催生当前金融危机之文化
催生当前金融危机的文化土壤
约翰·C·博格(John C. Bogle),先锋集团创始人与前首席执行官
在第七届约翰·M·坦普尔顿二世经济自由与宪法年度讲座上的演讲
国家宪法中心,费城,宾夕法尼亚州
2009 年 5 月 13 日
我最近收到一位先锋集团股东的来信,他将当前的全球金融危机描述为“一场伦理规模的危机”。用“伦理”替换“史诗”,不仅是一句精妙的措辞;它准确地将危机的重大责任归因于传统伦理标准的大面积恶化。事实上,《华尔街日报》在三周前发表我的专栏文章时,就保留了这一短语作为标题。
The Culture That Gave Rise To The Current Financial Crisis Presented by John C. Bogle, Founder and former Chief Executive The Vanguard Group At the Seventh Annual John M. Templeton, Jr., Lecture on Economic Liberties and the Constitution National Constitution Center Philadelphia, PA May 13, 2009 I recently received a letter from a Vanguard shareholder who described the current global financial crisis as “a crisis of ethic proportions.” Substituting ethic for epic is not only a fine turn of phrase; it accurately places a heavy responsibility for the meltdown on a broad deterioration in traditional ethical standards. In fact, The Wall Street Journal retained that phrase as the title of my op-ed essay that was published just three weeks ago.
我们的社会信奉亚当·斯密的“看不见的手”——据说通过这只手,我们自身的私利可以推动整个社会的利益——因此在自由企业领域(商业、贸易和金融)的行为规范上,越来越依赖开放竞争和自由市场,而非严格的监管,以期创造繁荣、增进福祉,为社会增添价值。
Relying on Adam Smith’s “invisible hand,” through which our own self-interest is said to advance the interests of our communities, our society had come to rely less on strict regulation to govern conduct in the field of free enterprise—in commerce, business, and finance—and to rely more on open competition and free markets to create prosperity and well-being, and to add value to our society.
但这种自利行为失控了,并蔓延到了我们国家文化的核心。简言之,我们变成了一个所谓的“利润至上”社会,进步与成功主要用金钱来衡量。但我认为,我们的社会衡量的“利润”错了:不仅是金钱压倒成就,更是形式压倒实质;声望压倒美德;魅力压倒品格;短暂压倒持久;甚至财神压倒上帝。美元成了新王国的通行货币,不受约束的市场力量彻底淹没了历经数百年形成的职业操守传统。____________ 本演讲所表达的观点不一定反映先锋集团现任管理层的观点。
But that self-interest got out of hand, and it spread to the very core of our national culture. Simply put, we became what has been called a “bottom line” society, one in which progress and success are largely measured in monetary terms. But our society, I think, is measuring the wrong bottom line: not only money over achievement, but form over substance; prestige over virtue; charisma over character; the ephemeral over the enduring; even mammon over God. Dollars have become the coin of the new realm, and unchecked market forces totally overwhelmed traditional standards of professional conduct, developed over centuries. ____________ The views expressed in this speech do not necessarily reflect the views of Vanguard’s present management.
其结果是社会发生了显著变化。传统的行为准则中“有些事是绝对不能做的”,这已让位于一种新标准:“如果别人都这么做,那我也可以这样做。”我会把这种变化描述为从道德绝对主义向道德相对主义的转变。美德、忠诚、守信、信仰和荣誉这些道德主题已被贬低。商业伦理是传统社会价值观这一转变的主要牺牲品,而职业操守的理念则在混乱中被遗弃。
The result has been a marked change in our society. The traditional standard of conduct in which “there are some things that one simply does not do,” took a back seat to a new standard: “if everyone else is doing it, I can do it too.” I would describe this change as a shift from moral absolutism to moral relativism. The moral themes of virtue, loyalty, fidelity, faith, and honor have been debased. Business ethics has been a major casualty of that shift in our traditional societal values, and the idea of professional standards has been lost in the shuffle.
我们似乎忘记了,任何职业的驱动力不仅包括它所要求的专业知识、技能和标准,还包括负责任、无私且明智地服务的责任,以及在从业者与其服务的社会之间建立一种本质上的道德关系。那种信任与被信任的古老观念——曾经不仅是公认的商业行为准则,更是市场成功的关键——逐渐被视为一种过时的古董,一个早已逝去时代的遗迹。
We seemed to forget that the driving force of any profession includes not only the special knowledge, skills, and standards that it demands, but the duty to serve responsibly, selflessly, and wisely, and to establish an inherently ethical relationship between professionals and the society they serve. The old notion of trusting and being trusted—which once was not only the accepted standard of business conduct, but the key to success in the marketplace—came to be seen as a quaint anachronism, a relic of an era long gone.
当前金融与经济危机的直接原因,通常归咎于信贷过于宽松;银行家和投资银行家对风险的漫不经心态度;“证券化”切断了借贷双方的传统纽带;金融体系因衍生品证券的极度复杂性而积累了惊人的杠杆;以及监管者未能履行职责。但这场危机更深层的原因,是我们未能认识到资本主义本质正在我们眼前发生的沧海桑田般的变化。
The proximate causes of the current financial and economic crisis are usually laid to easy credit; the cavalier attitude toward risk of our bankers and investment bankers; “securitization,” in which the traditional link between borrower and lender was severed; the extraordinary leverage built into the financial system by derivative securities of mind-boggling complexity; and the failure of our regulators to do their job. But the larger cause of the present crisis was our failure to recognize the sea-change in the nature of capitalism that was occurring right before our eyes.
“代理社会”取代了“所有者社会”这种资本主义的变化,简而言之,就是大型商业公司的崛起——这些公司不再由自己的股东控制,而是由终极所有者的代理人掌控。在投资界的推波助澜下,美国企业界出现的根本问题是资本主义发生了一种病态变异——从传统的所有者资本主义(投资的回报主要流向投入资本并承担风险的人)蜕变为一种新型而恶性的管理者资本主义,资本投资的回报中过高的份额流向了企业经理人和金融中介机构。
The “Agency Society” Displaces the “Ownership Society” That change in capitalism, simply put, was the growth of giant business corporations, controlled not by their own shareholders, but by the agents of the ultimate owners. What went wrong in corporate America, aided and abetted by investment America, was a pathological mutation in capitalism—from traditional owners’ capitalism, in which the rewards of investing went primarily to those who put up the capital and took the risks, to a new and virulent managers’ capitalism, where an excessive share of the rewards of capital investment went to corporate managers and financial intermediaries.
两个主要趋势为这种有害的变化埋下了伏笔:第一,旧的“所有者社会”在规模和重要性上急剧萎缩。仅仅半个世纪前,我们公司 92% 的股份由直接股东持有。如今,个人投资者仅持有全部股份的不到 30%。另一方面,机构持有的美国股票份额飙升了七倍以上——从当年的 8% 增长到如今的超过 70%。但在我们新的“代理社会”中,金融中介作为一个整体,如今牢牢掌握着美国企业的投票控制权,我们的代理人却未能像所有者那样行事。事实上,在太多情况下,他们把自己的利益置于委托人——主要是那 1 亿个家庭,即我们共同基金的所有者和养老金计划的受益人——的利益之上。
Two major trends set the stage for this baneful change: First, the old “ownership society” shrank radically in size and importance. Only a half-century ago, 92 percent of all shares of our corporations were held by direct stockholders. Today individual investors own barely 30 percent of all shares. Ownership of U.S. stocks by institutions, on the other hand, has soared more than seven times over—from 8 percent of shares all those years ago to more than 70 percent today. But in our new “agency society,” with financial intermediaries as a group now holding clear voting control of corporate America, our agents have failed to behave as owners. Indeed, in far too many cases, they have placed their own interests ahead of the interest of their principals, largely those 100 million families who are the owners of our mutual funds and the beneficiaries of our pension plans.
