责备老鼠:激励、动机及其相互作用

2011 · report · 原文约 8356 词
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January 12, 2011

January 12, 2011

归咎于那只老鼠。激励、动机以及它们如何相互作用。人们对激励做出反应,尽管其方式未必可预测或显而易见。因此,宇宙中最强大的法则之一便是意外后果法则。

Blaming the Rat Incentives, Motivation, and How They Interact People respond to incentives, although not necessarily in ways that are predictable or manifest. Therefore, one of the most powerful laws in the universe is the law of unintended consequences.

  • 史蒂芬·D·列维特与斯蒂芬·J·杜布纳《超魔鬼经济学》

-Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner SuperFreakonomics 1

根据实验室、职场、教室及其他环境中的大量研究,奖励通常会破坏它们本应强化的那些过程本身。

According to numerous studies in laboratories, workplaces, classrooms, and other settings, rewards typically undermine the very processes they are intended to enhance.

  • 阿尔菲·科恩《为什么激励计划行不通》2

-Alfie Kohn Why Incentive Plans Cannot Work 2

来源:© The New Yorker Collection 来自 cartoonbank.com。保留所有权利。

Source: © The New Yorker Collection from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.

• 激励与行为之间的关系,往往远比社会科学家们描绘的要复杂得多。

• The relationship between incentives and behavior is often vastly more complex than how social scientists portray it.

• 我们的业务组合已发生深刻变化,而我们的激励方式却未曾改变。

• Our mix of jobs has changed profoundly while our approach to incentives has not.

• 内在动机很脆弱,它依赖于自主性、掌控感与目标感。

• Intrinsic motivation is fragile and relies on autonomy, mastery, and purpose.

• 薪酬关乎的是人们眼中是否公平,它取决于相对价值,而非绝对价值。

• Compensation is about perceived fairness and relies on relative, not absolute, value.

• 目标具有两面性:既有好处,也有坏处。

• Goals have two edges: they have drawbacks as well as benefits.

北极星比金星更重要

A North Star Is More Important Than a Gold Star

最近我和我们几位投资组合经理参加了一个电话会议,与我们钦佩的一位首席执行官讨论薪酬实践。这家公司在资本配置方面做得特别出色,我们很有兴趣了解其激励结构如何影响决策过程。当这位 CEO 描述公司的决策及其激励体系时,我们立刻清楚地发现,管理团队的许多决策并非以最大化管理层薪酬为目标。这种出色的资本配置并非源于公司的激励计划,甚至可能是在“不顾”这些激励计划的情况下实现的。

Recently some of our portfolio managers and I were on a conference call discussing compensation practices with a chief executive officer (CEO) whom we admire. This company has done a particularly good job of allocating capital, and we were interested in gaining insight into how the company’s incentive structures contribute to the decision-making process. As the CEO described the company’s decisions and its incentive systems, it became immediately clear that many of the executive team’s decisions failed to maximize the pay for management. The excellent capital allocation was not the result of the company’s incentive programs and it may have actually been in spite of them.

我们挂断电话,彼此对视,不约而同想到同一件事:等这位 CEO 离开公司那天,一切就都不好说了。他做出正确决策,并非因为他所获得的激励薪酬计划;他做出正确决策,是因为他思考和行事都是从公司长期利益出发的。实际上,在同样的激励计划下,换一个经营者,就可能会做出对自己个人更有利、但对公司及其股东却糟糕得多的决策。

As we hung up the phone we looked at one another with the same thought: the day this CEO leaves the company, all bets are off. He is not making good decisions because of his incentive compensation program; he is making good decisions because he thinks and acts in the long-term interests of the company. Indeed, operating under the same incentive program another executive could make decisions that would be much better for him or her individually and much worse for the company and its shareholders.

经济学家喜欢谈论激励机制及其如何塑造行为。他们常常认为,不当行为源于有缺陷的激励机制——想想最近的金融危机——而良好行为则反映了设计得当的激励机制。但正如那位首席执行官的故事所揭示的,激励机制与行为之间的关系,往往比社会科学家所描绘的要复杂得多。在很多情况下,动力和心态比薪酬方案更重要。

Economists love to talk about incentives and how they shape behavior. They often assume that poor behavior is the result of faulty incentives—think of the recent financial crisis—and that good behavior reflects well-structured incentives. But as the anecdote about the CEO demonstrates, the relationship between incentives and behavior is often vastly more complex than how social scientists portray it. In many cases, drive and mindset are more important than the compensation program.

