“加强工人退休保障”

2009 · 证词 · 原文约 6230 词
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约翰·C·博格(John C. Bogle),先锋集团(The Vanguard Group)创始人兼前首席执行官,在美国众议院教育与劳工委员会上的证词,华盛顿特区 * * * “加强工人退休保障” 2009 年 2 月 24 日

我们国家的退休保障体系正面临危险,正在走向一场严重的列车事故。这场事故并非即将发生;我们正行驶在一条危险的轨道上,直冲向一次会导致退休体系大部分功能瘫痪的严重撞车。联邦援助——在当今世界,已经以前所未有的水平被动用——似乎是唯一的短期补救措施。但是,只要我们有智慧和勇气去实施,对退休金筹资体系的长远改革,就能引领我们走上一条更好的道路,为全美工人提供退休保障。

Statement of John C. Bogle, founder and former chief executive of The Vanguard Group,1 before the Committee on Education and Labor, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, DC * * * “Strengthening Worker Retirement Security” February 24, 2009 Our nation’s system of retirement security is imperiled, headed for a serious train wreck. That wreck is not merely waiting to happen; we are running on a dangerous track that is leading directly to a serious crash that will disable major parts of our retirement system. Federal support—which, in today’s world, is already being tapped at unprecedented levels—seems to be the only short-term remedy. But long-term reforms in our retirement funding system, if only we have the wisdom and courage to implement them, can move us to a better path toward retirement security for the nation’s workers.

这场即将来临的危机的原因之一(但远非唯一原因)是我们的股市崩盘——从 2007 年 10 月市场高点时的 17 万亿美元市值中蒸发了约 8 万亿美元,而那时距现在不到 18 个月。然而,这一惊人的财富损失,在很大程度上反映了 1990 年代末和 2000 年代初股票估值持续且严重的过高,“虚幻财富”被证明与企业内在价值不符。(我将在后面的陈述中更深入地讨论这个话题。)

One of the causes of the coming crisis—but hardly the only cause—is the collapse of our stock market, erasing some $8 trillion in market value from its $17 trillion capitalization at the market’s high in October 2007, less than 18 months ago. However, this stunning loss of wealth reflects, in important part, a growing and substantial overvaluation of stocks during the late 1990s and early 2000s, “phantom wealth” which proved unjustified by corporate intrinsic value. (I’ll discuss this subject in greater depth later in my statement.)

但另有四个原因不可忽视。其一,国民储蓄未能有效导入退休计划。在这个消费驱动的经济体中,“节俭”已被抛诸脑后,“即时满足”大行其道。作为一个国家,我们的储蓄远远不足以应对未来的退休需求。选择建立个人退休账户的公民太少,即便已开设账户的人,也仅是零散且不足额地往里面存钱。此外,美国企业为其养老金计划提供资金时,错误地假设股票能延续过去的高回报水平,甚至在市场估值已远高于合理水平时,仍不断提高预期回报率假设。

But four other causes must not be ignored. One is the inadequacy of national savings being directed into retirement plans. “Thrift” has been out in America; “instant gratification” in our consumer-driven economy has been in. As a nation, we are not saving nearly enough to meet our future retirement needs. Too few citizens have chosen to establish personal retirement accounts, and even those who have established them are funding them inadequately and only sporadically. Further, our corporations have been funding their pension plans on the mistaken assumption that stocks would produce future returns at the generous levels of the past, raising their prospective return assumptions even as the market reached valuations that were far above The opinions expressed in this speech do not necessarily represent the views of Vanguard’s present management.

历史常态。² 而我们州与地方政府的养老金计划,财务状况似乎是最糟糕的。(由于透明度差、披露不足及财务报告不标准化,我们确实不知道缺口有多大。)

historical norms.2 And the pension plans of our state and local governments seem to be in the worst financial condition of all. (Because of poor transparency, inadequate disclosure, and non-standardized financial reporting, we really don’t know the dimension of the shortfall.)

第二,大量不健全、不明智、甚至常常是投机性的投资选择,不仅出自那些自己打理个人退休投资账户(例如个人退休账户、由企业提供的 401[k] 节俭计划、由非营利机构提供的 403[b] 储蓄计划等固定缴款型养老金计划)的人,也出自那些主要由我们国家大型企业、州及地方政府在早年设立的专业化管理固定收益型养老金计划。

Second is the plethora of unsound, unwise, and often speculative investment choices made not only by individuals responsible for managing their own tax-sheltered retirement investment programs (such as individual retirement accounts and defined-contribution pension plans such as 401(k) thrift plans provided by corporations and 403(b) savings plans provided by non-profit institutions), but also professionally managed defined benefit plans, largely created in earlier days by our nation’s larger corporations and by our state and local governments.

第三,利益冲突在我们的金融体系中比比皆是。企业 401(k) 计划中持有的共同基金的经理人,以及企业养老金计划的资金管理人,在持有其客户公司的股票时,都面临潜在的利益冲突。不难想象,当一位经理人投票代理表决股份,反对公司管理层的建议时,这可能会让那些选择该计划投资顾问提供商的高管感到不快。(关于这些冲突实际在多大程度上已经显现,存在争议。)在工会计划中,工会领导人、工会工人、投资顾问和资金管理人之间的实际利益冲突已在媒体和法庭上得到证实。在固定收益养老金计划中,企业高管面临一个明显的短期矛盾:一边是为了满足市场参与者要求的盈利增长,尽可能压低养老金成本;另一边是为了确保向工人承诺的养老金福利的长期安全,通过及时、足额地向公司养老金计划缴款而承担更高的养老金成本。

Third, conflicts of interest are rife throughout our financial system. Both the managers of mutual funds held in corporate 401(k) plans and the money managers of corporate pension plans face a potential conflict when they hold the shares of the corporations that are their clients. It is not beyond imagination that when a manager votes proxy shares against a company management’s recommendation, it might not sit well with company executives who select the plan’s provider of investment advice. (There is a debate about the extent to which those conflicts have actually materialized.) In trade union plans, actual conflicts of interest among union leaders, union workers, investment advisers, and money managers have been documented in the press and in court. In defined benefit plans, corporate senior officers face an obvious short-term conflict between minimizing pension costs in order to maximize the earnings growth that market participants demand, and incurring larger pension costs by making timely and adequate contributions to their companies’ pension plans in order to assure long-term security for the pension benefits they have promised to their workers.

第四,我们的金融体系是一个贪婪的体系,它吞噬了企业和经济体系所创造回报中过大的一块。公司为其股票所有者创造收益,支付股息,并将剩余部分再投入企业。总体来看,过去一个世纪里,我们的企业所创造的回报以每年约 9.5% 的速度增长,其中约 4.5% 来自股息收益,5% 来自——例如,1981 年,当美国长期国债收益率为 13.5% 时,公司假设其养老金计划的未来回报率平均为 6%。到 2007 年底,尽管美国国债收益率大幅下降至 4.8%,但假设的未来回报率却飙升至 8.5%。即使不考虑 2008 年熊市所遭受的巨大损失,实现如此高的回报率也似乎极不可能。

Fourth, our financial system is a greedy system, consuming far too large a share of the returns created by our business and economic system. Corporations generate earnings for the owners of their stocks, pay dividends, and reinvest what’s left in the business. In the aggregate, over the past century, the returns generated by our businesses have grown at an annual rate of about 9 ½ percent per year, including about 4 ½ percent from dividend yields and 5 percent from For example, in 1981, when the yield on long-term U.S. Treasury bonds was 13 ½ percent, corporations assumed that future returns on their pension plans would average 6 percent. At the end of 2007, despite the sharp decline in the Treasury bond yield to 4.8 percent, the assumed future return soared to 8 ½ percent. Even without the large losses incurred in the 2008 bear market, it seems highly unlikely that such a return will be realized.