倒不是没人警告过我们,违背受托责任原则——即“一个人不能侍奉两个主人”——会带来什么后果;也并非没人提醒过,受托责任要求那些受委托管理他人财产的人必须具备高度的道德标准。实际上,早在 1934 年——距今 75 年前——大萧条股市崩盘之后,最高法院大法官哈兰·菲斯克·斯通就曾警告:所有权与管理权分离,以及公司结构的演变使得少数人掌控了大量小规模、信息不对称的投资者所拥有的资源,这些现实都迫切要求我们重新并全心信奉(“一个人不能侍奉两个主人”)这一原则,否则现代商业世界将无法履行其应有职能。然而,那些名义上担任受托人、却通过精妙的法律手段摆脱保护他们自称代表的那些人利益的义务的人;那些未经股东同意甚至股东毫不知情、就从公司资金中给自己发放巨额奖金的公司高管和董事;还有那些在五花八门的业务运作中、即便想到其资金提供者的利益也总是将其排在最后的金融机构——这些都表明,我们在多大程度上忽视了这一原则的必然内涵。由此给个人造成的损失和痛苦,以及对一个建立在商业之上、并依赖其诚信的社会秩序所造成的伤害,都是无法估量的。
It’s not that we were not warned about the consequences of our failure to honor the fiduciary principle that “no man can serve two masters,” and that fiduciary duty imposes a high standard of morality upon those entrusted with managing the property of others. Indeed, it was way back in 1934—75 years ago—in the aftermath of the Great Crash in the stock market that Supreme Court Justice Harlan Fiske Stone warned: The separation of ownership from management, the development of the corporate structure so as to vest in small groups control over the resources of great numbers of small and uninformed investors, make imperative a fresh and active devotion to [the] principle [that “no man can serve two masters] if the modern world of business is to perform its proper function. Yet those who serve nominally as trustees, but [are] relieved, by clever legal devices, from the obligation to protect those whose interests they purport to represent; corporate officers and directors who award to themselves huge bonuses from corporate funds without the assent or even the knowledge of their stockholders; [and] financial institutions which, in the infinite variety of their operations, consider only last, if at all, the interests of those who funds they command, suggest how far we have ignored the necessary implications of that principle. The loss and suffering inflicted on individuals, the harm done to a social order founded upon business and dependent upon its integrity, are incalculable.
斯通大法官 1934 年发表在《哈佛法律评论》上的文章中的这段话,在此时此刻同样切题——甚至可能更加切题。对于我们当今金融市场崩溃的原因,以及由此给我国乃至全球带来的经济危机,这段话的分析几乎不可能更贴切了。
Justice Stone’s words, excerpted from his 1934 essay in The Harvard Law Review, are equally relevant—perhaps even more relevant—at this moment in history. They could hardly present a more appropriate analysis of the causes of the present-day collapse of our financial markets and the resultant economic crisis now facing our nation and our world.
或许我们不该感到意外:不仅是我们的企业管理者,连我们的资金管理者也首先为自己牟利。正如特拉华州衡平法院副大法官小利奥·E·斯特赖恩所言,“如果职业资金管理者作为一个阶层,比那些制造产品、提供服务的公司管理者更不倾向于利用其代理地位,那才是奇怪的事。”在基金行业——迄今为止最大的金融中介领域——这种未能为基金股东利益服务的失败,带来了深远的影响。具有讽刺意味的是,尽管《1940 年投资公司法》的条文清晰明确,要求共同基金“应为了其股东的利益而组织、管理和运营”*……“而非为了(其)顾问的利益”†,但这种失败却依然发生了。
投机压倒投资
当对美国企业的控制权从所有者转移到代理人手中时,我们的机构资金管理者似乎忘记了他们的职责——仅为其委托人的利益行事,这些委托人将储蓄托付给共同基金,将退休保障托付给养老金计划。这些新的投资者/代理人不仅忘记了委托人的利益,似乎也忘记了自己投资的原则。机构投资策略的重心,从基于内在企业价值持久创造的长期投资智慧,转向了专注于公司股票瞬时价格的短期投机愚行。昔日的“拥有股票”策略,变成了今日的“租用股票”策略。
Perhaps we shouldn’t be surprised that not only our business managers but our money managers act first in their own behalf. Indeed, as Vice Chancellor Leo E. Strine, Jr., of the Delaware Court of Chancery has observed, “It would be passing strange if . . . professional money managers would, as a class, be less likely to exploit their agency than the managers of the corporations that make products and deliver services.” In the fund industry—by far the largest of all financial intermediaries—that failure to serve the interests of fund shareholders has wide ramifications. Ironically, the failure has occurred despite the clear language of the Investment Company Act of 1940, which demands that, mutual funds “should be organized, managed and operated in the interests of their shareholders”* . . . “rather than in the interests of (their) advisers.”† The Triumph of Speculation over Investment As control over Corporate America moved from owners to agents, our institutional money managers seemed to forget their duty to act solely in the interest of their own principals, those whose savings were entrusted to mutual funds and whose retirement security was entrusted to pension plans. These new investor/agents not only forgot the interests of their principals, but also seemed to forget their own investment principles. The predominant focus of institutional investment strategy turned from the wisdom of long-term investing, based on the enduring creation of intrinsic corporate values, to the folly of short-term speculation, focused on the ephemeral prices of corporate stocks. The “own-a-stock” strategy of yore became the “rent-a-stock” strategy of today.
在我所称的企业管理层、董事、会计师、投资银行家以及股票的机构持有者和租赁者之间的“愉快共谋”中,各种奇异的财务工程层出不穷。管理层成了自己数字的主人,而我们的公共会计师常常随声附和。宽松的会计标准使得凭空捏造所谓的盈利成为可能,即便是在公认会计原则(GAAP)的标准下也是如此。一个很好的例子——已经在播下又一场金融危机的种子,且这场危机正在显现——就是夸大养老金计划预期的未来回报率,即便对未来回报的理性预期已经恶化。
In what I’ve called “the happy conspiracy” between corporate managers, directors, accountants, investment bankers, and institutional owners and renters of stocks, all kinds of bizarre financial engineering took place. Management became the master of its own numbers, and our public accountants too often went along. Loose accounting standards made it possible to create, often out of thin air, what passes for earnings, even under GAAP standards. One good example—which is already sowing the seeds of yet another financial crisis that is now emerging—is hyping the assumed future returns earned by pension plans, even as rational expectations for future returns deteriorated.
- 1940 年《投资公司法》第一节。 † 证券交易委员会 1981 年 3 月 15 日裁定。
- Investment Company Act of 1940, Section One. † Securities and Exchange Commission decision, March 15, 1981.