对于股东来说,目标是找到一位内在驱动型领导者——他既有清晰的目标感,又天然倾向于做出良好的资本配置决策。心理学家和经济学家往往将目标感与价值创造描绘成彼此对立的关系,并常常建议领导者二选一。这是一种虚假的选择。伟大的领导者将目标与价值创造结合起来,这在很大程度上得益于他们保持长远的眼光。

For shareholders, the goal is to find an intrinsically-motivated leader who has a clear sense of purpose and is inclined naturally to make good capital allocation decisions. Psychologists and economists portray a sense of purpose and value creation to be at odds with one another, and often suggest that leaders choose one or the other. This is a false choice. Great leaders combine purpose with value creation, in large part by maintaining a long-term point of view.

从算法到经验的迁移

The Migration from Algorithmic to Heuristic

激励机制的诱惑之一在于,它有可能鼓励那些能带来预期成果(效果)的行为(原因)。因此,一套激励机制必须确定它希望促进的成果,哪些行为能带来这些成果,以及如何鼓励个体去从事这些行为。这意味着激励可能出错的途径有多种。例如,如果因果之间的关系很复杂,就很难精确找出能带来预期成果的行为。所以,激励的有效性通常与任务的性质相关。

One of the allures of incentives is the possibility that they encourage behaviors (cause) that lead to a desired outcome (effect). So an incentive system must determine the outcomes it seeks to promote, what behaviors lead to those outcomes, and how to encourage individuals to engage in those behaviors. This means there are multiple ways that an incentive can go awry. For example, if the relationship between cause and effect is complex, it may be difficult to pinpoint the behaviors that lead to the desired outcome. So the effectiveness of an incentive is generally related to the nature of the task.

在他的优秀著作《驱动力》(Drive)中,丹·平克区分了算法型任务与探索型任务。3 对于算法型任务,存在一条你可以遵循的准则来达成目标。

In his excellent book, Drive, Dan Pink distinguishes between algorithmic tasks and heuristic tasks. 3 With an algorithmic task, there is a recipe that you can follow to attain the goal.

雇主可以不断改进算法型任务中逐步操作的流程,遵循这套公式就能让员工达成目标。一份检查清单能帮助确保个人高效执行算法型任务。4

Employers can continually improve the step-by-step procedures in an algorithmic task, and following the formula will allow the employee to meet the objective. A checklist can help ensure that an individual effectively executes an algorithmic task. 4

启发式任务没有固定的步骤,需要个体通过实验来解决问题。在不断发展变化且要求新颖性的环境中,这类任务即属于启发式。

Heuristic tasks have no set steps and require individuals to experiment in order to solve problems. Tasks in environments that are evolving and that require novelty are heuristic.

例如制定公司战略、策划新的广告宣传活动,或指导一支团队。对于启发式任务来说,设计激励机制本身就更具挑战性,因为因果关系很难建立关联。

Examples include setting corporate strategy, developing a new advertising campaign, or coaching a team. Crafting incentives is inherently more challenging for heuristic tasks because cause and effect are difficult to link.

几乎所有工作都兼具算法性和启发式元素,而创造价值的过程需要两者兼备。但重要的是要认识到,几代人以来,经济已从依赖算法型任务转向依赖启发式任务。试想一个世纪前的工业场景,你可能会想象一座大型钢铁厂。这样的工厂里会有大量员工按指令操作——运输矿石、给高炉加料、锻造钢材——而只有少数人在从事

Almost all jobs combine algorithmic and heuristic elements and the process of creating value requires each. But it is important to acknowledge that over the generations the economy has shifted from a reliance on algorithmic tasks to heuristic tasks. 5 Imagine industry a century ago and you might picture a large steel mill. Such a mill would have lots of employees following instructions—transporting ore, feeding furnaces, shaping steel—and only a handful working on

制定新指令。设计流程与执行流程都很重要,但人力却不成比例地分配给了算法类任务。

crafting new instructions. Devising the procedures and implementing them were both important, but manpower was disproportionately allocated toward algorithmic tasks.

如今,研发实验室成了工业界的写照。比如,科学家们可能正在研发一种能治愈疾病的药物。如果研发成功,新药的配方就绪,那么生产这种产品就相对简单且成本低廉。同样,算法型任务和启发式任务都为价值创造做出了贡献,但重点在于启发式任务。

Today, a research and development lab is a fitting picture of industry. Scientists, for instance, may be working on developing a drug to cure an illness. If the R&D pays off and the recipe for the new drug is ready to go, manufacturing the product is relatively straightforward and inexpensive. Again, algorithmic and heuristic tasks each contribute to value creation, but the emphasis is on the heuristic tasks.