收益增长。同理,公司和政府债券支付利息,同期债券的平均总回报率约为 5%。

earnings growth. Similarly, corporate and government bonds pay interest, and the aggregate return on bonds averaged about 5 percent during the same period.

但这些数字是那些主导我们竞争性资本主义体系的企业(以及政府借款)所创造的总回报。持有这些金融工具——无论是直接持有,还是通过共同基金和固定收益养老金计划提供的集体投资项目持有——的投资者,只有在扣除为获取这些工具付出的成本、以及彼此之间反复交易的成本之后,才能拿到自己的回报。虽然其中一部分活动对于提供流动性是必要的——流动性正是美国金融市场的标志性特征——但它已经演变成一场投机狂欢,让一个经理人对阵另一个经理人,一个投资者(或投机者)对阵另一个投资者(或投机者)——一种“纸面经济”,而且可以预见的是,它已经开始威胁到美国民众存钱和投资的实体经济。很明显,我们当前的经济危机,总体上就是华尔街强加给主街的——原本基本无辜的公众,可以说,被那些大多贪婪的金融家们给洗劫一空。

But these are the gross returns generated by the corporations that dominate our system of competitive capitalism (and by government borrowings). Investors who hold these financial instruments, either directly or through the collective investment programs provided by mutual funds and defined benefit pension plans, receive their returns only after the cost of acquiring them and then trading them back and forth among one another. While some of this activity is necessary to provide the liquidity that has been the hallmark of U.S. financial markets, it has grown into an orgy of speculation that pits one manager against another, and one investor (or speculator) against another—a “paper economy” that has, predictably, come to threaten the real economy where our citizens save and invest. It must be obvious that our present economic crisis was, by and large, foisted on Main Street by Wall Street—the mostly innocent public taken to the cleaners, as it were, by the mostly greedy financiers.

从社会索取价值

我早就长篇大论地写过我们这个荒诞又适得其反的金融行业。在 2008 年冬季刊的《投资组合管理杂志》上,我这样描述金融体系的成本:“……共同基金费用,加上支付给对冲基金和养老基金经理、信托公司以及保险公司的所有费用,再加上他们的交易成本和投资银行费用……2007 年总计约 5280 亿美元。这些巨额成本严重削弱了那些为退休而储蓄的公民成功积累的概率。唉,投资者处于这条昂贵投资食物链的底端,只有在市场回报扣除所有投资的代理成本之后,才能分到一点残羹……资产管理这个领域,曾经是一个商业服从于职业的行业,如今已大体变成了一个职业服从于商业的行业。哈佛商学院教授拉凯什·库拉纳说得对,他用这样的话来定义真正专业人士的行为准则:‘我要为社会创造价值,而不是从它那里索取。’然而,资产管理这个行业,从定义上就是从我们企业所赚取的回报中索取价值的。”

Extracting Value From Society I’ve written about our absurd and counterproductive financial sector at length. Writing in the Journal of Portfolio Management in its Winter 2008 issue, here are some of the things that I said about the costs of our financial system: “ . . . mutual fund expenses, plus all those fees paid to hedge fund and pension fund managers, to trust companies and to insurance companies, plus their trading costs and investment banking fees . . . totaled about $528 billion in 2007. These enormous costs seriously undermine the odds in favor of success for citizens who are accumulating savings for retirement. Alas, the investor feeds at the bottom of the costly food chain of investing, paid only after all the agency costs of investing are deducted from the markets’ returns . . . Once a profession in which business was subservient, the field of money management has largely become a business in which the profession is subservient. Harvard Business School Professor Rakesh Khurana is right when he defines the standard of conduct for a true professional with these words: ‘I will create value for society, rather than extract it.’ And yet money management, by definition, extracts value from the returns earned by our business enterprises.”

这些看法不仅是我个人的,而且由来已久。听听诺贝尔经济学奖得主詹姆斯·托宾在 1984 年富有预见性的话:“……我们把越来越多的资源投入到远离商品和服务生产的金融活动中,投入到那些私人回报高得与社会生产力不相称的活动中,这是一个助长短视且低效的投机行为的‘纸币经济’。”

These views are not only mine, and they have applied for a long time. Hear Nobel laureate economist James Tobin, presciently writing in 1984: “ . . . we are throwing more and more of our resources into financial activities remote from the production of goods and services, into activities that generate high private rewards disproportionate to their social productivity, a ‘paper economy’ facilitating speculation which is short-sighted and inefficient.”

托宾在讲话中引用了英国著名经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯的话,但他没有引用凯恩斯那句深刻的警告:“当企业变成了投机漩涡上的一个泡沫,后果可能会非常严重……当一个国家的资本发展成了赌场活动的副产品……资本主义的活儿就会干砸了。”今天,这个活儿确实干砸了。企业实业已经退居次席,金融投机占据了主导。我们已然漏洞百出的金融部门,其多重失职不仅危及全美储蓄者的养老安全,更危及我们全社会所参与的经济本身。

In his remarks, Tobin cited the eminent British economist John Maynard Keynes. But he failed to cite Keynes’s profound warning: “When enterprise becomes a mere bubble on a whirlpool of speculation, the consequences may be dire . . . when the capital development of a country becomes a by-product of the activities of a casino . . . the job (of capitalism) will be ill-done.” That job is indeed being ill-done today. Business enterprise has taken a back seat to financial speculation. The multiple failings of our flawed financial sector are jeopardizing, not only the retirement security of our nation’s savers but the economy in which our entire society participates.

我们的退休制度现状

当前员工退休保障的危机完全在我们的测量能力范围之内。但情况并不乐观:

固定收益计划。直到 20 世纪 90 年代初,投资风险和养老金领取者的长寿风险(即活过头却耗尽积蓄的风险)一直由企业及州/地方政府的固定收益计划承担,这是我们称之为社会保障的大规模固定收益计划之外普遍的退休储蓄方式。然而,随着固定收益计划大规模转向固定缴款计划,固定收益计划的增长基本停滞。企业养老金计划的资产已从 1999 年的 2.1 万亿美元下降到 2009 年初的约 1.9 万亿美元。这些计划如今严重资金不足。对于标普 500 指数成分公司而言,用于支付未来退休人员福利的养老金计划资产,已从 1999 年约 2700 亿美元的盈余,暴跌至 2008 年底 3760 亿美元的赤字。主要由于股市的急剧下跌,州和地方养老金计划的资产也大幅缩水,从 2007 年初 3.3 万亿美元的高位,降至去年估计的 2.5 万亿美元。

Our Retirement System Today The present crisis in worker retirement security is well within our capacity to measure. It is not a pretty picture: Defined Benefit Plans. Until the early 1990s, investment risk and the longevity risk of pensioners (the risk of outliving one’s resources) were borne by the defined benefit (DB) plans of our corporations and state and local governments, the pervasive approach to retirement savings outside of the huge DB plan we call Social Security. But in the face of a major shift away from DB plans in favor of defined contribution (DC) plans, DB growth has essentially halted. Assets of corporate pension plans have declined from $2.1 trillion as far back as 1999 to an estimated $1.9 trillion as 2009 began. These plans are now severely underfunded. For the companies in the Standard & Poor’s 500 Index, pension plan assets to cover future payments to retirees has tumbled from a surplus of some $270 billion in 1999 to a deficit of $376 billion at the end of 2008. Largely because of the stock market’s sharp decline, assets of state and local plans have also tumbled, from a high of $3.3 trillion early in 2007 to an estimated $2.5 trillion last year.

