无形的领头牛:关于股市老问题的新答案
DESK NOTES
DESK NOTES
瑞士信贷第一波士顿公司
CREDIT SUISSE FIRST BOSTON CORPORATION
股权研究——美国行业:价值型策略 1998 年 12 月 10 日 迈克尔·J·莫布森 212/325-3108 鲍勃·希勒 212/325-4341
Equity Research— Americas Industry: Value-Based Strategy December 10, 1998 Michael J. Mauboussin 212/325-3108 Bob Hiler 212/325-4341
隐形的领航牛——关于股市老问题的新答案
The Invisible Lead Steer New Answers to Old Questions About the Stock Market
Volume 7
Volume 7
引子
当投资者看到证据表明股票市场的运作似乎遵循某种经济模型时,他们常常会提出一个合理的问题:既然只有极少数投资者使用价值模型,市场又是如何理解这个模型的呢?1 一个随之而来的问题也浮出水面:如果市场如此出色,投资者应该关注谁——金融圈里的其他人,还是市场本身?
Introduction Investors often ask a legitimate question when presented with evidence that the stock market acts as if it follows an economic model: How does the market understand the value-based model when so few investors use it?1 A corollary question also surfaces: If markets are so good, to whom should investors pay attention—others in the financial community or the market itself?
这绝非无足轻重的问题。事实上,答案决定了如何应对时间配置、财务报告、高管薪酬以及整体决策框架等关键领域。如果不能牢牢掌握股价是如何形成的,投资者在一个高度竞争的世界里就会处于竞争劣势。
These are by no means trivial questions. In fact, the answers dictate how to deal with critical areas such as time allocation, financial reporting, executive compen-sation and an overall framework for decision making. Without a firm grasp of how stock prices are set, investors are at a competitive disadvantage in what is a highly competitive world.
在试图回答市场如何“理解”价值驱动模型这个问题之前,有必要先区分两件事。第一是市场如何运行,这是一个实证问题。第二是投资者和公司如何谈论自己的行为——即他们各自的决策规则。
Before attempting to address the question of how the market “understands” the value-based model, it is important to distinguish between two things. The first is how the market behaves, which is an empirical question. The second is how investors and companies talk about what they do—their individual decision rules.
这一区别至关重要,因为只有当整体等于各部分之和时,市场总体行为才会模仿个体投资者行为。在市场中,如同在自然界,参与者之间相互作用的复杂性几乎总是使这种因果联系失效。
This distinction is central, because aggregate market behavior will imitate individual investor behavior only if the total equals the sum of the parts. In markets, as in nature, the complexity of interaction among agents almost always invali-dates this cause-and-effect link.
这份报告分为三个部分。首先,我们探讨了一些可能的解释,来说明市场中个体行为与集体行为之间的差异。
This report broken into three parts. First, we look at potential explanations to explain the difference between individual and aggregate behavior in markets.
接下来,我们探讨复杂适应系统作为理解市场的一种方式。最后,我们建议将市场信号分析用作我们分析的实际成果。
Next, we explore complex adaptive systems as a way to understand markets. Finally, we suggest using market signal analysis as a practical outcome of our analysis.
飞鸟与公牛:关于市场如何“看透”真相,有两种对立的解释路径。第一种是集中式模型,以“领头牛”的比喻来体现;第二种是分散式模型,由复杂适应系统的概念来概括。先抛开定义不谈,集中式与分散式路径之间的区别,对我们如何组织思考与行动至关重要。
The Birds and Bulls There are two alternative approaches to answering the question of how the market “gets it.” The first is a centralized model, embodied by the “lead steer” metaphor. The second is a decentralized model, captured by the concept of complex adaptive systems. Leaving definitions aside for a moment, the distinction between centralized and decentralized approaches is important for how we organize our thoughts and actions.
集中化的观点:这是牛市吗?
The Centralized View: Is it Bull?
我们先从所谓的领头牛比喻说起,这个比喻普遍归功于乔尔·斯特恩。2 套用斯特恩的话说:“如果你想知道一群牛的去向,不必采访牛群中的每一头牛,只需看看领头牛就行了。”这个想法是,存在一群超级聪明的投资者,他们确实理解经济模型。正是这些领头牛在边际上决定价格。
We start with the so-called lead steer metaphor, which is widely attributed to Joel Stern.2 To paraphrase Stern, “If you want to know where a herd of cattle is heading, you need not interview every steer in the herd, just the lead steer.” The idea is that there is a group of super-smart investors that do understand the economic model. And it is these lead steers that are setting prices at the margin.