麦肯锡咨询公司的研究显示,如今美国超过 40% 的员工主要从事探索性任务,而近年来新增的就业岗位中,70% 属于探索性工作。此外,从事探索性任务的员工平均工资,是从事算法性任务员工的 1.5 倍。6 参与探索性活动的员工似乎是价值创造的主要驱动力。7

Research by McKinsey, a consulting firm, shows that over 40 percent of employees in the U.S. today have jobs based primarily on heuristic tasks, and that 70 percent of the new jobs in recent years are heuristic. Further, the average wage for an employee doing heuristic tasks is one and one-half times the wage of a worker dedicated to algorithmic tasks. 6 Employees engaged in heuristic activities appear to be the main drivers of value creation. 7

问题的核心一句话概括:我们承担的工作类型已经发生了深刻变化,而激励方式却原地踏步。结果就是,员工丧失了动力,同时扭曲的激励计划引发了一连串意想不到的后果。

Here’s the problem in a nutshell: our mix of jobs has changed profoundly while our approach to incentives has not. As a consequence, we have employees who have lost motivation and faulty incentive programs that have introduced a raft of unintended consequences.

为什么游戏玩家会浪费这么多时间?——内在动机与外在动机

Why Do Gamers Waste So Much Time? – Intrinsic versus Extrinsic Motivation

如果你身边有个能玩电子游戏的上学孩子,你很可能产生过这样的想法:这孩子怎么能一连打几小时游戏都不腻,却连几分钟的作业都坐不住?毕竟,在学校里用功学习能换来更好的成绩、进入更顶尖的大学、找到更好的工作,而打通《战地:叛逆连队 2》的一个关卡,似乎对你的人生命运毫无改善。但显然,电子游戏中有某种东西比做作业更能让人投入,而抓住那种东西,或许正是激发行为的关键所在。

If you’ve ever been around a school-aged child who has access to video games, you’ve probably had a thought along these lines: How can this kid spend hours playing video games without ennui but struggle to do just a few minutes of homework? After all, hard work in school can lead to improved grades, admission into a more selective college, and a better job, while completing a campaign in Battlefield: Bad Company 2 doesn’t seem to improve your lot in life at all. But clearly there’s something about playing a video game that’s vastly more engaging than doing schoolwork, and tapping that something may be essential to motivating behavior.

几十年来,心理学家一直认为,有两种驱动力对人类行为至关重要。第一种是生物性驱动力,反映了对食物、水、住所和繁衍活动的需求。第二种是外部驱动力,来自环境中的奖励与惩罚。核心观点是:如果你因某种行为奖励某人,你就会得到更多这种行为;如果你惩罚他们,你就会得到更少。这类外在动机正是许多训练技巧的核心所在。

For decades, psychologists believed that two kinds of drive were essential to human behavior. 8 The first drive is biological and reflects the need for food, water, shelter, and reproductive activities. The second drive is external and comes from rewards and punishments in the environment. The idea is that if you reward someone for a certain behavior you’ll get more of it, and if you punish them you’ll get less of it. This type of extrinsic motivation is at the core of a lot of training techniques.

但科学家们早就承认,存在一些经典驱动力来源无法解释的行为。在某些条件下,某些任务本身就能提供内在回报。完成这些任务既不满足生物需求,也不带来外部报酬,可人们就是愿意花宝贵的时间和精力去做,仅仅因为他们乐在其中。这就是内在驱动力。一个例子是开放内容生产,维基百科的贡献最为典型。数十万人投入自己的时间和专业知识,无偿为维基百科撰写词条。研究这一行为的研究者得出结论:“自由贡献的激励在很大程度上来自内在动机。” ⁹

But scientists have long acknowledged that there is behavior that the classic sources of drive do not explain. Under certain conditions, some tasks provide intrinsic reward. Completing the task doesn’t satisfy a biological need or come with extrinsic recompense, yet people are willing to spend valuable time and energy doing it simply because they enjoy it. They are intrinsically motivated. One example is open content production, best exemplified by contributions to Wikipedia. Hundreds of thousands of individuals have given their time and expertise by contributing to articles on Wikipedia without any compensation. Researchers who have studied this behavior conclude that “the incentive to freely contribute largely comes from intrinsic motivation.” 9

你可能会以为,组织领导者对内在动机充满热情,并渴望将其激发出来。但问题在于,内在动机只有在组织营造出自主性、掌控感和目标感时才能蓬勃发展。遗憾的是,这些条件在企业环境中往往并不存在。许多流行的管理手段——预算、目标设定和财务奖励体系——实际上恰恰削弱了那些能够催生内在动机的条件。

You might assume that leaders of organizations are really excited about intrinsic motivation and are keen to tap into it. The challenge is that intrinsic motivation only thrives when an organization fosters autonomy, a sense of mastery, and a feeling of purpose. Unfortunately, these conditions are frequently absent in a corporate setting. Many popular management techniques—budgets, goal-setting, and financial reward systems—actually undermine the conditions that encourage intrinsic motivation.