养老金担保公司(PBGC)。这家负责为破产企业担保养老金待遇的联邦机构自身也岌岌可危,2007 年 12 月已出现 140 亿美元赤字。然而就在 2008 年初——恰逢股市崩盘最惨烈的阶段前夕——该机构竟做出了一个古怪的决定:将多元化股权投资配置提升至总资产的 45%,并另拨 10% 投入“另类投资”(含房地产和私募股权),实际上在堪称最糟糕的时机将 PBGC 的股权敞口翻了一倍。

The Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation. This federal agency, responsible for guaranteeing the pension benefits of failing corporate sponsors is itself faltering, with a $14 billion deficit in December 2007. Yet early in 2008—just before the worst of the stock market’s collapse—the agency made the odd decision to raise its allocation to diversified equity investments to 45 percent of its assets, and add another 10 percent to “alternative investments,” including real estate and private equity, essentially doubling the PBGC’s equity participation at what turned out to be the worst possible moment.

固定缴款计划。固定缴款计划正逐步取代固定收益计划,这是一场从企业向员工大规模转移投资风险(及收益)和退休资金长寿风险的变革。尽管固定缴款计划在超过半个世纪前就已开始提供退休储蓄的税收递延优惠, 但直到 1978 年以 401(k) 和 403(b) 为代表的雇主储蓄计划兴起后,它们才被广泛用于积累退休资金。固定缴款计划的增长令人瞩目:资产规模在 1985 年达到 5000 亿美元;1991 年达到 1 万亿美元;2007 年达到 4.5 万亿美元。随着市场崩盘,目前资产估计为 3.5 万亿美元。其中 401(k) 和 403(b) 计划占据主导地位,分别占固定缴款计划总额的 67% 和 16%,合计占比 83%。

Defined Contribution Plans. DC plans are gradually replacing DB plans, a massive transfer from business enterprises to their employees of both investment risk (and return) and the longevity risk of retirement funding. While DC plans have been available to provide the benefits of tax-deferral for retirement savings for well over a half-century,3 it has only been with the rise of employer thrift plans such as 401(k)s and 403(b)s, beginning in 1978, that they have been widely used to accumulate retirement savings. The growth in DC plans has been remarkable. Assets totaled $500 billion in 1985; $1 trillion in 1991; $4.5 trillion in 2007. With the market crash, assets are now estimated at $3.5 trillion. The 401(k) and 403(b) plans dominate this total, with respective shares of 67 percent and 16 percent or 83 percent of the DC total.

个人退休账户。IRA 资产目前总计约 3.2 万亿美元,低于 2007 年的 4.7 万亿美元。共同基金(目前约 1.5 万亿美元)仍然是这些投资中最大的一部分。然而,约有 4700 万个家庭拥有 IRA,其中位数余额仅为 5.5 万美元,假设平均收益率为 4%,每个家庭每年仅能获得 2200 美元的退休收入,这是一个不错但远非充足的补充。

Individual Retirement Accounts. IRA assets presently total about $3.2 trillion, down from $4.7 trillion in 2007. Mutual funds (now some $1.5 trillion) continue to represent the largest single portion of these investments. Yet with some 47 million households participating in IRAs, the median balance is but $55,000, which at, say, a 4 percent average income yield, would provide but $2,200 per year in retirement income per household, a nice but far from adequate, increment.

聚焦 401(k) 退休计划。如前所述,固定缴款型养老金计划已逐渐主导私人退休储蓄市场,并且这种主导地位似乎必然会增强。此外,有证据表明,DC 计划有望在公共计划市场中成为日益重要的因素。(联邦雇员的节俭储蓄计划自 1986 年成立以来一直作为固定缴款计划运作,资产约 1800 亿美元。)即使在 401(k) 计划主导 DC 市场的同时,共同基金份额也主导着 401(k) 市场。自 1951 年 7 月我首次进入劳动力市场以来,我一直将我年收入的 15% 投资于我雇主(及其前身)的 DC 计划中。因此,我可以个人保证,定期缴款、在股票和债券之间合理配置、高度分散化、低成本管理并长期复利的税收递延固定缴款养老金计划,能够积累近乎奇迹般的财富。

Focusing on 401(k) Retirement Plans Defined contribution pension plans, as noted above, have gradually come to dominate the private retirement savings market, and that domination seems certain to increase. Further, there is some evidence that DC plans are poised to become a growing factor in the public plan market. (The federal employees’ Thrift Savings Plan, with assets of about $180 billion, has operated as a defined contribution plan since its inception in 1986.) Even as 401(k) plans have come to dominate the DC market, so mutual fund shares have come to dominate the 401(k) market. Assets I have been investing 15 percent of my annual compensation in the DC plan of the company (and its predecessor) that has employed me since July 1951, when I first entered the work force. I can therefore give my personal assurance that tax-deferred defined contribution pension plans, added to regularly, reasonably allocated among stocks and bonds, highly diversified, and managed at low cost, compounded over a long period, are capable of providing wealth accumulations that are little short of miraculous.

DC 计划中共同基金的资产已从 1990 年的区区 350 亿美元(占总资产的 9%)增长到 2008 年的约 1.8 万亿美元(占 51%)。

of mutual funds in DC plans have grown from a mere $35 billion in 1990 (9 percent of the total) to an estimated $1.8 trillion in 2008 (51 percent).

鉴于我们的固定收益型计划所面临的困境,以及融资成本对企业盈利造成的巨大(且在某种程度上不可预测的)冲击,最初的渐进式转变最终演变为大规模转向固定缴款计划,也就不足为奇了。(例如,想想通用汽车,它就像一个拥有约 750 亿美元资产——可能负债更高——的巨大养老金计划,而其周围的汽车业务规模小得多,运营该业务的公司当前市值仅为 13 亿美元。)

Given the plight in which our defined benefit plans find themselves, and the large (and, to some degree, unpredictable) bite that funding costs take out of corporate earnings, it is small wonder that what began as a gradual shift became a massive movement to defined contribution plans. (Think of General Motors, for example, as a huge pension plan now with perhaps $75 billion of assets—and likely even larger liabilities—surrounded by a far smaller automobile business, operated by a company with a current stock market capitalization of just $1.3 billion.)

我认为,从 DB 计划转向 DC 计划不仅是不可避免的举措,而且是在为工人提供退休保障方面朝着正确方向迈出的一步。在这个全球竞争的时代,美国公司必须与劳动力成本低得多的非美国公司竞争。因此,将退休储蓄计划的两大风险——投资风险和长寿风险——大规模从公司资产负债表转移到个人家庭,将减轻公司盈利的压力,即使这要求我们的家庭为自己的退休储蓄负责。另一个好处是,DC 计划的投资可以根据每个家庭的具体个人需求进行定制——反映其预期财富、风险承受能力、主要收入者的年龄以及其他资产(包括社会保障)。另一方面,DB 计划则不可避免地侧重于公司员工整体的平均人口统计数据和平均薪资。

I would argue the shift from DB plans to DC plans is not only an inevitable move, but a move in the right direction in providing worker retirement security. In this era of global competition, U.S. corporations must compete with non-U.S. corporations with far lower labor costs. So this massive transfer of the two great risks of retirement plan savings—investment risk and longevity risk—from corporate balance sheets to individual households will relieve pressure on corporate earnings, even as it will require our families to take responsibility for their own retirement savings. A further benefit is that investments in DC plans can be tailored to the specific individual requirements of each family—reflecting its prospective wealth, its risk tolerance, the age of its bread-winner(s), and its other assets (including Social Security). DB plans, on the other hand, are inevitably focused on the average demographics and salaries of the firm’s work force in the aggregate.