因此,你不需要为普通投资者担心,因为边际投资者——领头牛——会确保价格平均而言是合理的。
Hence, you need not worry about the typical investor because the investor on the margin—the lead steer—is making sure that prices, on average, are set correctly.
这种关于中心化知识的想象,令人联想到古代神话那种令人愉悦的简单性:希腊太阳神赫利俄斯驾着太阳车从东到西划过天空。确实,这种中心化的观点之所以天生讨喜,原因就在于原因与结果直接相连。然而,鉴于全球交易的证券数量极其庞大,而公认的领头牛数量显然有限,很难看出这个比喻如何真正适用于现实世界。3 我们认为,领头牛的比喻尽管在直觉上颇具吸引力,但很大程度上是错误的。
This image of centralized knowledge is reminiscent of the pleasing simplicity of ancient myths: the Greek god Helios pulls the sun across the sky from east to west. Indeed, this centralized view is innately pleasing for the very reason that cause is directly linked to effect. However, given the vast number of securities traded globally and the admittedly limited number of lead steers, it is hard to see how this metaphor actually extends to the real world.3 We believe that the lead steer metaphor, for all of its intuitive attractiveness, is largely false.
真正的答案更精巧、更坚实,甚至在某种程度上堪称奇妙。而且它并非新说。两百多年前,亚当·斯密就用他的“看不见的手”这一概念,把这个道理讲得和任何人一样透彻。
The real answer is more elegant, more robust and, in some ways, magical. And it is not new. Adam Smith conveyed the idea as well as anyone, over 200 years ago, with his concept of the “invisible hand.”
分权视角:数字中的力量 现在我们来谈谈分权世界。对集权思维的第一个挑战,来自 MIT 教授米切尔·雷斯尼克那本妙趣横生的著作《海龟、白蚁与交通堵塞》。雷斯尼克探讨了人们对鸟群的认知:
The Decentralized View: Power in Numbers Now we turn to the decentralized world. The first challenge to the centralized mindset comes from a delightful book by MIT Professor Mitchel Resnick, “Turtles, Termites, and Traffic Jams.” Resnick discusses perceptions about flocks of birds:
多数人以为鸟群玩的是“领头鸟”游戏:排在最前面的鸟带领,其他鸟跟随。但事实并非如此。实际上,大多数鸟群根本没有领头的鸟,也没有特殊的“领头鸟”。相反,鸟群是一种所谓“自组织”的体现:每只鸟都遵循一套简单的规则,对临近的同伴做出反应。整齐有序的鸟群队形,就是从这些简单、局部的互动中涌现出来的。飞在最前面的鸟,在任何有意义层面上都不是领导者——它只是碰巧到了那个位置。鸟群在无需组织者的情况下自我组织,在无需协调者的情况下自行协调。
Most people assume that birds play a game of follow-the-leader: the bird at the front of the flock leads, and the others follow. But that’s not so. In fact, most bird flocks don’t have leaders at all. There is no special “leader bird.” Rather, the flock is an example of what some people call “self-organization.” Each bird in the flock follows a set of simple rules, reacting to the birds nearby it. Orderly flock patterns arise from these simple, local interactions. The bird in the front is not a leader in any meaningful sense—it just happens to end up there. The flock is organ-ized without an organizer, coordinated without a coordinator.
抛开哺乳动物与鸟类行为之间的差异不谈,雷斯尼克揭示了一个关键要点:秩序并不总是领导力的结果。秩序同样可以由采用相对简单决策规则的主体之间动态互动产生。但这一点是否适用于资本市场?
Differences between mammalian and avian behavior aside, Resnick draws out a key point: order is not always the result of leadership. Order can also arise from the dynamic interaction of agents employing relatively simple decision rules. But does this apply to capital markets?
卡内基梅隆大学的两位教授,达纳杰·戈德(Dhanajay Gode)和夏姆·桑德尔(Shyam Sunder),在一篇富有启发性的论文中探讨了这个问题。虽然这个标题对营销人员来说不太讨喜,但它颇为写实:《零智慧交易者的市场配置效率:市场作为个体理性的部分替代》(Allocative Efficiency of Markets with Zero-Intelligence Traders: Market as a Partial Substitute for Individual Rationality)。戈德和桑德尔创建了一些市场,让其中的交易者遵循极其拙劣的决策规则,试图观察市场效率会发生什么变化。事实上,他们发现市场依然相当有效;换句话说,即便是愚蠢的参与者也能得出聪明的结果。作者写道:
Two Professors at Carnegie Mellon University, Dhanajay Gode and Shyam Sunder addressed this issue in a revealing paper. While not a marketer’s dream, the title is descriptive: “Allocative Efficiency of Markets with Zero-Intelligence Traders: Market as a Partial Substitute for Individual Rationality.” Gode and Sunder created markets where the traders had schlock decision rules in an effort to see what happened to market efficiency. In fact, they found that markets were still remarkably efficient; in other words, even dumb agents achieve smart results. The authors write:
双向拍卖市场的配置效率主要来源于其结构本身,与交易者的动机、智力或学习能力无关。
Allocative efficiency of a double auction market derives largely from its structure, independent of traders’ motivation, intelligence, or learning.
