still allowed the U.S. and most other major economies to make material upward moves in their stock markets. It is yet another testimonial to the global reach of the Fed’s stimulus of equities (as was the very substantial decline in emerging market equities on just talk of tapering!).
图 3 国际货币基金组织对 2013 年《世界经济展望》预测的修正:实际 GDP 增长率(从 2012 年 10 月到 2013 年 10 月) 澳大利亚 -0.5% 巴西 -1.4% 加拿大 -0.4% 中国 -0.6% 法国 -0.2% 德国 -0.4% 香港 -0.5% 印度 -2.2% 意大利 -1.0% 日本 0.7% 墨西哥 -2.2% 俄罗斯 -2.3% 西班牙 0.0% 瑞士 0.4% 英国 0.3% 美国 -0.6% 来源:国际货币基金组织、GMO
Exhibit 3 Change in IMF World Economic Outlook Forecasts for 2013: Real GDP Growth from October 2012 to October 2013 Australia -0.5% Brazil -1.4% Canada -0.4% China -0.6% France -0.2% Germany -0.4% Hong Kong -0.5% India -2.2% Italy -1.0% Japan 0.7% Mexico -2.2% Russia -2.3% Spain 0.0% Switzerland 0.4% UK 0.3% US -0.6% Source: International Monetary Fund, GMO In equities there are few signs yet of a traditional bubble. In the U.S. individuals are not yet consistent buyers of mutual funds. Over lunch I am still looking at Patriots’ highlights and not the CNBC talking heads recommending Pumatech or whatever they were in 1999. There are no wonderful and influential theories as to why the P/E structure should be much higher today as there were in Japan in 1989 or in the U.S. in 2000, with Greenspan’s theory of the internet driving away the dark clouds of ignorance and ushering in an era of permanently higher P/Es. (There is only Jeremy Siegel doing his usual, apparently inexhaustible thing of explaining why the market is actually cheap: in 2000 we tangled over the market’s P/E of 30 to 35, which, with arcane and ingenious adjustments, for him did not portend disaster. This time it is unprecedented margins, usually the most dependably mean reverting of all financial series, which are apparently now normal.) By June this year, markets felt relatively quiet and under the surface there was still a considerable undertow of risk aversion in the institutions. The Russell 2000 and the GMO High Quality universe1 were both just level with the S&P, all up 16%. Normally we would have expected the Russell to outperform handsomely. However, since then speculation has perked up so that today, the broad U.S. market is up 20% and the Russell 2000 is a more typical six points ahead while stocks in the GMO High Quality universe are several points 1 High Quality Universe represents the simulated performance of a market capitalization-weighted portfolio of stocks in the highest 25% of a universe comprised of the top 1000 U.S. stocks by market capitalization based on GMO’s quality definition. GMO defines quality companies as those with high profitability, low profit volatility, and minimal use of leverage.
在股市方面,还几乎没有传统泡沫的迹象。在美国,个人投资者尚未持续地买入共同基金。午餐时间,我还在看爱国者队的精彩集锦,而不是 CNBC 上那些推荐 Pumatech(或 1999 年时的其他什么股票)的喋喋不休的主持人。现在没有像 1989 年的日本或 2000 年的美国那样,存在什么精彩且具有影响力的理论来解释为什么市盈率水平应该高得多——比如格林斯潘提出的互联网驱散无知的乌云、开启一个永久更高市盈率时代的理论。(只有杰里米·西格尔还在做他那一贯、似乎永不枯竭的事情,解释为什么市场实际上很便宜:2000 年,我们曾就市场 30 到 35 倍的市盈率争论不休,而在他看来,经过古老而巧妙的调整,这并不预示灾难。而这次,则是前所未有的利润率——这通常是所有金融序列中最可靠地均值回归的指标——现在显然被认为是正常的了。)到今年 6 月,市场感觉相对平静,表面之下,机构中仍然存在相当大的风险厌恶情绪。罗素 2000 指数和 GMO 高质量股票池 1 的走势都与标普 500 指数持平,均上涨了 16%。通常我们会预期罗素指数会大幅跑赢。然而,自那以后,投机活动活跃起来,以至于目前美国广泛市场上涨了 20%,而罗素 2000 指数以更典型的方式领先 6 个百分点,与此同时 GMO 高质量股票池中的股票则落后了几个百分点。 GMO 季度信函——可悲的奖赏与任命——2013 年 11 月 12 我们还看到美国 IPO 市场的某些部分出现了意料之外的急剧升温,所以我猜想,我们可能正处于一个缓慢积累的过程,最终会迎来某种有趣的事情——一个严重定价过高的市场和泡沫状态。我个人猜测,美国股市,尤其是非蓝筹股,将会继续走高,在未来一年或更可能两年内,涨幅可能在 20% 到 30%,而世界其他地区,包括新兴市场股市,至少会部分地追赶上来,涨幅甚至会更大。然后,我们将迎来 1999 年以来的第三次严重市场崩盘,而格林斯潘、伯南克、耶伦等人想必会安然自得,因为凭借他们的经验,他们肯定预料到了类似的结果。而我们这些普通人,当然会得到我们应得的结果。我们曾在一场普遍的阿谀奉承狂欢中,称赞这一不幸计划的最初肇事者——格林斯潘——为伟大的大师。他忠实的追随者伯南克,被一位民主党总统重新任命,并普遍因其在崩盘中(我承认)堪称称职地激励了市场而受到赞扬——而这场崩盘,如果没有他和他的前任政策中那些危险的放松管制和无管制(例如对次贷工具)的实验,是绝对不会发生的。照此下去,总有一天,我们会赞美耶伦(或类似的继任者)在下一场完全不必要的金融和资产类别失败的废墟中,提供了得力的帮助。就连格林斯潘本人,最终也对放松管制感到失望,他对金融领袖们的不良行为感到震惊,他无法理解的是,这些人竟然甚至没有试图最大化长期风险调整后的利润。实际上,我们并没有经历现代经济理论如此核心的“价格发现”,而是经历了“贪婪发现”。
GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 12 behind. We have also had a sharp and unexpected uptick in parts of the IPO market in the U.S., so I would think that we are probably in the slow build-up to something interesting – a badly overpriced market and bubble conditions. My personal guess is that the U.S. market, especially the non-blue chips, will work its way higher, perhaps by 20% to 30% in the next year or, more likely, two years, with the rest of the world including emerging market equities covering even more ground in at least a partial catch-up. And then we will have the third in the series of serious market busts since 1999 and presumably Greenspan, Bernanke, Yellen, et al. will rest happy, for surely they must expect something like this outcome given their experience. And we the people, of course, will get what we deserve. We acclaimed the original perpetrator of this ill-fated plan – Greenspan – to be the great Maestro, in a general orgy of boot licking. His faithful acolyte, Bernanke, was reappointed by a democratic president and generally lauded for doing (I admit) a perfectly serviceable job of rallying the troops in a crash that absolutely would not have occurred without the dangerous experiments in deregulation and no regulation (of the subprime instruments, for example) of his and his predecessor’s policy. At this rate, one day we will praise Yellen (or a similar successor) for helping out adequately in the wreckage of the next utterly unnecessary financial and asset class failure. Deregulation was eventually a disappointment even to Greenspan, shocked at the bad behavior of financial leaders who, incomprehensibly to him, were not even attempting to maximize long-term risk-adjusted profits. Indeed, instead of the “price discovery” so central to modern economic theory we had “greed discovery.”
(备注:“价格发现”是一个发生在开放、竞争且不受监管的市场中的过程,供需和成本结构的相互作用决定了有效价格。“贪婪发现”则是一个过程,在这个过程里,一个极其复杂且不必要的金融体系被内行专家所利用。这些内行掌握的知识远比那些“羔羊”——过去被称为“客户”——要多得多,而在缺乏充分监管的情况下,这些“羔羊”会在“寻租”的浪潮中被彻底剪光羊毛。)
(Memo: “price discovery” is the process that happens in an open and competitive and unregulated market, where the interplay of supply, demand, and cost structures determines the efficient price. “Greed discovery” is the process by which a vastly and unnecessarily complicated financial system is exploited by expert insiders. These insiders have far more knowledge than the lambs – formerly known as clients – and without adequate regulations the lambs are defleeced in a surge of “rent seeking.”)
与此同时,投资者应当意识到,美国市场已经严重高估——事实上,我们认为其定价水平意味着未来七年将实现负的实际回报——而大多数海外市场在今年夏天快速上涨后也已高估,但程度稍轻。在我们看来,审慎的投资者总体上应当已经开始削减股票仓位并降低风险水平。投资中最痛苦的教训之一,就是审慎的投资者(或者你更喜欢“价值投资者”这个词)几乎总要在市场顶部区域放弃大量乐趣。当前市场已不例外,但投机行为对审慎造成的伤害可能更大,而且很可能如此。唉,这就是生活。面对我们这样的美联储,这或许是我们应得的结果。
In the meantime investors should be aware that the U.S. market is already badly overpriced – indeed, we believe it is priced to deliver negative real returns over seven years – and that most foreign markets having moved up rapidly this summer are also overpriced but less so. In our view, prudent investors should already be reducing their equity bets and their risk level in general. One of the more painful lessons in investing is that the prudent investor (or “value investor” if you prefer) almost invariably must forego plenty of fun at the top end of markets. This market is already no exception, but speculation can hurt prudence much more and probably will. Ah, that’s life. And with a Fed like ours it’s probably what we deserve.