因此,401(k) 计划是一个时机已到的理念。这是个好消息。我们正在将退休储蓄体系转向一个新的范式,这个范式最终将有效地服务于我们国家的雇主——无论是公司还是政府——以及我们国家的家庭。现在来说坏消息:我们现有的 DC 体系正在辜负投资者。尽管其目标值得称道,但 DC 计划在实施过程中存在严重缺陷,已经——并且大幅度地——削弱了这一新体系的固有价值。既然由他们自己负责投资,参与者的行为却违背了自身的最佳利益。让我们想想哪里出了问题。

The 401(k) plan, then, is an idea whose time has come. That’s the good news. We’re moving our retirement savings system to a new paradigm, one that will ultimately efficiently serve both our nation’s employers—corporations and governments alike—and our nation’s families. Now for the bad news: our existing DC system is failing investors. Despite its worthy objectives, the deeply flawed implementation of DC plans has subtracted—and subtracted substantially—from the inherent value of this new system. Given the responsibility to look after their own investments, participants have acted contrary to their own best interests. Let’s think about what has gone wrong.4 A Deeply Flawed System I recognize that the Pension Protection Act of 2006 provided important improvements to the original 401(k) paradigm, as described in Appendix A, attached.

一个存在严重缺陷的体系。我认识到,2006 年的《养老金保护法案》对最初的 401(k) 范式进行了重要改进,如附录 A 所述。

I now present my analysis of the major flaws that continue to exist in our 401(k) system. We need radical reforms to mitigate these flaws, in order to give employees the fair shake that must be the goal if we are to serve the national public interest and the interest of investors.

我现在对我认为 401(k) 体系中仍然存在的重大缺陷进行分析。我们需要进行根本性改革来减轻这些缺陷,以便给予员工公平的待遇;如果我们想服务于国家的公共利益和投资者的利益,这必须是我们的目标。

  • Inadequate savings—The modest median balances so far accumulated in 401(k) plans make their promise a mere shadow of reality. At the end of 2008, the median 401(k) balance is estimated at just $15,000 per participant. Indeed, even projecting this balance for a middle-aged employee with future growth engendered over the passage of time by assumed higher salaries and real investment returns, that figure might rise to some $300,000 at retirement age (if the assumptions are correct). While that hypothetical accumulation may look substantial, however, it would be adequate to replace less than 30 percent of pre-retirement income, a help but hardly a panacea. (The target suggested by most analysts is around 70 percent, including Social Security.)
  • 储蓄不足——401(k) 计划迄今积累的微薄中位数余额使其承诺仅如海市蜃楼。截至 2008 年底,估计每位参与者的 401(k) 中位数余额仅为 1.5 万美元。的确,即使对于一个中年员工来说,假设未来薪资增长和实际投资回报随着时间的推移会带来增长,这个数字到退休年龄时可能上升到约 30 万美元(如果假设成立)。然而,尽管这种假设的积累看起来可能相当可观,但它仅足以替代退休前收入的不到 30%,有所帮助但绝非万灵丹。(大多数分析师建议的目标约为 70%,包括社会保障。)

Part of the reason for today’s modest accumulations are the inadequate participant and corporate contributions made to the plans. Typically, the combined contribution comes to less than 10 percent of compensation, while most experts consider 15 percent of compensation as the appropriate target. Over a working lifetime of, say, 40 years, an average employee, contributing 15 percent of salary, receiving periodic raises, and earning a real market return of 5 percent per year, would accumulate $630,000. An employee contributing 10 percent would accumulate just $420,000. If those assumptions are realized, this would represent a handsome accumulation, but substantial obstacles—especially the flexibility given to participants to withdraw capital, as described below—are likely to preclude their achievement.

今天积累额微薄的部分原因是计划中参与者和公司的缴款不足。通常,合并缴款额不到薪酬的 10%,而大多数专家认为 15% 的薪酬是适当的目标。在一个假设为 40 年的工作生涯中,一名普通员工如果缴款 15% 的薪资,定期加薪,并获得每年 5% 的实际市场回报,将积累 63 万美元。缴款 10% 的员工将仅积累 42 万美元。如果这些假设实现,这将是一笔可观的积累,但巨大的障碍——尤其是下文所述的允许参与者提取资金的灵活性——很可能阻碍这一目标的实现。

  • Excess flexibility. 401(k) plans, designed to fund retirement income, are too often used for purposes that subtract directly from that goal. One such subtraction arises from the ability of employees to borrow from their plans, and nearly 20 percent of participants do exactly that. Even when—and if—these loans are repaid, investment returns (assuming that they are positive over time) would be reduced during the time that the loans are outstanding, a dead-weight loss in the substantial savings that might otherwise have been accumulated at retirement.
  • 过度灵活性。旨在为退休收入提供资金的 401(k) 计划,常常被用于直接损害这一目标的目的。一种此类损害源于员工可以从其计划中借款,而近 20% 的参与者正是这样做的。即使当——并且如果——这些贷款被偿还,在贷款未偿还期间,投资回报(假设随时间推移为正)也会减少,这是一种无谓损失,导致本可能在退休时积累的大量储蓄减少。

Even worse is the dead-weight loss—in this case, largely permanent—engendered when participants “cash out” their 401(k) plans when they change jobs. The evidence suggests that 60 percent of all participants in DC plans who move from one job to another cash out at least a portion of their plan assets, using that money for purposes other than retirement savings. To understand the baneful effect of borrowings and cash-outs, just imagine in what shape our beleaguered Social Security System would find itself if the contributions of workers and their companies were reduced by borrowings and cash outs, flowing into current consumption rather than into future retirement pay. It is not a pretty picture to contemplate.

更糟糕的是,当参与者换工作时“套现”其 401(k) 计划所产生的无谓损失——在这种情况下,很大程度上是永久性的。证据表明,在从一个工作换到另一个工作的 DC 计划参与者中,有 60% 会套现其至少部分计划资产,并将这笔钱用于退休储蓄以外的目的。要理解借款和套现的有害影响,只需想象一下,如果工人及其公司的缴款因借款和套现而减少,流入当前消费而非未来退休金,我们处境艰难的社会保障体系将会变成什么样子。这不是一幅美好的图景。

  • Inappropriate Asset Allocation. One reason that 401(k) investors have accumulated such disappointing balances is due to unfortunate decisions in the allocation of assets between stocks and bonds.5 While virtually all investment experts recommend a large allocation to stocks for young investors and an increasing bond allocation as participants draw closer to retirement, a large segment of 401(k) participants fails to heed that advice.
  • 不当的资产配置。401(k) 投资者积累的余额令人失望的一个原因是他们在股票和债券之间的资产配置决策不当。尽管几乎所有投资专家都建议年轻投资者大量配置股票,并在参与者接近退休时增加债券配置,但很大一部分 401(k) 参与者未能遵循这一建议。

Nearly 20 percent of 401(k) investors in their 20s own zero equities in their retirement plan, holding, instead, outsized allocations of money market and stable value funds, options which are unlikely to keep pace with inflation as the years go by. On the other end of the spectrum, more than 30 percent of 401(k) investors in their 60s have more than 80 percent of their assets in equity funds. Such an aggressive allocation likely resulted in a decline of 30 percent or more in their 401(k) balances during the present bear market, imperiling their retirement funds precisely when the members of this age group are preparing to draw upon it.

在 20 多岁的 401(k) 投资者中,近 20% 的人在其退休计划中持有零股票,而是持有超大规模的货币市场基金和稳定价值基金,这些选项随着时间推移不太可能跟上通货膨胀的步伐。在另一个极端,超过 30% 的 60 多岁 401(k) 投资者将其超过 80% 的资产配置在股票基金中。这种激进的配置可能导致他们在当前的熊市中 401(k) 余额下降 30% 或更多,恰恰在该年龄段的成员准备动用退休金时危及他们的退休基金。

Company stock is another source of unwise asset allocation decisions, as many investors fail to observe the time-honored principle of diversification. In plans in which company stock is an investment option, the average participant invests more than 20 percent of his or her account balance in company stock, an unacceptable concentration of risk.