亚当·斯密的“看不见的手”可能比有些人想象的更强大;它不仅能够从个体的理性行为中产生集体的理性,还能从个体的非理性行为中催生出来。
Adam Smith’s invisible hand may be more powerful than some may have thought; it can generate aggregate rationality not only from individual rationality but also from individual irrationality.
投资者可以从中得到两个核心信息。第一个是,市场不需要领导者也能协调运行。第二个是,让市场能够模拟出那个基本“理性”的经济模型的,是市场的结构本身,而非组成市场的个人。④ 因此,投资者的决策规则不应该建立在某个人的言行之上,而应该参考市场的整体行为。
Investors can take away two central messages. The first is that markets do not need leaders to function in a coordinated fashion. Second, it is the structure of the market, not the individuals that comprise it, that allow it to mimic the economic model—that is, a market that is generally “rational.”4 Accordingly, investor decision rules should not be based on what individuals do and say, but rather on aggregate market behavior.
复杂适应资本市场可以更正式地描述为复杂适应系统(Complex Adaptive Systems, CAS)。我们分三步来阐述这一观点。首先,我们举一个简单却有力的例子,说明许多个体的汇总估计如何得出一个非常准确的共识。接下来,我们将更详细地描述复杂适应系统。
Complex Adaptive Capital markets can be described more formally as complex adaptive systems Systems (CAS). We develop this idea in three steps. First, we offer a simple, yet powerful example of how the aggregate estimates of many individuals lead to a very accu-rate consensus. Next, we describe a complex adaptive system in more detail.
现在,我们来审视一下规模医疗(CAS)的一些内在特征,以及它们如何……
Here, we examine some of the inherent characteristics of CAS and how they ex-
最后,我们提供了在这一框架下如何战胜市场的一些思考。
plain actual market behavior. Finally, we provide thoughts on how to beat the market within this framework.
胜者是……独立判断
多年前,我在哥伦比亚商学院的同事保罗·约翰逊(Paul Johnson)设计了一个练习,旨在展示市场甄别价值的惊人能力。这个游戏基于奥斯卡奖——电影行业的最高荣誉。规则非常简单:
And the Winner is…Independent Errors A number of years ago a colleague at Columbia Business School, Paul Johnson, created an exercise to demonstrate the exquisite capability of markets to discern value. The game is based on the Academy Awards—the highest accolades handed out in the film industry. The basics are very simple:
• 每位学生会拿到一张纸,上面列有 12 个奥斯卡奖项类别以及每个类别的提名者。纸张正面是较为人熟知的奖项类别,比如最佳影片、最佳女主角等等。
• Each student receives a single piece of paper with a listing of 12 Academy Award categories and the nominees for each. On the front of the page are relatively well known categories, such as best film, best actress and so on.
封底还有更冷门的类别——最佳改编剧本奖、最佳摄影奖之类。表格大约在颁奖典礼前三周分发到位。
The back page has more obscure categories—best adapted screenplay, best cinematography and such. The forms are distributed roughly three weeks in advance of the actual awards event.
• 学生们被要求在每个类别中选出获胜者。要参与游戏,学生必须向奖金池缴纳 1 美元,猜对最多的学生赢得池中所有奖金。因此,这里存在一个适度的经济激励,促使他们答对问题。
• Students are asked to select the winners in each category. In order to play, students must contribute $1 to a pot, with the student with the most correct answers winning the pot. Hence, there is a modest economic incentive to answer the questions right.
1998 年约有 125 名学生参与。所有猜测都是独立生成的,因为学生之间被禁止互相商议。
• About 125 students participated in 1998. All guesses were generated inde-pendently, as students were forbidden from consulting with one another.
1998 年的业绩令人印象深刻。年复一年,类似的结果不断产生:
The results were impressive in 1998. Similar results have been generated year-in and year-out:
• “共识”(指某个类别中最受欢迎的选择)正确预测了 12 个实际类别中的 11 个获胜者。值得注意的是,共识唯一猜错的那个类别,也只差了一票。
• The “consensus”, defined as the most popular selection for a given category, correctly identified 11 of the 12 actual category winners. Remarkably, the only category the consensus missed, it missed by only one vote.