自治权与四个“T”

Autonomy and the Four “T’s”

自主性意味着你拥有“意愿和选择”的感觉,而缺乏自主性则与“对外在结果产生压力和要求的体验”相关,这种体验被认为“来自自我之外”。 10 自主性调节已被证明与更优的结果(尤其是在启发式任务中)、更高的幸福感以及更持久的绩效存在正向关联。 11 那些将员工区别对待为参与者(拥有自主性)或棋子(被指挥)的组织对比研究显示,鼓励自主性的公司在业绩和满意度方面都表现更佳。

Autonomy means you have a sense of “volition and choice,” while a lack of autonomy is associated with “the experience of pressure and demand toward specific outcomes” that are deemed to be “external to the self.” 10 Autonomous regulation has been positively linked to improved results (especially in heuristic tasks), greater well-being, and more persistent performance. Studies that contrast organizations that treat their employees either as players (autonomy) or pawns (directed) find better results and greater satisfaction at firms that encourage autonomy. 11

丹·平克提出了评估一个组织是否促进自主性的四个“T”。第一个是任务,也就是你选择从事什么工作。给员工一些自由来决定他们想做什么,有助于激发他们的内在动机。最广为人知的例子或许是半个多世纪前多元化科技公司 3M 推行的“15% 时间”政策。3M 许多最重要的创新,包括便利贴,都源于这 15% 的时间。近年来,谷歌也采纳了类似的想法,即 20% 时间——基本上是每周拿出一整天来做副业项目。Gmail 和谷歌新闻就是 20% 时间催生的两款产品。

Dan Pink suggests considering four “T’s” when assessing whether an organization is promoting autonomy. The first is task, or what you choose to work on. Giving employees some latitude to decide what they’d like to pursue contributes to their intrinsic motivation. Perhaps the best-known example of this idea is the policy of “15 percent time” introduced at 3M, a diversified technology company, over a half century ago. A number of 3M’s most important innovations, including Post-it notes, sprung from 15 percent time. More recently, Google embraced a similar idea with 20 percent time—basically a day a week to work on side projects. Gmail and Google News are two products of 20 percent time. 12

下一个“T”是时间。从某种意义上说,这个问题绕了一圈又回到原点。工业革命之前,包括农民和工匠在内的工人通常按产出计酬——管理研究者现在称之为“纯结果导向工作环境”(ROWE)。工业革命弱化了个人努力,将产出围绕一系列整合的算法化任务来组织。时间不仅等于金钱,而且所有员工必须在相同时间工作才能实现最大产出。由于惯性,朝九晚五的工作心态被带到了那些从事启发式工作的个人身上。

The next “T” is time. In a sense, this issue is coming full circle. Before the Industrial Revolution, workers including farmers and craftsmen were generally paid based on output—what management researchers now call a “results-only work environment” (ROWE). The Industrial Revolution de-emphasized individual efforts and oriented output around an integrated succession of algorithmic tasks. Not only was time equal to money, but all employees had to work at the same time to achieve maximum output. Because of inertia, the mentality of working from 9-to-5 has carried over to those individuals doing heuristic work.

以下共 29 个段落,逐段翻译:

As fewer jobs require employees to work elbow-to-elbow in real time, more companies are adopting a ROWE. Employees pick the time and place to get their work done, and employers evaluate their performance based on results. Best Buy, the large electronics retailer, was one of the earlier adopters of ROWE and over 4,000 employees participate in the program. The University of Minnesota’s Flexible Work and Well-Being Center conducted a survey of over 600 Best Buy employees and found that ROWE employees had lower turnover intention, higher job satisfaction, and greater organizational commitment than those employees who were not part of the ROWE program. 13

当越来越少的工作需要员工实时并肩协作时,越来越多的公司开始采用 ROWE 模式。员工自行选择完成工作的时间和地点,雇主则根据结果评估其绩效。大型电子产品零售商百思买是较早采用 ROWE 的公司之一,已有超过 4000 名员工参与该项目。明尼苏达大学灵活工作与健康中心对 600 多名百思买员工进行了调查,发现与未参与 ROWE 项目的员工相比,ROWE 员工的离职意愿更低,工作满意度更高,组织承诺也更强。13