在这里,我们又不能说自己没有得到充分的提前警告。1958 年,本杰明·格雷厄姆——这位传奇投资者、《聪明的投资者》经典之作的作者——在全美金融分析师协会联合会上发言,描述“我们在对待普通股投资与投机的基本态度上,当前与过去之间的一些对比关系”。
Here again, we can’t say that we hadn’t been warned well in advance. Speaking before the 1958 Convention of the National Federation of Financial Analysts Societies, Benjamin Graham, legendary investor and author of the classic, “The Intelligent Investor, described “some contrasting relationships between the present and the past in our underlying attitudes toward investment and speculation in common stocks.”
过去,普通股的投机要素几乎完全来自公司本身——源于行业或企业个体结构中的不确定性、波动因素或直接缺陷……但近年来,一种新的主要投机要素从公司外部侵入了普通股领域。它来自股票购买公众及其顾问——主要是我们这些证券分析师——的态度和观点。这种态度可以用一句话概括:对未来的预期压倒一切……对未来前景,特别是持续增长的憧憬,诱使人们运用高等数学公式,为热门证券确定现值。然而,精确的公式与极不精确的假设相结合,可以用来确定——或者说证明——几乎任何人想要的任何价值,无论多高……只要拥有以下三个要素:(a)对盈利增长率的乐观假设,(b)将这种增长足够久远地投射到未来,以及(c)复利的神奇作用——瞧!证券分析师手中便多了一种新的点金石,可以为任何一只真正“好股票”制造或证明任意想要的估值。数学通常被认为能得出精确可靠的结果;但在股票市场上,数学越是复杂深奥,我们从其得出的结论就越不确定、越具投机性……每当微积分或高等代数登场,你就可以将其视为一个警示信号:操作者正试图用理论取代经验,并且通常还试图给投机披上投资的欺骗性外衣……投资者和证券分析师难道不是已经吃下了分辨善恶前景的知识树上的果实吗?正因如此,他们难道不是已经永久地把自己逐出了那个可以随手从灌木丛中摘到价格合理的优质普通股的伊甸园吗?
In the past, the speculative elements of a common stock resided almost exclusively in the company itself; they were due to uncertainties, or fluctuating elements, or downright weaknesses in the industry, or the corporation’s individual setup . . . But in recent years a new and major element of speculation has been introduced into the common-stock arena from outside the companies. It comes from the attitude and viewpoint of the stock-buying public and their advisers—chiefly us security analysts. This attitude may be described in a phrase: primary emphasis upon future expectations . . . The concept of future prospects, and particularly of continued growth in the future, invites the application of formulas out of higher mathematics to establish the present value of the favored issues. But the combination of precise formulas with highly imprecise assumptions can be used to establish, or rather to justify, practically any value one wished, however high . . . Given the three ingredients of (a) optimistic assumptions as to the rate of earnings growth, (b) a sufficiently long projection of this growth into the future, and (c) the miraculous workings of compound interest—lo! the security analyst is supplied with a new kind of philosopher’s stone which can produce or justify any desired valuation for a really “good stock.” Mathematics is ordinarily considered as producing precise and dependable results; but in the stock market the more elaborate and abstruse the mathematics the more uncertain and speculative are the conclusions we draw therefrom . . . Whenever calculus is brought in, or higher algebra, you could take it as a warning signal that the operator was trying to substitute theory for experience, and usually also to give to speculation the deceptive guise of investment . . . Have not investors and security analysts eaten of the tree of knowledge of good and evil prospects? By so doing have they not permanently expelled themselves from that Eden where promising common stocks at reasonable prices could be plucked off the bushes?
这个对原罪的明显隐喻,反映出格雷厄姆对量化不可量化之物(并以虚假的精确性去量化)的深切忧虑。1958 年格雷厄姆发言时,咬一口定量投资这颗苹果的后果几乎难以察觉。但到了 1990 年代末,这种新型投资行为已成为一股主导力量,并且至今仍是压垮我们金融市场的证券投机的主要驱动力。
This obvious reference to Original Sin reflected Graham’s deep concern about quantifying the unquantifiable (and doing so with false precision). The implications of that bite into the apple of quantitative investing were barely visible when Graham spoke in 1958. But by the late 1990s, this new form of investment behavior had become a dominant force that continues to be a major driver of the securities speculation that has overwhelmed our financial markets.
现在请随我一起思考:我所描述的商业行为、价值观和道德的侵蚀,是如何被我们金融市场性质中发生的深刻且多半未被察觉的变化所助长的。这种变化反映了两种截然不同的投资观,如果你愿意,可以说是两种迥异的市场。一种是内在商业价值的真实市场。另一种是瞬间股价的预期市场。英国经济学家约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯将这种二分法描述为事业(“预测资产在其整个生命周期内的预期收益”)与投机(“预测市场心理”)之间的区别。正如凯恩斯所预言的那样,投机压倒了事业,旧的拥有者社会变成了今天的代理人社会,资本主义的价值观被严重侵蚀。
Consider with me now how the erosion in the conduct, values, and ethics of business that I have described has been fostered by the profound—and largely unnoticed—change that has taken place in the nature of our financial markets. That change reflects two radically different views of what investing is all about, two distinct markets, if you will. One is the real market of intrinsic business value. The other is the expectations market of momentary stock prices. The British economist John Maynard Keynes described this dichotomy as the distinction between enterprise (“forecasting the prospective yield of the asset over its whole life”) and speculation (“forecasting the psychology of the markets”). Just as Keynes forecast, speculation came to overwhelm enterprise, the old ownership society became today’s agency society, and the values of capitalism were seriously eroded.
令人惊异的是,这些先见之明的警告早在很久以前就被发出了。斯通大法官在 1934 年警告过我们。约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯在 1937 年警告过我们。本杰明·格雷厄姆在 1958 年警告过我们。难道现在还不是我们倾听这三位远见卓识的思想巨擘警告的时候吗?难道现在还不是我们站在他们的肩膀上,引导国家政策远离那种基于同伴行为、贪婪和短期投机——即对股价预期进行赌博——的道德相对主义的时候吗?难道现在还不是回归信托义务的绝对道德、回归专注于构建公司内在价值的传统长期投资伦理——审慎、勤勉尽责、积极参与公司治理——的时候吗?
It is little short of amazing that long ago, these prescient warnings were issued. Justice Stone warned us in 1934. John Maynard Keynes warned us in 1937. Benjamin Graham warned us in 1958. Isn’t it high time for us to heed the warnings of those three far-sighted intellectual giants? Isn’t it high time we stand on their shoulders and shape national policy away from the moral relativism of peer conduct and greed and short-term speculation—gambling on expectations about stock prices? Isn’t it high time to return to the moral absolutism of fiduciary duty, to return to our traditional ethic of long-term investment focused on building the intrinsic value of our corporations—prudence, due diligence, and active participation in corporate governance?
所以,是的,现在是改革的时候了。今天的代理人社会未能很好地服务于公众利益。我们的资金管理人代理人的失败,不仅代表了现代资本主义的失败,也代表了现代资本家的失败。正如凯恩斯勋爵警告我们的:“当事业沦为投机漩涡上的一串泡沫时,资本主义的工作就做不好了。”这正是我们今天的处境,后果不堪言。
So, yes, now is time for reform. Today’s agency society has ill-served the public interest. The failure of our money manager agents represents not only a failure of modern-day capitalism, but a failure of modern-day capitalists. As Lord Keynes warned us, “when enterprise becomes a mere bubble on a whirlpool of speculation, the job of capitalism will be ill-done.” That is where we are today, and the consequences have not been pretty.