• 最佳的个人投资者准确猜中了 12 个类别冠军中的 9 个。
• The best individual accurately picked 9 of the 12 category winners.
• 普通参与者平均只选对了 12 只股票中的 5 只——不到 50%。这个实验传递的信息是:大量独立判断的个体,其判断中的随机误差相互抵消,最终产生了有效的结果。市场的智慧通常远超普通人。事实上,均衡价格的标准误差会随着投资者人数的平方根增长而大致缩小。5 这个观察并不新鲜——实际上,弗朗西斯·高尔顿在 19 世纪末就已提出相同观点——但常常被忽视。此外,这个简单模型并未纳入有意义的经济激励或学习因素。如果加入这些要素,结果会更加稳健。
• The average individual only picked 5 of the 12 winners—less than 50%. The message from this exercise is that lots of agents and independent errors in their judgements lead to efficient results. The market tends to be much smarter than the average person. In fact, the standard error in equilibrium prices declines with roughly the square root of the number of investors. 5 This observation is not particularly new—in fact Francis Galton made the same point in the late 19th century—but it is often overlooked. Further, this simple model does not incorpo-rate meaningful economic incentives or learning. If incorporated, these elements would make the results even more robust.
复杂适应系统可以从三个部分来描述。首先,存在大量主体,每个主体都按照自己的决策规则运作。其次,主体之间的互动成为“涌现”的基础——整体变得比部分之和更加复杂。最后,形成了一个具有独特特征的“元系统”。以下对每个部分进行简要说明:
CAS Described Complex adaptive systems can be described in three parts. First, there are lots of agents, each operating with their own decision rules. Next, the interactions between the agents become the basis of “emergence”—the aggregate becomes more complicated than the sum of the parts. Finally, a “meta-system” is created that has distinct characteristics. Each part is described briefly:
• 决策规则。复杂适应系统中的主体从环境中获取信息,将其与自身与环境的互动相结合,然后推导出决策规则。6 各种决策规则根据其实用性相互竞争,最有效的规则得以存续。
• Decision rules. Agents within a complex adaptive system take information from the environment, combine it with their own interaction with the environment, and derive decision rules.6 Various decision rules compete with one another based on their utility, with the most effective rules surviving. This
这一过程允许适应,这就是“复杂适应系统”中“适应”一词的由来。在资本市场上,个体的交易规则和投资经验法则就是决策规则。
process allows for adaptation, which explains the “adaptive” in “complex adaptive system.” Individual trading rules and investment rules of thumb are decision rules in the capital markets.
• 涌现。涌现是指众多相对简单的个体在整体互动中产生的复杂、大规模行为。蚁群就是这一现象的绝佳例证。如果你去询问任何一只蚂蚁正在做什么,你会听到一个范围狭窄的任务或一组任务。
• Emergence. Emergence is the complex, large-scale behaviors that result from the aggregate interactions of many less complex agents. An ant colony is a good example of this phenomenon. If you were to interview any single ant about what it does, you would hear a narrowly defined task or set of tasks.
然而,由于所有蚂蚁之间相互作用,一个功能完备且适应力强的蚁群便由此涌现。用资本市场的语言来说,市场的行为是从投资者的相互作用中“涌现”出来的。这就是亚当·斯密的“看不见的手”。7
However, because of the interaction of all the ants, a functional and adaptive colony emerges. In capital markets language, the behavior of the market “emerges” from the interaction of investors. This is Adam Smith’s “invisible hand.”7
• 市场作为一个“元系统”。我们用“元系统”这个术语来明确传达这样一个概念:市场拥有区别于组成它的个体参与者的属性和特征。复杂适应性系统的两个关键特征包括非线性和临界点。非线性是指系统的产出不一定与系统的投入成比例。经济学中常见的乘数效应就是一个很好的例子。临界点则描述了这样一个事实:周期性地,小规模的刺激会引发大规模的影响——就像那根压垮骆驼脊背的稻草。在市场领域,这意味着繁荣与崩盘。
• Market as a “meta-system.” We use the term meta-system to convey clearly the notion that the market has properties and characteristics distinct from the agents that comprise it. Two key characteristics of CAS include non-linearity and critical points. Non-linearity is the idea that the output of the system will not necessarily be proportionate with the input of the system. The familiar multiplier effect in economics is a good example. Critical points describe the fact that periodically, small-scale stimuli lead to large-scale effects—the pro-verbial straw that broke the camel’s back. In the realm of markets, this means booms and crashes.