Technique is the third “T.” This means that workers should have as much flexibility and discretion in determining how to do their jobs as possible. There are, of course, right and wrong ways of doing things as well as costly and inexpensive approaches. An employer can encourage a balance by establishing a set of ground rules for employees and then letting them select the best way to get the job done. One company that has done an effective job of promoting autonomy through technique is Zappos.com, which was acquired by Amazon.com in 2009. The company’s guiding principle is to create the best possible customer experience and individual employees are given lots of flexibility to meet that goal in the way they see fit.

第三个“T”是技巧(Technique)。这意味着员工在决定如何完成工作时,应尽可能拥有灵活性和自主权。当然,做事有正确与错误的方法之分,也有成本高昂与低廉的路径之别。雇主可以通过制定一套基本规则来鼓励这种平衡,然后让员工自行选择完成工作的最佳方式。Zappos.com 是一家在通过技巧促进自主性方面做得很出色的公司,它于 2009 年被亚马逊收购。该公司的指导原则是创造尽可能最佳的客户体验,并给予员工极大的灵活性,让他们以自己认为合适的方式来实现这一目标。

The final “T” is team. The concept is that teams are more effective if they are self-organized around a task, project, or goal than if individuals are assigned to teams. Opting into teams promotes an alignment of interests and creates an environment of accountability. No one wants to let down the team that they selected.

最后一个“T”是团队(Team)。其理念是,如果团队围绕一项任务、项目或目标自我组织,会比由个体被分配到团队中更有效。选择加入团队能促进利益一致,并营造一种问责氛围。没有人愿意让自己选择的团队失望。

Autonomy is about an employee feeling that he or she has perceived control of his or her job.

自主性关乎员工感到自己对工作拥有掌控权。

What defines that control may vary among employees and may present a challenge for management to assess, but what is clear is that a lack of perceived control dents motivation.

这种掌控权的定义在不同员工之间可能有所不同,也可能给管理层的评估带来挑战,但显而易见的是,缺乏掌控感会削弱动力。

Mastery—It’s Getting Better All the Time

精进——不断变得更好

The second component of intrinsic motivation is mastery. To be engaged in an activity an employee must feel that his or her ability closely matches the challenge of the task. Tasks that are too easy or too difficult reduce motivation. Mastery is mostly a sense of progress toward a goal that’s never fully attainable. And mastery matters: in studying over 1,700 scientists and engineers, researchers found a strong correlation between the importance of intellectual challenge and patent applications. While salary was important for these scientists and engineers, intellectual challenge showed a much higher correlation with novel ideas than pay did. 14

内在动力的第二个组成部分是精进。要投入一项活动,员工必须感到自己的能力与任务的挑战性高度匹配。任务太简单或太困难都会降低动力。精进主要是一种朝着永远无法完全实现的目标不断前进的感觉。而且精进很重要:在研究了 1700 多名科学家和工程师后,研究人员发现智力挑战的重要性与专利申请数量之间存在很强的相关性。虽然薪水对这些科学家和工程师来说很重要,但与薪酬相比,智力挑战与新奇创意的相关性要高得多。14

Core to mastery is a belief in the benefit of hard work and a specific structure to that work.

精进的核心是相信努力工作的益处,并且相信这类工作有特定的结构。

Intrinsically-motivated individuals are willing to persevere in their attempt to achieve long-term goals. Carol Dweck, a professor of psychology at Stanford University, distinguishes between a fixed and a growth mindset. A fixed mindset is the sense that your qualities—intelligence, athletic ability, musical skill—are carved in stone. A growth mindset is the belief that you can cultivate your skills through hard work. Intrinsically-motivated people tend to have a growth mindset and perceive effort as a part of the reward. Effort also demonstrates commitment and provides meaning to a task. 15

受内在动力驱使的人愿意为实现长期目标而坚持不懈。斯坦福大学心理学教授卡罗尔·德韦克区分了固定型思维和成长型思维。固定型思维认为你的品质——智商、运动能力、音乐天赋——是一成不变的。成长型思维则认为你可以通过努力工作来培养技能。受内在动力驱使的人往往拥有成长型思维,并将努力视为回报的一部分。努力也体现了承诺,并为任务赋予意义。15