总之,我们如今占据主导地位的资产管理行业,已将重心从关注公司企业所创造、生产和分销的商品及服务的内在价值的持久本质,转向了公司股价的转瞬即逝——现实被感知所击败。我们生活在一个炒作公司股价远比建设公司自身内在价值容易得多的世界里。而且我们似乎忘记了本杰明·格雷厄姆关于短期感知瞬息即逝而长期现实持久的含蓄告诫:“短期来看,股市是一台投票机;长期来看,它是一台称重机。”
In all, our now-dominant money management sector has turned its focus away from the enduring nature of the intrinsic value of the goods and services created, produced, and distributed by our corporate businesses, and toward the ephemeral price of the corporation’s stock—the triumph of perception over reality. We live in a world in which it is far easier to hype the price of a company’s stock than it is to build the intrinsic value of the corporation itself. And we seem to have forgotten Benjamin Graham’s implicit caution about the transience of short-term perception, compared to the durability of long-term reality: “In the short run, the stock market is a voting machine; in the long run it is a weighing machine.”
共同基金行业 我关于现代资本主义失败的强烈说法,体现在以下几个方面:过高的高管薪酬;金融工程;盈利“指引”及其未能实现时估值的暴跌;机构投资者之间巨大的、赌场式的交易;巨额竞选捐款所带来的惊人政治影响力;以及在金融领域,交易员和管理者获得的财富与他们为投资者财富所增加的价值完全不成比例。事实上,金融部门实际上正在从我们的社会中抽取价值。
The Mutual Fund Industry My strong statements regarding the failure of modern day capitalism are manifested in grossly excessive executive compensation; financial engineering; earnings “guidance,” with massive declines in valuations if it fails to be delivered; enormous, casino-like trading among institutional investors; staggering political influence, borne of huge campaign contributions; and, in the financial arena, bestowal of wealth to traders and managers that is totally disproportionate to the value they add to investors’ wealth. Indeed, the financial sector actually subtracts value from our society.
金融是经济学家所称的“寻租”企业,我们的中介机构——资金管理人、经纪商、投资银行家——在每笔交易中充当交易双方的代理人。我们的中介机构使一方与另一方对立,因此原本是零和博弈的游戏,仅仅因为各种赌场主抽取的中介成本而变成了输家游戏。(寻租者的其他例子包括赌场、法律体系和政府。想想看!)
Finance is what is known to economists as a “rent-seeking” enterprise, one in which our intermediaries—money managers, brokers, investment bankers—act as agents for parties on both sides of each transaction. Our intermediaries pit one party against another, so what would otherwise be a zero-sum game becomes a loser’s game, simply because of the intermediation costs extracted by the various croupiers. (Other examples of rent-seekers include casinos, the legal system, and government. Think about it!)
我对金融体系的运作方式有所了解,因为在我 58 年的职业生涯中,我一直是其一部分。共同基金行业是资本主义出问题的典型。尽管 1940 年法案要求主要的委托方必须是共同基金股东,但仍有如此多的基金经理偏离了“一人不能侍二主”的基本信托原则。以下仅举几例:1. 基金董事会由同时也担任控制基金的管理公司高管的董事长和首席执行官主导,这显然是利益冲突,也是对信托标准的背弃。
I know something about how the financial system works, for I’ve been part of it for my entire 58-year career. The mutual fund industry is the paradigm of what’s gone wrong with capitalism. Here are just a few examples of how far so many fund managers have departed from the basic fiduciary principle that “no man can serve two masters,” despite the fact that the 1940 Act demands that the principal master must be the mutual fund shareholder: 1. The domination of fund boards by chairmen and chief executives who also serve as senior executives of the management companies that control the funds, an obvious conflict of interest and an abrogation of the fiduciary standard.
2. 注重短期投机而非长期投资,最终导致预期投资压倒了实业投资,给基金经理和经纪商带来巨大财务利益,同时给基金投资者带来相应巨大的成本。
2. Focusing on short-term speculation over long-term investment, the ultimate triumph of expectations investing over enterprise investing, resulting in great financial benefits to fund managers and brokers, and commensurately great costs to fund investors.
3. 未能对基金组合中选定的证券进行充分尽职调查研究和分析,从而使公司管理层得以从事各种形式的盈利管理和投机行为,而专业投资界对此基本不加约束。
3. Failure to exercise adequate due diligence in the research and analysis of the securities selected for fund portfolios, enabling corporate managers to engage in various forms of earnings management and speculative behavior, largely unchecked by the professional investment community.
4. 未能行使公司所有者的权利并承担相应责任,普遍忽视公司治理问题,并任由公司管理者将自己的财务利益置于股东利益之上。5. 基金费用飙升。随着基金资产在 1980 年代和 1990 年代飙升,基金费用的增长甚至更快,这反映了费率的上升,以及管理者未能将与基金股东在管理资金过程中产生的巨大规模经济效应进行充分分享。例如:1960 年十大基金的平均费用率从 0.51% 上升到 2008 年的 0.96%,增长了 88%。(威灵顿基金是唯一费用率下降的基金。剔除威灵顿,增幅为 104%。)
4. Failure to exercise the rights and assume the responsibilities of corporate ownership, generally ignoring issues of corporate governance and allowing corporate managers to place their own financial interests ahead of the interests of their shareowners. 5. Soaring fund expenses. As fund assets soared during the 1980s and 1990s, fund fees grew even faster, reflecting higher fee rates, as well as the failure of managers to adequately share the enormous economies of scale in managing money with fund shareholders. Example: the average expense ratio of the ten largest funds of 1960 rose from 0.51 percent to 0.96 percent in 2008, an increase of 88 percent. (Wellington Fund was the only fund whose expense ratio declined. Excluding Wellington, the increase was 104 percent.)
6. 向管理者所控制的共同基金收取的费用,远高于其在竞争激烈的养老金管理领域收取的费用。例如,三家最大的顾问公司对其养老金客户收取的平均费率为资产规模的 0.08%,而对它们的基金则收取 0.61%,导致养老金基金的年费仅为 60 万美元,而规模相当的共同基金则高达 5600 万美元(并且这两个组合很可能持有相同的股票)。
6. Charging fees to the mutual funds that managers control that are far higher than the fees charged in the competitive field of pension fund management. Three of the largest advisers, for example, charge an average fee rate of 0.08 percent of assets to their pension clients and 0.61 percent to their funds, resulting in annual fees of just $600,000 for the pension fund and $56 million for the comparable mutual fund (and presumably holding the same stocks in both portfolios).
7. 允许对冲基金经理进行“时区”交易,从而稀释长期投资者持有的基金份额价值。这场几乎波及整个行业的巨大丑闻于 2003 年曝光,涉及约 23 家基金管理公司,其中包括该领域的许多大型公司——实际上,这是共同基金经理和对冲基金经理之间合谋欺诈普通基金股东。
7. Diluting the value of fund shares held by long-term investors, by allowing hedge fund managers to engage in “time zone” trading. This vast near-industry-wide scandal came to light in 2003. It involved some 23 fund managers, including many of the largest firms in the field—in effect, a conspiracy between mutual fund managers and hedge fund managers to defraud regular fund shareholders.