在我们理解市场方面,CAS 似乎做出了重要贡献——它保留了投资组合理论最精华的部分,也吸纳了许多我们日常看到的真实市场行为。8 跑赢市场 在这一模型下,投资组合经理如何战胜市场?有三种方式:
In what appears to be a important contribution to our understanding of markets, CAS maintains the best of portfolio theory and incorporates much of the real life activity we see day-to-day.8 Beating the Market How do portfolio managers outperform the market given this model? There are three ways:
• 信息。投资者能够获得市场尚未反映的更好信息。这类信息可以通过诸如渠道调研和频繁接触管理层等常规手段获取。但要系统性地获得信息优势,既困难又成本高昂。即便是规模最大的资产管理机构也不例外。
• Information. Investors can get better information than the market reflects. This information can be captured through such pedestrian methods as chan-nel checks and frequent management contact. But it is hard—and costly—to systematically get an information advantage. This is true even for the largest money management institutions.
• 分析。通过更出色的模式识别能力或更适用的心智模型,人们有可能比市场共识更准确地解读信息。
• Analysis. It is possible to interpret information better than the consensus through better pattern recognition skills or more suitable mental models.
在这方面,想获得优势同样困难,因为你的竞争对手不是其他分析师,而是整个市场。而且,心智模型是依赖具体环境的——投资者必须不断调整自己的模型,以反映市场的真实状况。
Here, too, getting an edge is difficult because the competition is not other analysts but the overall market. Further, mental models are context depend-ent; investors must evolve their models to reflect market reality.
• 情绪。我们之前指出,当投资者的错误相互独立时,市场往往趋向于有效。我们还可以进一步说,当错误不相互独立时——也就是当所有人想法一致时——无效性就可能出现。由于人性使然,不相互独立的错误很难被利用:在关键时刻,你的直觉会把你拉向共识(错误)的方向。
• Emotion. We noted earlier that efficiency tends to prevail when agent errors are independent. We can further the case by saying that inefficiencies can arise when errors are non-independent—when people are all thinking the same way. Non-independent errors are tough to exploit because of human nature: at critical junctures, your gut will pull you in the consensus (wrong)
方向。逆向投资是可行的,但它更多依赖于心理素质,而非纯粹的分析能力。
direction. Contrarian investing is possible, but it relies more on mental aptitude than on pure analytical aptitude.
市场信号 现在我们来讨论第二个问题:公司和分析师应该听谁的?第一种选择是市场代理人——金融分析师、商业媒体和其他专家。第二种选择是市场本身,正如其所示。
Market Signals Now we turn to the second of our two questions: To whom should companies Analysis and investors listen? The first alternative is market agents—financial analysts, the business press and other pundits. The second is the market itself, as expressed
基于之前的讨论,我们认为答案在于市场。
in prices. Based on the prior discussion, we believe the answer is the market.
虽然断言没人应该听从经纪人有点过于简单化,但真正的关键在于,价格所传递信息的价值通常被低估了。
While it is a little simplistic to assert that no one should listen to agents, the real point is that the value of the information conveyed in prices is generally under-estimated.
实际上,大多数市场观察者的优先级都搞反了:他们以为参与者是聪明的,而市场是愚蠢的。复杂自适应系统(CAS)框架揭示的恰恰相反:参与者可以愚蠢,而市场仍然可以是聪明的。这种重点错位的解释,可以在行为心理学中找到。¹ 大多数人最看重的是容易获取的信息,而不是最相关的信息。由于商业媒体报道、分析师报告和投资银行推销铺天盖地,它们就被当成了理解价格的最有价值来源。而我们对复杂自适应系统的理论和实践讨论,恰恰证明这种看法是错误的。
In fact, most market observers have their priorities backwards: They assume that agents are smart and that markets are dumb. The CAS framework shows the opposite: agents can be dumb and markets can still be smart. The explanation for this misplaced emphasis can be found in behavioral psychology.9 Most people place the greatest weight on information that is accessible versus information that is most relevant. Since business press articles, analyst reports and investment banker pitches are ubiquitous, they are perceived to be most valuable sources to understand prices. Our theoretical and practical discussion of complex adaptive systems demonstrates that this perception is wrong.
如果阅读市场确实蕴含如此巨大的价值,那么应该如何去读?
If indeed there is so much value in reading the market, how should it be done?
我们相信有三个基本要素:机制、信息流动和决策。
We believe there are three fundamental elements: mechanics, information flows and decision making.