公司股票是另一种不明智资产配置决策的来源,因为许多投资者未能遵循历史悠久的分散投资原则。在那些将公司股票作为投资选项的计划中,平均参与者将其账户余额的 20% 以上投资于公司股票,这是一种不可接受的风险集中。

  • Excessive Costs. As noted earlier, excessive investment costs are the principal cause of the inadequate long-term returns earned by both stock funds and bond funds. The average equity fund carries an annual expense ratio of about 1.3 percent per year, or about 0.80 percent when weighted by fund assets. But that is only part of the cost. Mutual funds also incur substantial transaction costs, reflecting the rapid turnover of their investment portfolios. Last year, the average actively managed fund had a turnover rate of an astonishing 96 percent. Even if weighted These data are derived from a Research Perspective dated December 2008, published by the Investment Company Institute, the association that represents mutual fund management companies, collecting data, providing research, and engaging in lobbying activities.
  • 过高的成本。如前所述,过高的投资成本是股票基金和债券基金长期回报率不足的主要原因。普通股票基金的年费率约为每年 1.3%,按基金资产加权后约为 0.80%。但这只是成本的一部分。共同基金还会产生大量的交易成本,反映了其投资组合的快速换手率。去年,普通主动管理型基金的换手率高达惊人的 96%。即使按资产规模加权,换手率仍然高达令人震惊的 65%(虽然略低一些)。诚然,这种投资组合换手的成本无法精确衡量。但可以合理地假设,基金的交易活动会使费率增加 0.5% 到 1.0%。因此,基金投资的全部成本(不包括通常对大型退休账户免收的销售费用)每年可能在 1.5% 到 2.3% 之间。(相比之下,低成本的市场指数基金——我稍后将讨论——费率低至 0.10%,交易成本接近于零。)

by asset size, the turnover rate is still a shocking—if slightly less shocking—65 percent. Admittedly, the costs of this portfolio turnover cannot be measured with precision. But it is reasonable to assume that trading activity by funds adds costs of 0.5 percent to 1.0 percent to the expense ratio. So the all-in-costs of fund investing (excluding sales loads, which are generally waived for large retirement accounts) can run from, say 1.5 percent to 2.3 percent per year. (By contrast, low-cost market index funds—which I’ll discuss later—have expense ratios as low as 0.10 percent, with transaction costs that are close to zero.)

在投资中,成本确实很重要,而相对于实际(经通胀调整后)回报时,成本就更为重要。如果一个平衡型退休账户未来的实际投资回报率为每年 4%(债券名义回报率 5%,股票 8%,减去 2.5% 的通胀),那么每年 2.0% 的成本将完全消耗掉该年回报的 50%。更糟糕的是,在一个假设为 50 年的投资生涯中,同样的成本将消耗掉潜在财富积累的近 75%。这是一幅丑陋的画面。

In investing, costs truly matter, and they matter even more when related to real (after inflation) returns. If the future real investment return on a balanced retirement account were, say, 4 percent per year (5 percent nominal return for bonds, 8 percent for stocks, less 2.5 percent inflation), an annual cost of 2.0 percent would consume fully 50 percent of that annual return. Even worse, over an investment lifetime of, say, 50 years, those same costs would consume nearly 75 percent of the potential wealth accumulation. It is an ugly picture.

鉴于低成本对于积累充足退休储蓄的核心重要性,成本必须向参与者披露。但披露必须包括投资的全部成本,而不仅仅是费率。(我承认,我对将成本会计流程应用于基金费用在投资成本、管理成本、营销成本和记账成本之间的分配持怀疑态度。对计划参与者重要的是产生的总成本,而非根据对结果有既得利益的会计师和基金经理所确定的、在这些不同职能之间的成本分配。)

Given the centrality of low costs to the accumulation of adequate retirement savings, then, costs must be disclosed to participants. But the disclosure must include the all-in costs of investing, not merely the expense ratios. (I confess to being skeptical about applying cost-accounting processes to the allocation of fund expenses among investment costs, administrative costs, marketing costs, and record-keeping costs. What’s important to plan participants is the amount of total costs incurred, not the allocation of those costs among the various functions as determined by accountants and fund managers who have vested interests in the outcome.)

  • 未能应对长寿风险。尽管大多数 401(k) 计划参与者未能充分应对投资风险,但他们(及其雇主和基金发起人)同样未能充分应对长寿风险。必须明白一点:在投资生涯的某个时点,大多数计划参与者若能将其退休储蓄中至少一部分转化为他们活多久就能领多久的收入,那将大有裨益。但尽管 401(k) 计划已存在整整三十年,系统性的年金化支付方法仍然罕见,且往往过于复杂而难以实施。此外,几乎所有的年金都收取高得离谱的费用,这通常源于高昂的销售和营销成本。真正低成本的年金在固定缴款(DC)退休计划的选择中依然明显缺失。(TIAA-CREF 以极低成本运营,为其使用年金计划的客户提供便捷与灵活性,在解决复杂性和成本问题两方面都做得很好。)
  • Failure to deal with longevity risk. Even as most 401(k) plan participants have failed to deal adequately with investment risk, so they (and their employers and the fund sponsors) have also failed to deal adequately with longevity risk. It must be obvious that at some point in an investment lifetime, most plan participants would be well-served by having at least some portion of their retirement savings provide income that they cannot outlive. But despite the fact that the 401(k) plan has now been around for three full decades, systematic approaches to annuitizing payments are rare and often too complex to implement. Further, nearly all annuities carry grossly excessive expenses, often because of high selling and marketing costs. Truly low-cost annuities remain conspicuous by their absence from DC retirement plan choices. (TIAA-CREF, operating at rock-bottom cost and providing ease and flexibility for clients using its annuity program, has done a good job in resolving both the complexity issue and the cost issue.)

新的固定缴款计划 鉴于现有 DC 计划结构,尤其是 401(k) 计划中普遍存在的失败,改革的时机已经到来。改革应服务于计划参与者及其受益人,而非基金管理人和我们贪婪的金融体系。我们应当仔细考虑变革,迈向一个更简单、更理性、成本更低的退休计划体系——这个体系将日益且不可避免地聚焦于 DC 计划。我们的社会保障体系,以及至少在目前阶段,我们的州和地方政府体系,将继续作为“安全网”,为所有参与其中的美国公民提供固定收益(DB)保障:1. 简化 DC 体系。为所有公民(设定年度缴款上限)提供单一的用于递延税退休储蓄的 DC 计划,整合目前复杂的传统 DC 计划、个人退休账户(IRA)、罗斯 IRA、401(k) 计划、403(b) 计划以及联邦节俭储蓄计划。我设想成立一个独立的联邦退休委员会,负责监督雇主发起人和计划提供者,确保计划参与者的利益是首要优先事项。这个新体系将(如当前一样)保留在私营部门,由资产管理者和记录保管者在成本和服务上进行竞争。(但该委员会也可能为那些无法进入私营体系或初始资产过少而无法被该体系接受的工薪阶层,创建一个公共部门的 DC 计划。)

The New Defined Contribution Plans Given the widespread failures in the existing DC plan structure, and in 401(k) plans in particular, it is time for reform, reform that serves, not fund managers and our greedy financial system, but plan participants and their beneficiaries. We ought to carefully consider changes that move us to a retirement plan system that is simpler, more rational and less expensive, one that will be increasingly and inevitably focused on DC plans. Our Social Security System and, at least for a while, our state and local government systems would continue to provide the DB backup as a “safety net” for all participating U.S. citizens: 1. Simplify the DC system. Offer a single DC plan for tax-deferred retirement savings available to all of our citizens (with a maximum annual contribution limit), consolidating today’s complex amalgam of traditional DC plans, IRAs, Roth IRAs, 401(k) plans, 403(b) plans, the federal Thrift Savings Plan. I envision the creation of an independent Federal Retirement Board to oversee both the employer-sponsors and the plan providers, assuring that the interests of plan participants are the first priority. This new system would remain in the private sector (as today), with asset managers and recordkeepers competing in costs and in services. (But such a board might also create a public sector DC plan for wage-earners who were unable to enter the private system or whose initial assets were too modest to be acceptable in that system.)