8. 与经纪商达成“付费入场”的分销协议,基金顾问使用基金经纪佣金(“软美元”)来资助股票分销,而主要受益者是顾问自身。
8. “Pay-to-play” distribution agreements with brokers, in which fund advisers use fund brokerage commissions (“soft dollars”) to finance share distribution that benefits primarily the adviser.
9. 花费巨额资金进行广告宣传——仅在过去两年就接近 5 亿美元——以吸引新的基金投资者,而这些资金来自现有基金股东。
9. Spending enormous amounts on advertising—almost a half-billion dollars in the last two years alone—to bring in new fund investors, using money obtained from existing fund shareholders.
10. 创建奇异且未经检验的“产品”,这些产品被证明其营销吸引力远比我行我素,缺乏持久的投资诚信。
10. Creating exotic and untested “products” that have proved to have far more ephemeral marketing appeal than enduring investment integrity.
这十种做法中的每一种,似乎都明显违反了信托原则。
Each one of these ten practices, it seems clear, represents a violation of the fiduciary principle.
一段历史 尽管绝大多数金融机构的运营主要是为了其管理者/代理人的利益而损害委托人的利益,但并非全都如此。现在,我再次根据自己在共同基金行业的亲身经历,举出一个例外。早在 38 年前,我就对基金行业的性质和结构表达了深切担忧。仅仅三年后,我的信念促使我采取了行动,而在 35 年前的这个九月,我创立了一家公司,我尽己所能地设计它,以践行信托原则。
A Piece of History While the overwhelming majority of financial institutions are operated primarily in the interests of their manager/agents and at the expense of their principals, not quite all do so. I now present one exception to this rule, drawing again on my personal experiences in the mutual fund industry. As far back as 38 years ago, I expressed profound concern about the nature and structure of the fund industry. Only three years later, my convictions led to action, and 35 years ago this September, I founded a firm designed, to the best of my ability, to honor the fiduciary principle.
我在表达这一原则时,它明显与我的自身利益相悖。1971 年 9 月——那可是 1971 年!——我对威灵顿管理公司的合伙人说了这番话,引用了我在前面发言中提过的斯通大法官的原话。然后我补充道:我赞同这一观点,同时也道出自己一个由来已久的偏见:综合考虑……专业机构拥有公众股东是不可取的。这一约束对资金管理人的适用程度,与对医生、律师、会计师或建筑师一样。从他们的情况来看,正如我们一样,很难看出公众投资者能为企业带来什么独特的贡献。他们通常既不增加资本,也不贡献专业知识,更无助于我们客户的福祉。事实上,我们可以设想出这样的情形:公众持股对盈利和盈利增长的压力,与专业机构的负责任运营背道而驰。尽管资金管理领域兼具两者元素,但企业与职业之间毕竟存在差异。
I expressed this principle when doing so was distinctly counter to my own self-interest. Speaking to my partners at Wellington Management Company in September 1971—1971!—I cited the very same words of Justice Stone which I cited earlier in these remarks. I then added: I endorse that view, and at the same time reveal an ancient prejudice of mine: All things considered . . . it is undesirable for professional enterprises to have public stockholders. This constraint is as applicable to money managers as it is to doctors, or lawyers, or accountants, or architects. In their cases, as in ours, it is hard to see what unique contribution public investors bring to the enterprise. They do not, as a rule, add capital; they do not add expertise; they do not contribute to the well-being of our clients. Indeed, it is possible to envision circumstances in which the pressure for earnings and earnings growth engendered by public ownership is antithetical to the responsible operation of a professional organization. Even though the field of money management has elements of both, there are, after all, differences between a business and a profession.
我的坦诚——当时威灵顿管理公司主要由公众投资者持有——很可能在我 1974 年 1 月被解职为威灵顿管理公司首席执行官的过程中起到了推波助澜的作用。虽然这个故事过于复杂,今晚无法详述,但我的解雇给了我一生中难得的机会——为我们的基金创建一种全新的、以受托责任为核心的结构。我向威灵顿基金的董事们提出了这样一个结构。当然,威灵顿管理公司强烈反对我的努力。
My candor—Wellington Management was then owned largely by public investors—may well have played a supporting role in my dismissal as chief executive of Wellington Management Company in January 1974. While it’s a saga too complex to detail this evening, my firing gave me the chance of a lifetime—the opportunity to create a new fiduciary-focused structure for our funds. I proposed just such a structure to the directors of the Wellington funds. Wellington Management Company, of course, vigorously opposed my efforts.
尽管如此,经过数月的研究,基金的董事们接受了我的建议:将基金自身的活动与其顾问和分销商分离,以便基金能够完全为了我们基金股东的利益而运作。我们的新结构涉及创建一家新公司,于 1974 年 9 月 24 日注册成立,先锋投资公司集团,由各基金共同拥有,聘用他们自己的高管和员工,并以“成本价”为基础运营,这在该领域将是独一无二的,一个真正的共同基金组织。
Nonetheless, after months of study, the directors of the funds accepted my recommendation that we separate the activities of the funds themselves from their adviser and distributor, so that the funds could operate solely in the interests of our fund shareholders. Our new structure involved the creation of a new firm, incorporated on September 24, 1974, The Vanguard Group of Investment Companies, owned by the funds, employing their own officers and staff, and operated on an “at-cost” basis, would be unique in the field, a truly mutual mutual fund organization.
尽管先锋一开始的授权有限——仅为基金提供行政服务——但我意识到,如果我们想掌控自己的命运,我们还必须为我们的基金提供投资咨询和营销服务。因此,几乎在 1975 年 5 月先锋开始运营后,我们就立即着手争取对这两项关键职能的实质性控制权。到年底,我们创建了世界上第一只指数共同基金,由先锋运营。
While Vanguard began with a limited mandate—to provide only administrative services to the funds—I realized that, if we were to control our own destiny, we would also have to provide both investment advisory and marketing services to our funds. So, almost immediately after Vanguard’s operations commenced in May 1975, we began our move to gain substantial control over these two essential functions. By year’s end, we had created the world’s first index mutual fund, run by Vanguard.
1977 年初,我们放弃了威灵顿自 1928 年以来一直运营的、由供给驱动、基于佣金的经纪商分销体系,转而采用由我们自己主导的、以买家为导向的“免佣”模式。同年晚些时候,我们创建了有史以来第一批分期限的债券基金系列,分为短期、中期和长期,聚焦于高投资品质。然后,在 1981 年,先锋承担起为我们新的固定收益基金以及我们已有的货币市场基金提供投资咨询服务的责任。(可以想见,这些举措没有一项不引发争议!)
Early in 1977, we abandoned the supply-driven, commission-based, broker-dealer distribution system that had been operated by Wellington since 1928, in favor of a buyer-driven, “no-load” approach under our own direction. Later that year, we created the first-ever series of defined-maturity bond funds, segmented into short-, intermediate-, and long-term maturities, focused on high investment quality. Then, in 1981, Vanguard assumed responsibility for providing the investment advisory services to our new fixed-income funds as well as our established money market funds. (As you can imagine, none of these moves was without controversy!)