机制 机制是开展市场信号分析的指导原则。10 量化预期从根本上说有两种方法。第一种是自下而上的方法,分析师根据自己对关键价值驱动因素的判断,将其代入模型,得出内在价值的估算值。这个价值随后可以与市场价格进行比较,从而识别预期差距——即认知与现实之间的差异。这表面上是大多数分析师在估值工作中所做的。
Mechanics Mechanics are the guidelines for conducting market signals analysis.10 There are fundamentally two ways to quantify expectations. The first is a bottoms-up approach, where an analyst takes his or her view of key value drivers, plugs them into a model, and comes up with an estimate of intrinsic value. This value, in turn, can be compared with the market price in order to identify expectation gaps—differences between perception and reality. This is what most analysts ostensibly do in their valuation work.
另一种做法是反过来思考:分析师将股价视为给定条件,从中推导市场的预期。得到的是一组价值驱动因素的预期值,再辅以敏感性分析,就能清楚判断企业需要达成怎样的业绩才能支撑当前股价。
Alternatively, one can go backwards. By taking the stock price as a given, the analyst can infer market expectations. The result is a set of value driver expectations that, when fortified by sensitivity analysis, provide a good sense of what performance is necessary in order to justify the price.
一个企业潜在价值驱动因素结果的范围——由品类增长、市场份额变动及行业动态变化所决定——通常比分析师们认知的要宽广。关键在于理解:需要怎样的财务现实才能支撑当前股价,以及这种结果触达的可能性有多大。图 1 市场信号分析
The spectrum of potential value driver outcomes of a business—dictated by category growth, market share shifts and changes in industry dynamics—is typically wider than analysts perceive. The key is to understand what financial reality is required to support the price and the likelihood that such an outcome will prevail. Figure 1 Market Signals Analysis
Cash Flow
Cash Flow
股价风险
Stock Price Risk
CAP 来源:CSFBC 分析
CAP Source: CSFBC Analysis
信息流
市场信号分析的机制最终指向对信息流的评估。这一过程包含三个步骤。第一步是判断你的预期是否与市场共识(市场价格的体现)相一致。这一判断可以通过自下而上的估值方法来完成。
Information Flows The mechanics of market signals analysis leads to an assessment of information flows. There are three steps to this process. The first is to determine whether or not your expectations are consistent with the consensus—as conveyed by the market price. This assessment can be done using the bottoms-up valuation approach.
第二步是要弄清楚差异在哪里。找准非共识思维的具体领域至关重要。例如,对销售或盈利增长的看法不同,对竞争优势可持续性的判断有异,或者关于可能改变价值的重组举措存在分歧,这些都属于非共识思维的范畴。
The second step is to understand where the difference lies. It is important to pin-point specific areas of non-consensus thinking. Examples include variant perceptions about sales or earnings growth, sustainability of competitive advantage or potential value-changing restructuring initiatives.
最后一步是行动。从投资者的角度看,这意味着买入或卖出股票。从公司的角度出发,它可能意味着改变与金融界的沟通方式,或调整财务政策,比如回购股票或发行股票。
The final step is to act. From an investor’s point of view, that means buying or selling a stock. From a company’s perspective, it may mean changes in commu-nication with the financial community or altered financial policy, such as share repurchase or share issuance.
决策制定 这一切应该对决策产生什么影响?首先,投资者应当将注意力从彼此(或更广泛的金融界)转向解读市场价格。这说起来容易做起来难。人类更愿意与彼此打交道,而不是面对一个无生命的、无形的市场。
Decision Making How should all of this bear on decision making? The first point is that investors should shift their emphasis from paying attention to one another (or the financial community more broadly) to deciphering market prices. This is easier said than done. Humans much prefer dealing with one another than with an inanimate, intangible market.
其次,理解市场预期应当会给投资者带来周期性的机会,去利用因感知与现实的错位而产生的低效——这种错位是信息、分析或情绪共同作用的结果。
Next, understanding market expectations should lead to periodic opportunities for investors to exploit inefficiencies that arise from perception-versus-reality incongruity—the result of information, analysis or emotion.
最后,也是最为关键的一点,重要的是要避免听那些噪音。个体只拥有“局部”信息,不可能指望他们把握住元系统的内在动态。投资行业中日常的喋喋不休大多都是噪音,应当不予理会。
Finally, and most critical, it is important to avoid listening to the noise. Individuals only have “local” information, and cannot be expected to grasp the dynamics of the meta-system. Most of the day-to-day chatter in the investment business is noise, and should be dismissed.
总结
时间是我们最宝贵的资产。正确理解资本市场的运作方式,能让我们更高效地分配时间与精力。
Conclusion Time is our most valuable commodity. A correct understanding of how capital markets operate allows for a more efficient allocation of time and energy.
我们分析得出的一个结论是:投资者和公司应该采用一种基于价值的分析框架,因为基于价值的模型最能反映“元系统”的运行结果。
One conclusion our analysis suggests is that investors and companies should embrace a value-based analytical framework, because the value-based model does the best job of reflecting the results of the “meta-system.”