However, hard work does not mean simply putting in lots of hours. Hard work means operating at the fringe of your ability and getting accurate and timely feedback in order to help improve performance. In many organizations, employees find their tasks either too difficult or too simple and management fails to provide quality feedback. Examples of mastery exist in fields like music and athletics. 16

然而,努力工作并不只是投入大量时间。努力工作意味着在你的能力极限边缘运作,并获得准确及时的反馈,以帮助提升表现。在许多组织中,员工发现自己的任务要么太难,要么太简单,而管理层又无法提供高质量的反馈。精进的例子在音乐和体育等领域比比皆是。16

The strive for mastery has no finish line. There is always something that you can improve. The writer can craft a more elegant sentence, the golfer can tweak her swing, or the executive can improve the company’s processes and position. Intrinsically-motivated people always see, and seek, ways to improve. The strive for improvement is a signature of a growth mindset.

对精进的追求没有终点。总有你可以改进的地方。作家可以写出更优雅的句子,高尔夫球手可以调整她的挥杆动作,或者高管可以改善公司的流程和定位。受内在动力驱使的人总是能看到并寻求改进的方法。追求改进是成长型思维的一个标志。

Mastery also includes a sense of competition. Part of performance feedback is keeping score, and intrinsically-motivated individuals are frequently fiercely competitive. In activities including sports and business, mastery is not only about individual improvement but also relative improvement versus competitors. For instance, a retailer that improves its inventory turnover from 3.0 to 5.0 times will remain behind a competitor that goes from 4.0 to 7.0 times during the same period. Better absolute performance does not seal victory if the competition is improving at an even faster rate. 17

精进也包括竞争意识。绩效反馈的一部分是记分,而受内在动力驱使的人往往具有极强的竞争心。在体育和商业等活动中,精进不仅关乎个人进步,也关乎相对于竞争对手的进步。例如,一家零售商如果将其库存周转率从 3.0 次提高到 5.0 次,仍会落后于同期从 4.0 次提高到 7.0 次的竞争对手。如果竞争对手的改进速度更快,那么更好的绝对表现并不能确保胜利。17

Purpose—Working for Something Bigger

使命感——为更宏大的目标而工作

The final part of intrinsic motivation is purpose, a sense of serving a greater objective. Barry Schwartz and Kenneth Sharpe, professors at Swarthmore University, refer to Aristotle’s word to describe purpose or aim: telos. They write, “The telos of teaching is to educate students; the telos of doctors is to promote health and to relieve suffering; the telos of lawyering is to pursue justice.” 18 Intrinsically-motivated people are not simply going through the motions to reach an end; they believe that their actions contribute to a greater good. Purpose often comes through as passion.

内在动力的最后一部分是使命感,即服务于一个更宏大目标的感觉。斯沃斯莫尔大学的教授巴里·施瓦茨和肯尼思·夏普引用了亚里士多德的一个词来描述目标或目的:telos。他们写道,“教育的目的(telos)是培养学生;医生的目的是促进健康、缓解痛苦;律师的目的是追求正义。”18 受内在动力驱使的人不仅仅是为了达到一个终点而走过场;他们相信自己的行动有助于实现更大的利益。使命感往往表现为激情。

Most vocational professionals go into their chosen field with a clear sense of telos. Teachers really do want to educate and doctors want to heal. But in many fields, incentives and goals— which are meant to encourage good outcomes—ultimately reduce the motivation of the professionals. Purpose is fragile, and employers have to be careful to foster it. Dan Ariely, a professor at Duke University who has Ph.D.’s in psychology and business administration, provides two examples of how to dash a sense of purpose.

大多数专业人士在进入其选定领域时,都带着清晰的 telos 意识。老师确实想教书育人,医生确实想治病救人。但在许多领域,旨在鼓励良好结果的激励措施和目标,最终却降低了专业人士的动力。使命感是脆弱的,雇主必须小心呵护。丹·艾瑞里是杜克大学的教授,拥有心理学和工商管理博士学位,他提供了两个例子来说明如何摧毁使命感。

The first is an experiment that Ariely conducted along with some collaborators. They pinned up signs that read, “Get paid to build Legos!” and drew a sample of subjects who were, not

第一个是艾瑞里与几位合作者进行的一项实验。他们张贴了写着“拼乐高给钱!”的告示,招募了一群受试者,他们不出所料都是乐高迷。所有受试者都得到了相同的基本条件。他们被要求用 40 块乐高积木搭建一个战斗机器人,研究人员提出第一个机器人付 2.00 美元,第二个付 1.89 美元,第三个付 1.78 美元,之后每个付 0.11 美元。一旦受试者觉得搭够了,研究人员就付钱给他们。研究人员还明确表示,他们必须拆解机器人以便重复使用积木。

surprisingly, Lego fans. All the subjects were offered the same basic deal. They were asked to construct fighting robots out of 40 Lego pieces, and the researchers offered to pay $2.00 for the first one, $1.89, for the second one, $1.78 for the third one, and $0.11 for each subsequent robot. Once the subjects felt that they were done, the researcher paid them. The researchers also made it clear that they would have to disassemble the robots in order to reuse them.