令人不安的结论 保持审慎,你很可能错失收益。承担风险,你很可能赚得更多,但也可能遭遇埋伏,而一旦中招,你的借口会显得苍白。选择权在你。我们当然已经做出了自己的选择。
Inconvenient Conclusion Be prudent and you’ll probably forego gains. Be risky and you’ll probably make some more money, but you may be bushwhacked and, if you are, your excuses will look thin. Your call. We of course are making our call.
附注 1 市场可能出什么问题?经济增长正在缓慢且在我看来相当不祥地放缓,最明显的是欧洲,但全球范围内也是如此,在最坏情况下,这股势头甚至可能压过美联储。全球范围内财政刺激的普遍缺失,尤其是美国联邦赤字近乎急剧的下降,都无助于事。未来两年出现这种情况的概率有多大?大约四分之一。
Postscript 1 What can go wrong for the market? There is a slow and for me rather sinister slowing down of economic growth, most obviously in Europe but also globally, that could at worst overwhelm even the Fed. The general lack of fiscal stimulus globally and the almost precipitous decline in the U.S. Federal deficit in particular do not help. What are the odds in the next two years? Perhaps one in four.
附注 2 最新出炉——为了在我们客户会议上轻松一刻——是最新的(或者你喜欢说“数据挖掘”)……噔噔噔……总统周期。自 GMO 于 1977 年 10 月成立以来,36 年已经过去。在此期间——当逻辑和经验表明你会为了帮助下一次选举而刺激经济时——第三年的涨幅是其他三年总和的一倍半以上,而第一年和第二年(本应收紧政策的年份)则相应地表现疲弱。对于最弱的五个周期,第一年和第二年的平均回报为负,但对于三个周期,这些年份表现强劲,甚至非常强劲。这三个周期不能完全归咎于格林斯潘-伯南克体制的过度刺激倾向,但大部分责任确实可以归咎于此。GMO 季度信函——《不光彩的奖项与任命》——2013 年 11 月 13 页 但大部分确实可以。记住,我们的总统周期是从 10 月 1 日到次年 9 月 30 日,这三个周期的两年回报分别是:1996 年,+48%;1984 年,+43%;2004 年,+19%。现在,这才是可怕的部分。1996 年以 2000 年崩盘告终,1984 年以 1987 年崩盘告终,2004 年以 2008 年金融危机告终。在当前周期中,我们已经上涨了 19%,而且还有一年时间!当然,结果也可能是一个非常强劲的两年,一切都将安然无恙。谁知道呢?
Postscript 2 Hot off the press, for a less serious moment at our client conference comes the latest update (or data mining, if you prefer) of the… ta da…Presidential Cycle. Since October 1977 when GMO started, 36 years have passed. In that time – when logic and experience say you stimulate to help the next election – the third year has been over 1½ times the other three added together and years one and two, when you should be tightening, have been commensurately weak. For the weakest five cycles, the average of years one and two was negative but for three cycles it was strong, even very strong. These three cannot be blamed totally on the Greenspan-Bernanke regime’s tendency to overstimulate, GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 13 but mostly they can. Bearing in mind that for us Presidential years run October 1-September 30, these three two-year returns were 1996, +48%; 1984, +43%; and 2004, +19%. Now, this is the scary part. 1996 ended in the 2000 crash, 1984 in the crash of 1987, and 2004 in the financial crash of 2008. In the current cycle we are already up 19% with a year to run! Of course, it may turn out to be a very strong two years and all will be well. Who knows?
免责声明:本文表达的观点是杰里米·格兰瑟姆截至 2013 年 11 月 18 日的观点,并可能根据市场及其他条件随时发生变化。本文不构成对任何证券的购买或出售要约或招揽,也不应被理解为如此。对特定证券和发行人的提及仅为说明目的,不应被解释为购买或出售此类证券的建议。
Disclaimer: The views expressed are the views of Jeremy Grantham through the period ending November 18, 2013, and are subject to change at any time based on market and other conditions. This is not an offer or solicitation for the purchase or sale of any security and should not be construed as such. References to specific securities and issuers are for illustrative purposes only and are not intended to be, and should not be interpreted as, recommendations to purchase or sell such securities.
版权 © 2013 归 GMO LLC 所有。保留所有权利。
Copyright © 2013 by GMO LLC. All rights reserved.
GMO 季度信函——《不光彩的奖项与任命》——2013 年 11 月 14 页
GMO Quarterly Letter – Ignoble Prizes and Appointments – November 2013 14