此外,我们还想强调一点:虽然市场通常很聪明,擅长反映预期,但它们并不总是正确的。市场中存在可以利用的机会。但大多数投资者寻找这些机会的方式,远非最优。
In addition, we would underscore that while markets are generally smart and are good at reflecting expectations, they are not always right. There are exploitable opportunities. But the way most investors seek out those opportunities is far from optimal.
参考文献:Copeland, T., Koller, T., Murrin, J. 《估值:衡量与管理公司价值》,John Wiley & Sons,纽约,1996 年。
References Copeland, T., Koller, T., Murrin, J. Valuation: Measuring and Managing the Value of Companies, John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1996.
盖尔曼,M.《夸克与美洲豹》,纽约:W.H. 弗里曼出版社,1994 年。
Gell-Mann, M. The Quark and the Jaguar, New York: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1994.
Gode, D., Sunder, S. “零情报交易者市场的配置效率”,《政治经济学杂志》,101 卷,1993 年。
Gode, D., Sunder, S. “Allocative Efficiency of Markets with Zero-Intelligence Traders,” Journal of Political Economy, 101, 1993.
霍兰,J.H.《隐秩序:适应性如何构建复杂性》,雷丁,马萨诸塞州:Helix Books,1995 年。
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拉帕波特,A.,《创造股东价值》,自由出版社,纽约,1997 年。
Rappaport, A. Creating Shareholder Value, Free Press, New York, 1997.
雷斯尼克,M.《海龟、白蚁与交通堵塞》,麻省理工学院出版社,马萨诸塞州剑桥市。
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西蒙,H. 《人工科学》,麻省理工学院出版社,马萨诸塞州剑桥,1996 年。
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斯图尔特,G.B. 《追求价值》,哈珀柯林斯出版社,纽约,1991 年。
Stewart, G.B. The Quest for Value, HarperCollins, New York, 1991.
特雷诺,J. 《市场有效性与豆罐实验》,《金融分析师期刊》,1987 年 5-6 月。
Treynor, J. “Market Efficiency and the Bean Jar Experiment,” Financial Analysts Journal, May-June 1987.
绝大多数实证证据表明,股票市场的运行方式仿佛遵循着一套经济框架。这套经济框架——我们将其与“价值基础模型”视为同义——建立在根本原理之上:价格是基于预期现金流、风险与相应回报以及时间跨度来决定的。价值基础模型可以与更传统且广泛使用的经验法则形成对比,后者包括每股收益和市盈率倍数。
1 The vast majority of the empirical evidence suggests that the stock market acts as if it follows an economic framework. An economic framework—we use the phrase value-based model inter-changeably—is based on first principles: prices are set based on anticipated cash flow streams, risk and associated reward, and a time horizon. The value-based model can be contrasted with more traditional and widely used rules of thumb, including earnings per share and price-to-earnings multi-ples.
举个例子,你可能会想知道,市场到底是在对权责发生制下的会计利润(这至今仍是投资组合经理、公司和财经媒体最常用的语言)进行资本化,还是在对现金流进行资本化。答案是现金流。同样,有充分证据表明,资本市场中风险与回报是相关的。参见《寻求价值》,G. Bennett Stewart 著(HarperCollins,纽约,1991 年),第 21-117 页。另见《估值:衡量与管理公司价值》,Copeland、Koller、Murrin 著(John Wiley & Sons,纽约,1996 年),第 78-92 页。另见《创造股东价值》,Alfred Rappaport 著(Free Press,纽约,1997 年),第 13-31 页。
For example, one might want to determine whether the market capitalizes accrual accounting earnings—still the predominate language of portfolio managers, companies and the financial press—or cash flow. The answer is cash flow. Likewise, there is good evidence that risk and reward are related in capital markets. See Quest for Value, G. Bennett Stewart (HarperCollins, New York, 1991), pp. 21-117. Also Valuation: Measuring and Managing the Value of Companies, Copeland, Koller, Murrin (John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1996), pp. 78-92. Also Creating Shareholder Value, Alfred Rappaport, (Free Press, New York, 1997), pp. 13-31.
2 《价值探寻》,G. 贝内特·斯图尔特(哈珀柯林斯出版社,纽约,1991 年)。斯特恩的观点深受他在芝加哥大学所受经济学训练的影响。
2 Quest for Value, G. Bennett Stewart (HarperCollins, New York, 1991). Stern’s views were signifi-cantly shaped by his economic training at the University of Chicago.