实验的精彩之处在这里。对于一半的受试者,研究人员将搭好的机器人原封不动地放进盒子里。对于另一半受试者,研究人员则在受试者搭建下一个机器人时,当着他的面拆解刚搭好的机器人。两种情况都表明积木会被再次使用,但一组人看到自己的作品被保存下来,而另一组人则看到它被拆毁。请注意,受试者都是自选的对乐高充满热情的人,并且金钱报酬是相同的。

Here’s where the experiment got interesting. For one-half of the subjects, the researcher took the completed robot and put it in a box, untouched. For the other half, the researcher disassembled the robot in front of the subject while he was building the next one. In both cases it was clear that the Legos would be used again, but one group saw their work preserved while the other saw it dismantled. Note that the subjects were self-selected to be Lego enthusiasts, and that the monetary rewards were identical.

当艾瑞里和他的同事统计结果时,他们发现,与看到自己作品被拆毁的那组人相比,看到乐高被保存下来的那组人搭建的机器人数量多出近 50%,赚的钱也多出 25%。看到自己乐高被拆毁的受试者失去了热情,因为研究人员实际上将他们的工作视为毫无意义。19

When Ariely and his colleagues tallied the results, they found that the group that saw their Legos preserved built almost 50 percent more robots and earned 25 percent more money than those who saw their work dismantled. The subjects who saw their Legos dismantled lost their zeal because the researchers effectively treated their work as meaningless. 19

规范的转变也会削弱使命感。由于人类天生是社会性动物,一套社会规范已经演化出来。社会规范鼓励日常中帮助他人的行为:帮朋友搬家、为同事开门、奉献时间帮助不幸的人。社会规范可能包括互惠感——如果我帮你,你会觉得应该帮我——但回报不必是即时的。市场规范则不同。它们代表的是对服务的付费,是简单明了的。艾瑞里举的例子包括工资、价格和租金。混用社会规范和市场规范是很棘手的,可能对使命感产生有害影响。

A shift in norms can also deter purpose. Because humans are inherently social, a set of social norms has evolved. Social norms encourage day-to-day acts that aid others: helping a friend move, opening the door for a colleague, donating time to help the less fortunate. Social norms can include a sense of reciprocity—if I help you, you’ll feel like you should help me—but the paybacks don’t have to be immediate. Market norms are different. They represent a payment for service and are cut and dried. Ariely offers examples including wages, prices, and rents. Mixing social and market norms is tricky and can have a detrimental effect on the sense of purpose.

艾瑞里描述了一个实验,受试者被要求将一个圆圈从电脑屏幕左侧拖到右侧的一个方框内。科学家给第一组参与者 5 美元,让他们执行该任务 5 分钟。第二组仅获得 0.50 美元来完成同样的任务。而第三组则被要求作为帮忙来执行该任务,没有任何报酬。

Ariely describes an experiment where subjects were asked to drag a circle from the left side of the computer screen into a box on the right side of the screen. The scientists offered one group of participants $5 to perform the task for five minutes. A second group was offered the sum of only $0.50 for the same task. And a third group was asked to do the task simply as a favor, with no remuneration attached.

正如你所料,平均而言,第一组拖入方框的圆圈比第二组多,分别是 159 个和 101 个。金钱奖励塑造了结果,这并不令人意外。但第三组,即没有任何报酬的那组,拖了 168 个圆圈。这组人免费工作却比其他人有偿工作更卖力,显示了社会规范的力量。由于使命感通常包含社会规范的元素,只关注市场规范可能会扼杀使命感。

As you would expect, on average the first group dragged more circles into boxes than the second group, 159 versus 101. That monetary reward shaped the outcome is not a surprise. But the third group, without any pay, dragged 168 circles. This group worked harder for nothing than the other groups did for something, indicating the power of social norms. Since purpose often includes an element of social norms, dwelling solely on market norms can stymie a sense of purpose.