让我给你讲讲这些变化的重要性。自我们成立以来,先锋基金的资产已从 10 多亿美元增长到今天的约 1 万亿美元。其中约 82%——即 8200 亿美元——来自我们先锋管理、分销和提供顾问服务的被动管理型指数基金、债券基金和货币市场基金。大约 25 家外部投资顾问为我们其余的(主动管理型)基金服务,其中威灵顿管理的资产占其中最大份额。(这些基金大多有多位顾问,以更好地减轻相对于同行表现不佳的风险。)
Let me give you some sense of the importance of those changes. Since our formation, the assets of the Vanguard funds have grown from $1 billion-plus to some $1 trillion today. Some 82 percent of that trillion—$820 billion—is represented by our passively-managed index funds, bond funds, and money market funds that we at Vanguard manage, distribute, and advise. Some 25 external investment advisers serve our remaining (actively-managed) funds, with Wellington advising by far the largest portion of those assets. (Most of these funds have multiple advisers, the better to mitigate the risk of underperformance relative to their peers.)
更值得一提的是,这一长串商业决策是在先锋的存续长期存疑的时期做出的。因为美国证券交易委员会最初拒绝批准先锋承担营销和分销职责。经过长达六年(漫长!)的斗争,SEC 才改变了立场。1981 年 2 月,委员会一致投票宣布:先锋计划符合(1940 年投资公司法)的条款、政策和目的。它实际上推进了该法的目标……增强了基金的独立性……使每只基金在合理的公平范围内受益……(带来了)因顾问费削减和规模经济而形成的巨大节约……并促进了一个健康且充满活力的共同基金综合体,使每只基金都能更好地繁荣发展。
More than parenthetically, that long string of business decisions was made during a long period in which Vanguard’s very existence was in doubt. For the Securities and Exchange Commission had initially refused to approve Vanguard’s assumption of marketing and distribution responsibilities. Only after a struggle lasting six (interminable!) years did the SEC reverse itself. In February 1981, by unanimous vote, the Commission declared that: The Vanguard plan is consistent with the provisions, policies, and purposes of the (Investment Company Act of 1940). It actually furthers the Act’s objectives . . . enhances the funds’ independence . . . benefits each fund within a reasonable range of fairness . . . . . . (provides) substantial savings from advisory fee reductions (and) economies of scale . . . and promotes a healthy and viable mutual fund complex in which each fund can better prosper.
A Prescient SEC?
A Prescient SEC?
确实如此!SEC 的这番话现在听起来颇有先见之明。事实上,“能最好地(而不是更好地)繁荣发展”会更准确。根据晨星基于同行的评级体系——将每只基金与其他具有明显可比策略和目标的基金进行比较——先锋在 40 家最大的基金综合体中表现排名第一。主要因为我们为基金股东带来的竞争性回报,我们在长期基金(股票和债券基金)资产中的市场份额,已从早期的行业资产的 4% 上升到今天的 15%。
Indeed! The SEC’s words now seem prescient. In fact, “can best (rather than better) prosper” would have been more accurate. Measured by Morningstar’s peer-based rating system— comparing each fund with other funds having distinctly comparable policies and objectives— Vanguard ranked first in performance among the 40 largest fund complexes. Largely because of the competitive returns that we’ve delivered to our fund shareholders, our market share of the assets of long-term funds (stock and bond funds) has risen from 4 percent of industry assets in our early years to 15 percent today.
顾问费削减和规模经济?再一次,确实如此。先锋的低成本堪称传奇,是该领域绝对的最低水平。去年,总体而言,我们的运营费用率占平均资产的 0.20%,而共同基金的平均水平为 1.30%。这 1.1 个百分点的节约,应用于 1 万亿美元的资产,现在每年为我们的股东平均节省 110 亿美元。低成本重要吗?当然重要!随着投资世界终于开始理解这一点,低成本是基金卓越表现唯一最可靠的指标。是的,正如我们在荷马的《奥德赛》中读到的那样,“公平交易最终会带来更多利润。”
Advisory fee reductions and economies of scale? Once again, indeed. Vanguard’s low-costs are legendary, by far the lowest in the field. Last year, over all, our operating expense ratio came to 0.20 percent of average assets, compared to 1.30 percent for the average mutual fund. That 1.1 percentage point saving, applied to one trillion of assets, now gives our shareholders an average savings of $11 billion annually. Do low costs matter? Of course they do! As the world of investing is at last beginning to understand, low costs are the single most reliable indicator of superior fund performance. Yes, as we read in Homer’s The Odyssey, “fair dealing yields more profit in the end.”
如果你愿意根据那些可靠的数据接受——先锋既取得了商业上的成功(资产增长和市场份额),也取得了艺术上的成功(卓越的表现和低成本)——你一定会奇怪,为什么在存在了近 35 年之后,没有其他公司选择效仿我们这种以股东为导向的结构。(一个特别具有讽刺意味的结果,因为我选择“先锋”这个名字,部分原因正是其常规定义:“新趋势的引领者。”)我想,答案可以简洁地表述为:在我们的成本价结构下,所有该死的利润不是流向管理者,而是流向基金股东,解决了困扰共同基金行业的那个超越性的利益冲突。无论如何,这位引领者,可以说,尚未找到它的第一个追随者。
If you are willing to accept—based on that solid data—that Vanguard has achieved both commercial success (asset growth and market share) and artistic success (superior performance and low costs), you must wonder why, after nearly 35 years of existence, no other firm has elected to emulate our shareholder-oriented structure. (A particularly ironic outcome since I chose the name Vanguard in part because of its conventional definition as “leader in a new trend.”) The answer, I think, can be expressed succinctly: under our at-cost structure, all of the darned profits go not to the managers, but to the fund shareholders, resolving the transcendent conflict of interest that besets the mutual fund industry. In any event, the leader, as it were, has yet to find its first follower.
重建金融世界 先锋代表了我根据既定的受托责任原则,将基金投资者和基金管理者的利益对齐的最大努力。我让比我更明智——当然也更客观——的人来评判我是否夸大或渲染了我们所取得的成就,即使我欣然承认,我们的成就归功于三个简单的原则:这家公司是(1)结构上正确的(因为我们由基金投资者拥有);(2)数学上正确的(因为这是一个同义反复:投资中产生的成本越低,回报就越高);(3)伦理上正确的(因为我们只依靠赢得比任何同行都大得多的股东的信任和忠诚而存在)。根据独立研究公司反复进行的忠诚度评估,我们第一名的位置根本没有接近的竞争对手。请对这个自吹自擂的说法持适当的怀疑态度,但请看看数据。在 2007 年的一项调查中,一个这样的团体得出结论:“先锋集团产生的忠诚度远超任何其他公司。”* 创建和重组先锋并非易事。没有决心、专长、运气、时机以及少数关键人物所扮演的角色,这是永远不可能发生的。所以,当我建议我们现在必须超越重组一家公司的性质和价值观,去重组整个资金管理行业的性质和价值观时,我非常清楚完成这项艰巨任务将有多么困难。
To Build the Financial World Anew Vanguard represented my best effort to align the interests of fund investors and fund managers under established principles of fiduciary duty. I leave it to wiser—and surely more objective—heads than mine to evaluate whether or not I overstate or hyperbolize what we have accomplished, even as I freely acknowledge that we owe our accomplishments to the three simple principles: the firm is (1) structurally correct (since we are owned by our fund investors); (2) mathematically correct (since it is a tautology that the lower the costs incurred in investing, the higher the returns); and (3) ethically correct (since we exist only by earning far greater trust and loyalty from our shareholders than any of our peers). Measured by repeated evaluations of loyalty by independent research firms, there’s simply no close rival for our #1 position. Please be appropriately skeptical of that self-serving claim, but look at the data. In a 2007 survey, one such group concluded, “Vanguard Group generates far more loyalty than any other company.”* Creating and restructuring Vanguard was no easy task. Without determination, expertise, luck, timing, and the key roles played by just a handful of individuals, it never could have happened. So when I suggest that we must now go beyond restructuring the nature and values of a single firm to restructuring the nature and values of the entire money management business, I am well aware of how difficult it will be to accomplish that sweeping task.