2. 正视股市回报与风险。毋庸赘言,如今的金融市场可能波动且不可预测。但普通股对于长期退休储蓄而言,依然是一个完全可行且必要的投资选择。然而,股票回报率被华尔街的推销员和共同基金行业的庞大营销机器过度宣传。出于自身经济利益考虑,他们忽视了一个事实:我们在 20 世纪最后 25 年所经历的大牛市在很大程度上是一种幻觉,创造了我所谓的“虚幻回报”,这种回报不会重现。试想一下:从 1926 年到 1974 年,股票的年均实际(经通胀调整)回报率为 6.1%。但在随后的二十五年里,股票回报率飙升,这一爆发并非源于公司以股息收益和盈利增长形式提供的回报,而是源于市盈率飙升——我将其定义为投机回报。

2. Get Real About Stock Market Return and Risk. Financial markets, it hardly need be said today, can be volatile and unpredictable. But common stocks remain a perfectly viable—and necessary—investment option for long-term retirement savings. Yet stock returns have been oversold by Wall Street’s salesmen and by the mutual fund industry’s giant marketing apparatus. In their own financial interests, they ignored the fact that the great bull market we enjoyed during the final 25 years of the 20th century was in large part an illusion, creating what I call “phantom returns” that would not recur. Think about it: From 1926 to 1974, the average annual real (inflation-adjusted) return on stocks was 6.1 percent. But during the following quarter-century, stock returns soared, an explosion borne, not of the return provided by corporations in the form of dividend yields and earnings growth, but of soaring price-to-earnings ratios, what I define as speculative return.

这种更高的市场估值反映了投资者的热情(和贪婪),并在整整 20 年间,每年产生了额外 5.7% 的投机回报,这是史无前例的事件。这一投机回报几乎使市场的投资回报(由股息收益和盈利增长创造)翻了一番,使市场的总实际回报率达到每年近 12%。从这些投机高位下来,市场除了回归常态外,别无选择,只会在随后的年份提供低得多的回报。事实上,自 1999 年世纪之交以来,股票的实际年回报率为负 7%,其中包括 负 1% 的投资回报率和另外 负 6% 的投机回报率,因为市盈率倍数回落至(或低于)历史正常水平。

This higher market valuation reflected investor enthusiasm (and greed), and produced an extra speculative return of 5.7 percent annually, spread over 20 full years, an event without precedent. This speculative return almost doubled the market’s investment return (created by dividend yields and earnings growth), bringing the market’s total real return to nearly 12 percent per year. From these speculative heights, the market had little recourse but to return to normalcy, by providing far lower returns in subsequent years. And in fact, the real return on stocks since the turn of the century in 1999 has been minus 7 percent per year, composed of a negative investment return of -1 percent and a negative speculative return of another -6 percent, as price-earnings multiples retreated to (or below) historical norms.

这里要传达的信息是,出于无知的投资者,以及有强大动机去兜售所谓“产品”的金融业营销人员,未能正确区分企业所赚取的回报(盈利和股息)与那种由非理性繁荣和贪婪所驱动的回报。今天,我们意识到,我们在季度 401(k) 报表上看到的许多价值和财富,确实是虚幻的财富。但是,随着昔日的投资管理公司管理人变成了当今投资产品的推销员,他们有充分的动机去忽视这样一个事实:这种财富无法持续。我们的营销人员(以及我们的投资者)未能认识到,只有根本性的(投资)回报才会随着时间推移而持续。结果,我们误导了自己对未来现实的认知,更不用说对股权投资风险的认知了。

The message here is that investors in their ignorance, and financial sector marketers with their heavy incentives to sell, well, “products,” failed to make the necessary distinction between the returns earned by business (earnings and dividends) and the returns earned by, well, irrational exuberance and greed. Today, we realize that much of the value and wealth we saw reflected on our quarterly 401(k) statements was indeed phantom wealth. But as yesteryear’s stewards of our investment management firms became modern-day salesmen of investment products, they had every incentive to disregard the fact that this wealth could not be sustained. Our marketers (and our investors) failed to recognize that only the fundamental (investment) returns apply as time goes by. As a result, we misled ourselves about the realities that lay ahead, to say nothing of the risks associated with equity investing.

3. 拥有股票市场——以及债券市场。投资者似乎在很大程度上忽视了较低成本与较高回报之间的紧密联系——我称之为(借用大法官布兰代斯的名言)“谦卑算术的无情法则”。计划参与者和雇主也忽视了这一基本公理:作为一个群体,我们投资者都是“指数化投资者”。也就是说,美国股票的所有权益所有者共同拥有整个美国股市。因此,我们的总毛回报必然等于股市本身的回报。

3. Owning the Stock Market—and the Bond Market. Investors seem to largely ignore the close link between lower costs and higher returns—what I call (after Justice Brandeis) “The Relentless Rules of Humble Arithmetic.” Plan participants and employers also ignore this essential truism: As a group, we investors are all “indexers.” That is, all of the equity owners of U.S. stocks together own the entire U.S. stock market. So our collective gross return inevitably equals the return of the stock market itself.

由于金融服务提供者大多聪明、雄心勃勃、激进、创新、富有企业家精神,并且(至少在某种程度上)贪婪,因此让计划发起人和参与者忽视这一现实符合他们自身的经济利益。我们的金融体系让投资者相互对抗,买方对卖方。每当一股股票换手时(如今日交易量总计约 100 亿股),一个投资者(相对地)获利;而交易对手方的投资者则(相对地)受损。

And because providers of financial services are largely smart, ambitious, aggressive, innovative, entrepreneurial, and, at least to some extent, greedy, it is in their own financial interest to have plan sponsors and participants ignore that reality. Our financial system pits one investor against another, buyer vs. seller. Each time a share of stock changes hands (and today’s daily volume totals some 10 billion shares), one investor is (relatively) enriched; the investor on the other side of the trade is (relatively) impoverished.

但是,如前所述,这不是一场零和游戏。金融体系——交易员、经纪人、投资银行家、基金经理、中间商,也就是所谓的“华尔街”——要从所有这些狂热的活动中抽取一份,使得投资者作为一个群体必然玩一场输家的游戏。随着赌注来回交换,我们战胜市场的努力,以及我们的机构基金经理战胜市场的努力,最终只会让庄家获利——这与我们的赛马场、赌场和州彩票形成了清晰的类比。

But, as noted earlier, this is no zero-sum game. The financial system—the traders, the brokers, the investment bankers, the money managers, the middlemen, “Wall Street,” as it were—takes a cut of all this frenzied activity, leaving investors as a group inevitably playing a loser’s game. As bets are exchanged back and forth, our attempts to beat the market, and the attempts of our institutional money managers to do so, then, enrich only the croupiers, a clear analogy to our racetracks, our gambling casinos, and our state lotteries.