此外,领头的“公牛”们自己似乎也否认在这一模式中扮演价格制定者的角色。例如,沃伦·巴菲特——这群领头公牛中的领头者——同意学者们的观点,认为“长期来看,市场是一台(经济)称重机”。然而,他也声称“你应该把(每日)市场报价想象成来自一位名叫市场先生的、异常随和的家伙……他患有无法治愈的情绪问题”。很明显,巴菲特对市场的态度,并非一个相信自己——或任何其他领头公牛——正在设定股票价格的领头公牛应有的态度。
3 In addition, the lead steers themselves seem to disavow their role of price-setters in this paradigm. For example, Warren Buffett—the lead steer’s lead steer— agrees with the academics that “in the long run [the market] is a[n] [economic] weighing machine.” However, he also claims that “you should imagine [daily] market quotations as coming from a remarkably accommodating fellow named Mr. Market ... with incurable emotional problems.” It is clear that Buffett’s attitude towards the market is not the attitude of a lead steer who believes that he—or any other lead steer—is setting stock prices.
4 “零智力交易者市场中的配置效率”,Dhanajay K. Gode 与 Shyam Sunder 合著,《政治经济学杂志》,101(1993 年),第 119–127 页。Gode 和 Sunder 首先指出,标准经济理论建立在两个特定假设之上:效用最大化行为以及瓦尔拉斯试错(Walrasian tâtonnement)这一严格定义的市场结构。接着,他们引用了 Gary Becker 的研究——其表明经济理论中市场层面的预测与比效用最大化更一般的个体行为相一致,以及 Vernon Smith 的研究——其证明此类预测与比瓦尔拉斯试错更一般的交易机制相一致。Gode 与 Sunder 综合了这些观点,并指出,即使交易者不追求最大化或利润,双向拍卖(非瓦尔拉斯)市场机制仍能维持高水平效率。据作者称,在其“一阶”幅度上,配置
4 “Allocative Efficiency of Markets with Zero-Intelligence Traders”, Dhanajay K. Gode and Shyam Sunder, Journal of Political Economy, 101 (1993), pp. 119-127. Gode and Sunder first note that standard economic theory is built on two specific assumptions: utility maximizing behavior and institution of Walrasian tâtonnement—a tightly defined market structure. Next, they refer to the work of Gary Becker, who showed that market-level predictions of economic theory are consistent with individual behavior more general than utility maximization, as well as the work of Vernon Smith, who demonstrated that such predictions are consistent with trading mechanisms more general than Walrasian tâtonnement. Gode and Sunder synthesize these views and show that a double auction (non-Walrasian) market mechanism can sustain high levels of efficiency even if agents do not maximize or seek profits. According to the authors, in its “first-order” magnitude, allocative
效率似乎是一种市场结构和环境的特征。个体交易者的理性对市场效率的贡献只占相对很小的一部分。
efficiency seems to be a characteristic of the market structure and environment. Rationality of individual traders accounts for a relatively small fraction of the efficiency.
5 《市场效率与豆罐实验》,杰克·L·特雷纳,《金融分析师期刊》,1987 年 5-6 月号。
5 “Market Efficiency and the Bean Jar Experiment,” Jack L. Treynor, Financial Analysts Journal, May-June 1987.
6 《夸克与美洲豹》,默里·盖尔曼著(纽约,W.H. 弗里曼公司,1994 年)。7 “每个人都在不断努力为自己所能支配的资本找到最有利的用途……他如此引导产业,使其产出可能具备最大价值时,只盘算自己的利益,而在这一点上,也像在许多其他情形中一样,他受一只看不见的手引导,去促成一项并非其本意的目标。”国富论,亚当·斯密。
6 The Quark and The Jaguar, Murray Gell-Mann, (New York, W.H. Freeman and Company, 1994). 7 “Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command...By directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.” Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith.
8 “金融前沿——变化总会发生”,迈克尔·J·莫布森,瑞信第一波士顿股权研究,1997 年 10 月 24 日。
8 “Frontiers of Finance—Shift Happens”, Michael J. Mauboussin, Credit Suisse First Boston Equity Research, October 24, 1997.
9 《金融前沿——过去两秒你学到了什么?》,迈克尔·J·莫布森,瑞士信贷第一波士顿股权研究部,1997 年 3 月 14 日。
9 “Frontiers of Finance—What Have You Learned in the Past 2 Seconds?” Michael J. Mauboussin, Credit Suisse First Boston Equity Research, March 14, 1997.
10 《创造股东价值》,阿尔弗雷德·拉帕波特 著,《自由出版社,纽约,1997 年》,第 13-31 页。
10 Creating Shareholder Value, Alfred Rappaport, (Free Press, New York, 1997), pp. 13-31.