- 来自 Cogent Research 的数据,据《华尔街日报》报道,日期为 2007 年 3 月 15 日。我们的忠诚度得分(坚定支持者百分比减去坚定反对者百分比)是 +44;排名第二的公司得分为 +21。基金行业的得分是可怜的 -12。
- Cogent Research data, as reported in The Wall Street Journal, date March 15, 2007. Our loyalty score (percentage of strong supporters minus strong detractors) was plus 44; the number two firm was rated at plus 21. The fund industry scored a pathetic minus 12.
我们必须做的是发展一个新的受托责任社会,以确保我们最终的拥有者——那些储蓄岌岌可危的共同基金股东和养老金计划受益人——他们作为投资委托人的权利。这些权利必须包括:(1)要求他们的资金管理人/代理人仅代表他们自身利益行事的权利。简而言之,客户必须是国王。
What we must do is develop a new fiduciary society which guarantees that our last-line owners—those mutual fund shareholders and pension fund beneficiaries whose savings are at stake—their rights as investment principals. These rights must include: (1) The right to have their money-manager/agents act solely in their behalf. The client, in short, must be king.
(2)要求我们的资金管理人和证券分析师(他们为我们评估投资组合中的证券)恪尽职守并保持高专业水准的权利。(3)确保我们的代理人将作为负责任的企业公民,将股票所有权的被忽视的权利归还给他们的委托人,并要求公司董事和管理者履行他们对自身股东的受托责任。(4)要求我们提供的共同基金和金融“产品”具备某种纪律和诚信的权利。
(2) The right to rely on due diligence and high professional standards on the part of our money managers and securities analysts who appraise securities for our portfolios. (3) The assurance that our agents will act as responsible corporate citizens, restoring to their principals the neglected rights of ownership of stocks, and demanding that corporate directors and managers meet their fiduciary duty to their own shareholders. (4) The right to demand some sort of discipline and integrity in the mutual funds and financial “products” that we offer.
(5)建立顾问费结构的权利,该结构不仅要基于费率,还要基于美元金额,并符合“合理性”标准,同时与管理者其他客户可获得的费用和结构相关联。
(5) The establishment of advisory fee structures that meet a “reasonableness” standard based not only on rates but dollar amounts, and their relationship to the fees and structures available to other clients of the manager.
(6)总之,通过消除所有可能阻碍实现这些目标的利益冲突,以达到 1940 年法案所规定的标准:基金事实上是“为了其股东的利益而组织、运营和管理”的。
(6) In all, measuring up to the 1940 Act standard that funds are in fact “organized, operated, and managed in the interest of their shareholders,” by eliminating of all conflicts of interest that could preclude the achievement of these goals.
我应该指出,这最后一项规定似乎会排除金融集团对资金管理公司的所有权,而金融集团所有权现在是共同基金行业的主要组织形式。在当今 40 家最大的基金综合体中,只有 6 家仍为私人持有。其余 34 家包括 13 家股票由公众直接持有的公司,以及令人惊讶的总共 21 家由美国和国际金融集团拥有或控制的基金管理公司——包括高盛、美国银行、德意志银行、荷兰国际集团、约翰·汉考克和加拿大永明金融。尽管这样的分离可能会很痛苦,但金融集团对资金管理人的所有权,是对“一个人不能侍奉两个主人”这一原则最明目张胆的违反。
I should note that this final provision would seem to preclude the ownership of money management firms by financial conglomerates, now the dominant form of organization in the mutual fund industry. Among today’s 40 largest fund complexes, only six remain privately-held. The remaining 34 include 13 firms whose shares are held directly by the public, and an astonishing total of 21 fund managers owned or controlled by U.S. and international financial conglomerates—including Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Deutsche Bank, ING, John Hancock, and Sun Life of Canada. Painful as such a separation might be, conglomerate ownership of money managers is the single most blatant violation of the principle that “no man can serve two masters.”
当然,要实现我所设想的这个新型受托人社会,需要联邦政府采取行动。最为重要的是,必须明确无误地表明,政府有意愿、也有能力强制执行信托和受托责任标准,使资金管理者在运营时,其唯一目的和专有利益都是为了其受益人的利益——这些受益人主要是共同基金份额的持有人和养老金计划的受益者。如果正如企业改革家罗伯特·蒙克斯精辟指出的那样,“没有所有者的资本主义将会失败”,那么我们现在就应该着手进行改革。
Of course it will take federal government action to foster the creation of this new fiduciary society that I envision. Above all else, it must be unmistakable that government intends, and is capable of enforcing, standards of trusteeship and fiduciary duty under which money managers operate with the sole purpose and in the exclusive benefit of the interests of their beneficiaries—largely the owners of mutual fund shares and the beneficiaries of our pension plans. If, as corporate reformer Robert Monks accurately points out, “capitalism without owners will fail,” it’s high time we began the task of reform.
政府的角色 完成这项任务不能交给那些软弱胆怯之人,很可能需要任命一个由我们最智慧、最受尊敬、最见多识广的公民组成的全国委员会。自我们国家的缔造者将公司注册权力授予各州以来,我们的企业就一直依据多种州法律而设立。联邦政府很可能需要至少部分地取代这些州法律。尽管我们大多数人都珍视这样一种信念,即经济与国家的分离,对资本主义和自由都至关重要,但我们也明白,人民的政府必须不时介入并努力解决新的复杂问题。现在就是这样的时刻。
The Role of Government The accomplishment of that task cannot be left to the fainthearted, and will likely require the appointment of a national commission composed of our wisest, most respected, and best-informed citizens. The federal government will likely need to preempt, at least in part, the multiple state laws under which our corporations have been chartered ever since our nation’s founders granted that power to the individual states. While most of us cherish the belief that the separation of the economy from the state is as essential for capitalism as it is for liberty, we also understand that from time to time the people’s government must step in and work to solve novel and complex problems. This is one of those times.
传统上,美国的政党在哲学上存在分歧:一方是所谓的自由主义传统,倾向于利用国家政府来促进平等和社会正义;另一方是所谓的保守主义传统,以保护自由、自主和个人责任为名,主张限制国家政府权力。然而,据《纽约时报》的大卫·布鲁克斯所述:在美国历史的大部分时间里,始终存在第三种传统(如今已沉寂),它相信一个有限但积极有为的政府,以促进社会流动和国家团结。这第三种传统由亚历山大·汉密尔顿创立,亨利·克莱继承,亚伯拉罕·林肯发扬光大,并由西奥多·罗斯福带入 20 世纪……汉密尔顿白手起家,他整个政治生涯都在努力创造一个世界,让尽可能多的人能复制他那不可思议的成功。独立之后,他环顾四周,看到一个注定成为地球上最强大帝国的国家,并试图解放和激励美国人,让他们充分发挥自己的能力。
Traditionally, America’s political parties have been philosophically divided between a so-called liberal tradition favoring the use of the national government to foster equality and social justice, and a so-called conservative tradition favoring limited national government in the name of protecting liberty, freedom, and personal responsibility. According to David Brooks of The New York Times, however: Through much of American history there has always been a third tradition, now dormant, which believed in limited but energetic government in the name of social mobility and national union. This third tradition was founded by Alexander Hamilton, embraced by Henry Clay, taken up by Abraham Lincoln and brought into the 20th century by Theodore Roosevelt. . . . Hamilton came from nothing and spent his political career trying to create a world in which as many people as possible could replicate his amazing success. [He] looked around after independence and saw a country destined to become the greatest empire of the earth, and sought to liberate and stir Americans to exploit the full range of their capacities.