因此,如果我们想鼓励并最大化我们公民的退休储蓄,我们必须把那些货币兑换商——或者至少是其中的大部分——赶出金融的殿堂。如果我们投资者集体拥有市场,但个体却相互竞争试图击败其他市场参与者,那我们就会输。但是,如果我们放弃那些试图超越其他市场参与者的最终徒劳的努力,而只是简单地持有我们在市场组合中的份额,那我们就会赢。(请重读这两句话!)实话实说,事情就这么简单。因此,我们的联邦退休委员会不仅应当在新 DC 体系中推广使用广泛市场的指数基金(并在其前述的“后备”体系中提供),而且只应批准那些以最低成本提供指数基金的私营提供者。

So, if we want to encourage and maximize the retirement savings of our citizens, we must drive the money changers—or at least most of them—out of the temples of finance. If we investors collectively own the markets, but individually compete to beat our fellow market participants, we lose. But if we abandon our inevitably futile attempts to obtain an edge over other market participants and all simply hold our share of the market portfolio, we win. (Please re-read those two sentences!) Truth told, it is as simple as that. So our Federal Retirement Board should not only foster the use of broad-market index funds in the new DC system (and offer them in its own “fall back” system described earlier) but approve only private providers who offer their index funds at minimum costs.

4. 资产配置——平衡风险与回报。平衡回报与风险是明智投资的精髓,这项任务也应属于联邦退休委员会的职责范围。如果我们投资界和学术界中最明智、最有经验的人士相信——他们也确实相信——对风险厌恶的需求随年龄增长而增加;择时是傻瓜的游戏(对于作为一个群体的投资者来说显然不可能);预测股票市场回报的误差幅度非常大,那么,采用一种大致上将债券指数基金的配置比例与每个参与者的年龄相匹配,并将剩余部分投资于股票指数基金的战略,最有可能最有效地服务于大多数计划参与者。在特殊且极为有限的情况下,参与者可以选择退出该配置。

4. Asset Allocation—Balancing Risk and Return. The balancing of returns and risk is the quintessential task of intelligent investing, and that task too would be the province of the Federal Retirement Board. If the wisest, most experienced minds in our investment community and our academic community believe—as they do—that the need for risk aversion increases with age; that market timing is a fool’s game (and is obviously not possible for investors as a group); and that predicting stock market returns has a very high margin for error, then something akin to roughly matching the bond index fund percentage with each participant’s age with the remainder committed to the stock index fund, is the strategy that most likely to serve most plan participants with the most effectiveness. Under extenuating—and very limited—circumstances participants could have the ability to opt-out of that allocation.

这种配置模式已被大多数基金行业营销人员明确接受,体现在他们日益流行的“目标退休基金”的债券/股票配置选择中。然而,这些基金发起人中有太多人似乎认为,持有可能显著高于前述纯粹基于年龄的配置比例的股票头寸,是一种竞争上的必要。我不认为应该允许竞争压力来确立配置标准,而是将这些决定留给新的联邦退休委员会。

This allocation pattern is clearly accepted by most fund industry marketers, in the choice of the bond/stock allocations of their increasingly popular “target retirement funds.” However, too many of these fund sponsors apparently have found it a competitive necessity to hold stock positions that are significantly higher than the pure age-based equivalents described earlier. I don’t believe competitive pressure should be allowed to establish the allocation standard, and would leave those decisions to the new Federal Retirement Board.

我也不认为,包含不时出现的、源于恐惧到贪婪再到希望的来回摇摆所产生的巨额虚幻回报在内的股票过往回报,是为计划参与者确立适当资产配置的可靠基础。在我看来,我们的市场策略师常常自欺欺人,他们盲目依赖过去回报,而不是关注未来可能的回报——基于预计的未来折现现金流,尽管远非确定,但它们代表了美国企业整体的内在价值。

I also don’t believe that past returns on stocks that include, from time to time, substantial phantom returns—borne of swings from fear to greed to hope, back and forth—are a sound basis for establishing appropriate asset allocations for plan participants. Our market strategists, in my view, too often deceive themselves by their slavish reliance on past returns, rather than focusing on what returns may lie ahead, based on the projected discounted future cash flows that, however far from certainty, represent the intrinsic values of U.S. business in the aggregate.

一旦我们将投资风险分散——并消除挑选个股、选择市场板块、挑选基金经理的风险,只留下无法避免的市场风险——给作为一个群体的投资者,我们就实现了那个必然有价值的目标:一个基于长期投资智慧、摒弃短期投机谬误的金融体系——这种短期投机如今在我们的市场中根深蒂固。这样一种战略有效地保证了所有 DC 计划参与者,无论我们的股票和债券市场慷慨地赐予我们(或者,说得刻薄点,施加于我们)怎样的回报,他们都能获得公平的份额。与今天这场输家的游戏相比,那将是一项标志性的成就。

Once we spread the risk of investing—and eliminate the risk of picking individual stocks, of picking market sectors, of picking money managers, leaving only market risk, which cannot be avoided—to investors as a group, we’ve accomplished the inevitably worthwhile goal: a financial system that is based on the wisdom of long-term investing, eschewing the fallacy of the short-term speculation that is so deeply entrenched in our markets today. Such a strategy effectively guarantees that all DC plan participants will garner their fair share of whatever returns our stock and bond markets are generous enough to bestow on us (or, for that matter, mean-spirited enough to inflict on us). Compared to today’s loser’s game, that would be a signal accomplishment.

在现行制度下,我们中的有些人会花光退休积蓄,最终依赖家人;另一些人则会带着大笔尚未动用的储蓄离世,让继承人受益。但与投资风险一样,长寿风险也是可以分散的。因此,随着积累资产的年限日渐缩短,随着依靠资产收益维持生活的日子即将开始,我们需要——可以说是制度化地——制定一个有序的计划,将退休计划资产转换为年金。这可以是一个渐进的过程;可以只适用于资产超过一定水平的计划参与者;还可以通过由私人企业创设、以最低成本提供的年金来实现,其提供方同样接受拟议设立的联邦退休委员会(federal Retirement Board)监管(就像联邦节俭储蓄计划有自己的董事会和管理层,并以私人企业方式运作一样)。

Under the present system, some of us will outlive our retirement savings and depend on our families. Others will go to their rewards with large savings barely yet tapped, benefiting their heirs. But like investment risk, longevity risk can be pooled. So as the years left to accumulate assets dwindle down, and as the years of living on the returns from those assets begin, we need to institutionalize, as it were, a planned program of conversion of our retirement plan assets into annuities. This could be a gradual process; it could be applied only to plan participants with assets above a certain level; and it could be accomplished by the availability of annuities created by private enterprise and offered at minimum cost, again with providers overseen by the proposed Federal Retirement Board (just as the federal Thrift Savings Plan has its own board and management, and operates as a private enterprise).

5. 互济性、投资风险与长寿风险。在新型固定缴款(DC)模式下,将退休计划投资者的储蓄加以集中,是让这一群体整体回报最大化的唯一途径。一套运作于私人体系中的方案——采用广泛分散的全市场策略、进行合理的(虽难免不完美)资产配置、保持低成本、让投资者自动且定期从收入中储蓄、在可能时辅以雇主的配缴供款,并提供类年金机制以最大程度降低长寿风险——才是确保美国家庭实现退休计划最大安全性的最优系统。

5. Mutuality, Investment Risk, and Longevity Risk. The pooling of the savings of retirement plan investors in this new DC environment is the only way to maximize the returns of these investors as a group. A widely diversified, all-market strategy, a rational (if inevitably imperfect) asset allocation, and low costs, delivered by a private system in which investors automatically and regularly save from their own incomes, aided where possible by matching contributions of their employers, and proving an annuity-like mechanism to minimize longevity risks is the optimal system to assure maximum retirement plan security for our nation’s families.

剩下的一项任务是绕过华尔街赌场里的荷官,这是必要改革中的关键环节。当然,我们的联邦退休委员会应当评估一下,DC 退休计划的服务提供商是否可能需要采用共同所有制结构——也就是说,管理公司由其基金股东拥有,按“成本价”运营;年金提供商也采用类似结构。数据就摆在那里,而唯一按这种共同结构组织起来的共同基金公司,其运营效率令人瞩目。6 当然,这只是我的观点!但针对共同基金行业结构的这种批判性分析,并非我一人之见。听听沃伦·巴菲特是怎么说的:“共同基金的独立董事……一直绝对可悲……他们遵循一种僵尸般的过程,把受托责任变成了笑柄……所谓的‘独立’董事,六十多年来,惨败得一塌糊涂。”然后,再看看另一位投资者的说法。这位投资者不仅创造了现代史上最令人印象深刻的投资记录之一,而且以无可挑剔的品格和智力正直著称——他就是耶鲁大学首席投资官大卫·斯文森:“共同基金行业的根本市场失灵,体现在老练、追求利润的金融服务提供商与天真、追求回报的投资产品消费者之间的互动上。华尔街和共同基金行业对利润的追逐压倒了受托责任的概念,导致了一个完全可以预见的结果:……强大的金融服务行业剥削脆弱的个人投资者……基金管理公司的所有权结构,在决定投资者成功的可能性方面发挥着作用。共同基金投资者在那些为公众股东提供回报或将利润输送给企业母公司的投资管理公司面前,面临最大的挑战——这些情况把盈利与受托责任之间的冲突推到了极其突出的位置。当一家基金的子公司向一个多线金融服务集团汇报时,滥用投资者资本的空间急剧扩大……当基金由非营利组织管理时,投资者的表现最好,因为管理公司专注于——”(我在这里提到先锋集团,那家我 35 年前创立的公司,只稍感尴尬——我的微薄年度顾问费与公司资产规模或增长无关)。即便只是瞥一眼先锋集团在提供卓越投资回报、以业内最低成本运营、赢得股东信任,以及为其共同基金带来回报和正现金流(哪怕在 2008 年同行遭遇巨额赎回潮时)方面的领导地位,也能看出这样的结构很好地服务了其股东。

There remains the task of bypassing Wall Street’s croupiers, an essential part of the necessary reform. Surely our Federal Retirement Board would want to evaluate the possible need for the providers of DC retirement plan service to be mutual in structure; that is, management companies that are owned by their fund shareholders, and operated on an “at-cost” basis; and annuity providers that are similarly structured. The arithmetic is there, and the sole mutual fund firm that is organized under such a mutual structure has performed with remarkable effectiveness.6 Of course that’s my view! But this critical analysis of the structure of the mutual fund industry is not mine alone. Listen to Warren Buffett. “[Mutual fund] independent directors . . . [have] been absolutely pathetic . . . [They follow] a zombie-like process that makes a mockery of stewardship . . . ‘[I]independent’ directors, over more than six decades, have failed miserably.” Then, hear this from another investor, one who has not only produced one of the most impressive investment records of the modern era but who has an impeccable reputation for character and intellectual integrity, David F. Swensen, Chief Investment Officer of Yale University: “The fundamental market failure in the mutual fund industry involves the interaction between sophisticated, profit-seeking providers of financial services and naïve, return-seeking consumers of investment products. The drive for profits by Wall Street and the mutual fund industry overwhelms the concept of fiduciary responsibility, leading to an all too predictable outcome: . . . the powerful financial services industry exploits vulnerable individual investors . . . The ownership structure of a fund management company plays a role in determining the likelihood of investor success. Mutual fund investors face the greatest challenge with investment management companies that provide returns to public shareholders or that funnel profits to a corporate parent—situations that place the conflict between profit generation and fiduciary responsibility in high relief. When a fund’s management subsidiary reports to a multi-line financial services company, the scope for abuse of investor capital broadens dramatically . . . Investors fare best with funds managed by not-for-profit organizations, because the management firm focuses I’m only slightly embarrassed to be referring here to Vanguard, the firm I founded 35 years ago. (My modest annual retainer is unrelated to our asset size or growth.) Even a glance at Vanguard’s leadership in providing superior investment returns, in operating by far at the lowest costs in the field, in earning shareholder confidence, and in developing returns and positive cash flows into our mutual funds (even in the face of huge outflows from our rivals during 2008) suggests that such a structure has well-served its shareholders.

只专注于服务投资者利益。没有任何利润动机与管理者的受托责任相冲突。没有任何利润率会侵蚀投资者的回报。没有任何外部公司利益会与投资组合管理选择相矛盾。非营利组织将投资者利益置于首位……归根结底,由非营利投资管理机构管理的被动指数基金,是最有可能满足投资者期望的组合。

exclusively on serving investor interests. No profit motive conflicts with the manager’s fiduciary responsibility. No profit margin interferes with investor returns. No outside corporate interest clashes with portfolio management choices. Not-for-profit firms place investor interests front and center . . . ultimately, a passive index fund managed by a not-for-profit investment management organization represents the combination most likely to satisfy investor aspirations.”

理想的退休计划体系应该是什么样的?

What Would An Ideal Retirement Plan System Look Like?

总结我在本声明中勾勒的理想退休储蓄体系,其实很简单。

It is easy to summarize the ideal system for retirement savings that I’ve outlined in this Statement.

1. 社会保障将保持现有形式,为我们的公民提供最低投资风险下的基本退休保障。(不过,政策制定者必须及早应对社保的长期赤字问题。)

1. Social Security would remain in its present form, offering basic retirement security for our citizens at minimum investment risk. (However, policymakers must promptly deal with its longer-run deficits.)

2. 对于有经济能力为退休储蓄的人,将采用一种单一的固定缴款(DC)结构,由低成本甚至互助型机构主导,这些机构必然专注于长期投资的全市场指数基金,并由一个新成立的联邦退休委员会监督,该委员会将确立稳健的资产配置和多元化原则,以确保为每位参与者承担恰当的投资风险。

2. For those who have the financial ability to save for retirement, there would be a single DC structure, dominated by low-cost—even mutual—providers, inevitably focused on all-market index funds investing for the long term, and overseen by a newly-created Federal Retirement Board that would establish sound principles of asset allocation and diversification in order to assure appropriate investment risk for each participant.

3. 长寿风险可以通过在这些计划中强制提供简单、低成本的年金来缓解,每位参与者在退休时将余额的一部分投入这一选项。(参与者应有权选择退出这一方案。)

3. Longevity risk would be mitigated by creating simple low-cost annuities as a mandatory offering in these plans, with some portion of each participant’s balance going into this option upon retirement. (Participants should have the ability to opt-out of this alternative.)

4. 我们应当将现行的 ERISA 要求——即计划发起人必须符合受托责任标准——延伸至涵盖计划提供方。(事实上,我认为还应当出台针对所有资金管理人的联邦受托责任标准。)

4. We should extend the existing ERISA requirement that plan sponsors meet a standard of fiduciary duty to encompass plan providers as well. (In fact, I believe that a federal standard of fiduciary duty for all money managers should also be enacted.)

这一体系也许不能——事实上确实不能——做到完美无缺。但它基于常识和基本算术,是对现有体系的一次根本性改良;现有体系服务于华尔街而非主街的利益。而且,有了独立的联邦退休委员会,我们就有了手段来纠正当中可能逐渐出现的缺陷,确保劳动者的利益和他们的退休保障始终居于首位。

It may not be—indeed, it is not—a system free of flaws. But it is a radical improvement, borne of common sense and elemental arithmetic, over the present system, which is driven by the interest of Wall Street rather than Main Street. And, with the independent Federal Retirement Board, we have the means to correct flaws that may develop over time, and assure that the interests of workers and their retirement security remain paramount.