汉密尔顿相信,政府可以通过促进更公平的竞争来增强市场活力。他相信政府可以有效地推动社会革命……他拒绝了今天经常被采用的公式,即你只能要么支持政府,要么支持市场,但不能两者都支持。他将创业自由、有限但积极的联邦权力以及国家的伟大视为密不可分的品质。汉密尔顿心中至高无上的始终是美国所代表的事业——普世自由——它激发个人主动性,同时也将这种能量的成果汇集到国家伟大事业之中。
Hamilton believed in using government to enhance market dynamism by fostering more equitable competition. He believed government could usefully promote social revolutions . . . rejecting the formula, assumed too often today, that you can be for government or for the market, but not for both. He saw entrepreneurial freedom, limited but energetic federal power, and national greatness as qualities that were inextricably linked. It was always the cause America represents—universal freedom—that was uppermost in Hamilton’s mind, spurring individual initiative, but also gathering the fruits of that energy in the cause of national greatness.
如果亚历山大·汉密尔顿今天还活着,我简直无法想象他会不同意这样的观点:现在是时候恢复我们资本主义体系的诚信,也是时候重新思考国家的投资进程了。在如今这种错误的资本主义版本中,企业管理者掌管着我们的商业财富,几乎不受传统看门人的制衡;而投资界则过分专注于短期股价,过分忽视长期内在企业价值,从而无法挑战管理者的领域。我相信,一项联邦层面的受托责任标准,将在这方面发挥扭转局面的重要作用。
Were Alexander Hamilton alive today, I simply cannot imagine that he would not agree with the notion that it’s high time to restore the integrity of our system of capitalism, and high time to rethink the nation’s investment process. In today’s wrongheaded version of capitalism, corporate managers are in charge of our business wealth, almost unchecked by traditional gatekeepers; and the investment community is too heavily focused on short-term stock prices and too lightly focused on long-term intrinsic corporate values to challenge their domain. I believe that a federal standard of fiduciary duty would play a major role in reversing that focus.
鉴于一个恶性循环——公司在很大程度上表现得好像它们属于自己一样——我们的投资中介机构已被证明不愿动用它们的潜在权力。此外,即使对于那些有意愿行使这种权力的中介机构来说,陈旧得无可救药的委托投票规则也束缚了这种权力的行使。而哪怕只是在严格的监管大门上打开一条极小的裂缝,让所有者能合理访问公司委托投票说明书、从而得以行使股东权利,其前景似乎也越来越黯淡。由于共同基金管理人牢牢地坐在基金自身治理的驾驶座上,我们便成为一个体系的俘虏。在这个体系中,公司董事和基金董事似乎不仅不愿意,而且也没有能力去扮演看门人作为管家的角色——一个将股东利益视为最高优先事项的角色。
Given the vicious circle in which corporations, in important degree, act as if they own themselves, our investment intermediaries have proven reluctant to use their latent power. Further, even for those intermediaries who have the motivation to exercise it, hopelessly archaic proxy rules serve to handcuff the exercise of that power. And the prospects seem increasingly dim for opening even a tiny crack in the rigid regulatory doorway that precludes owners from their rights of ownership by denying them reasonable access to corporate proxy statements. With mutual fund managers firmly ensconced in the driver’s seat of the governance of the funds themselves, we are captives of a system in which both corporate directors and fund directors seem not only unwilling but unable to take on the role and responsibility of the gatekeeper as a steward, one who holds the interests of the shareholder as his highest priority.
总结 所以,我——带着极大的不耐烦!——在等待卡多佐大法官多年前如此精彩描述的那种标准的回归。摘录他的原话:那些受信托关系约束的人……(被要求)遵守比市场道德更严格的标准……一种坚定不移、根深蒂固的传统……不仅是诚实,而是最敏感的荣誉感……一种行为水准……高于凡夫俗子所走的路。
Summing Up So I await—with no great patience!—the return of the standard so beautifully described by Justice Cardozo all those years ago, excerpts from his words: Those bound by fiduciary ties . . . (are) held to something stricter than the morals of the marketplace . . . a tradition unbending and inveterate . . . not honesty alone but the punctilio of an honor the most sensitive . . . a level of conduct . . . higher than that trodden by the crowd.
我提倡的改变游戏规则——对机构资金管理者施加联邦层面的受托责任标准以服务其客户——其目的反过来是迫使这些管理者利用他们自己的所有者地位去要求,那些他们持有股份的企业公司的管理者和董事也同样尊重对其股东所负有的受托责任。最终,正是这两个群体共同负责对委托给他们的公司资产和投资证券进行审慎管理,不仅要改革今天这个充满缺陷和冲突的模式,还要开发一个新的模式,这个模式最好能恢复传统的道德准则。
The change in the rules of the game that I advocate—applying to institutional money managers a federal standard of fiduciary duty to their clients—would be designed in turn to force these managers to use their own ownership position to demand that the managers and directors of the business corporations in whose shares they invest also honor their own fiduciary duty to the holders of their shares. Finally, it is these two groups that share the responsibility for the prudent stewardship over corporate assets and investment securities alike that have been entrusted to their care, not only reforming today’s flawed and conflict-ridden model, but developing a new model that, at best, will restore traditional ethical mores.
我以一段圣经引文(《约翰福音》10:11-13)作为结束:我是好牧人;好牧人为羊舍命。若是雇工,不是牧人,羊也不是他自己的,他看见狼来,就撇下羊逃走;狼抓住羊,赶散了羊群。雇工逃走,因他是雇工,并不顾念羊。
I close with a Biblical quotation (John 10: 11-13): I am the good shepherd: the good shepherd giveth his life for the sheep. But he that is a hireling, and not the shepherd, whose own the sheep are not, seeth the wolf coming, and leaveth the sheep, and fleeth: and the wolf catcheth them, and scattereth the sheep. The hireling fleeth, because he is an hireling, and careth not for the sheep.”
这个比喻提醒我们,我们的金融雇工没有保护我们这些羊免受制造这场金融危机的狼群的伤害,要么是因为他们没看到狼来了,要么是看到了并决定逃离资本主义的牧场。因此,我们必须努力发展一种新文化,一种道德文化,在这种文化中,我们自己充当自己的牧羊人,并要求我们的受托雇工将我们的利益放在首位。
This parable reminds us that our financial hirelings didn’t protect us sheep from the wolves that created this financial crisis, either because they didn’t see them coming, or saw them and decided to flee the pastures of capitalism. So we must work to develop a new culture, an ethical culture, in which we act as our own shepherds, and demand that our fiduciary-hirelings place our interests first.