艾瑞里的主要观点是,如果你建立了一种部分基于社会规范的关系——许多公司试图与客户和员工建立这种关系——你就必须维持这些规范。从社会规范转向市场规范,即使出于好意,也可能扰乱内在动力。例如,艾瑞里认为,美国的教育体系就经历了这样一种转变,其结果似乎令各方都不满意。20

Ariely’s main point is that if you establish a relationship based in part on social norms, as many companies attempt to do with customers and employees, you must maintain those norms. A migration from social to market norms, even if backed by good intentions, can upset intrinsic motivation. Ariely argues, for example, that the U.S. educational system has seen such a migration, with results that seem to please no one. 20

解释游戏玩家的完全投入

Accounting for the Total Engagement of Gamers

内在动力的组成部分——自主性、精进感和使命感——解释了游戏玩家的完全投入。成功的游戏提供了所有三个组成部分的元素,并为思考如何组织工作提供了一个合理的模型。

The components of intrinsic motivation—autonomy, a sense of mastery, and a feeling of purpose—explain the total engagement of gamers. Successful games provide elements of all three components and provide a legitimate model for thinking about how to structure work.

如果你认为游戏玩家所做的事情与现实世界无关,那么这里有一个发人深省的小知识:游戏玩家报告说,O*NET(职业信息的主要来源)列出的构成现代工作基础的 40 项技能,在他们的游戏体验中全部有所体现。无论是现实世界还是虚拟世界,任务都是一样的。动力也是如此。21

Should you believe that what gamers do is removed from the real world, here’s a challenging tidbit: Gamers report that all of the 40 skills that O*NET (the primary source of occupational information) lists as the building blocks of modern jobs are represented in their gamer experience. Whether real or virtual, the tasks are the same. And so is the motivation. 21

薪酬如何与内在动力相适应?

How Does Compensation Fit with Intrinsic Motivation?

前面的讨论可能会让你觉得受内在动力驱使的人不在乎报酬。但这是错的:在适用某些市场规范的工作环境中,薪酬仍然非常重要。在考虑为受内在动力驱使的员工付薪时,有几个关键的考量因素。

The prior discussion may leave you with the impression that intrinsically-motivated individuals don’t care about pay. But that is wrong: In a work setting where some market norms apply, compensation is still very important. There are a few crucial considerations when considering pay for intrinsically-motivated employees.

几乎所有员工都对公平薪酬的水平有一种感知。这个水平设定了一个心理门槛。薪酬低于感知到的公平薪酬水平会让员工不满、产生焦虑并削弱忠诚度。一旦雇主达到了这个门槛,或者略高于它,额外的薪酬并不等同于额外的绩效。事实上,如果薪酬完全转向市场规范,绩效反而可能受损。22

Almost all employees have a sense of a level of fair pay. This level establishes a psychological threshold. Compensation below the level of perceived fair pay leaves employees dissatisfied, creates anxiety, and erodes loyalty. Once the employer meets the threshold, or pays a little above it, additional pay does not equate with additional performance. In fact, if pay shifts exclusively to market norms, performance may suffer. 22

人们感知中的公平薪酬水平并不仅仅像你想象的那样取决于个人的经济贡献。大体上,人们相当不善于判断正确的绝对价值,但在确定相对价值方面却十分敏锐。²³ 心理学家将这种现象称为“协调任意性”(coherent arbitrariness),这意味着人们在相对基础上比较价格时表现得协调一致,但在将这些价格与基本价值相比较时则显得任意随意。²⁴

The level of perceived fair pay is not based solely on the economic contribution of the individual, as you might expect. People are, by and large, quite poor at judging correct absolute values but are astute about determining relative values. 23 Psychologists call this coherent arbitrariness, which suggests that individuals are coherent when they compare prices on a relative basis but arbitrary when those prices are considered versus fundamental value. 24

在判断什么薪酬才算公平时,员工只需要看看同僚挣多少就行。在一项研究中,研究人员问受访者:哪一位新员工更幸福——是在一家平均起薪为 4 万美元的公司拿 3.6 万美元的那个,还是在平均起薪为 3 万美元的公司拿 3.4 万美元的那个?80% 的受访者表示,那位绝对收入更低(3.4 万美元对 3.6 万美元)但相对收入更高(与 3 万美元和 4 万美元相比)的员工会更幸福。

In determining what wage is fair, employees simply evaluate what their peers make. In a study in which researchers asked subjects which new employee was happier, the one making $36,000 in a firm where the average starting salary is $40,000 or the one making $34,000 in a firm where the average starting salary was $30,000, 80 percent of the respondents said the employee earning less absolute pay ($34,000 versus $36,000) but higher relative pay (compared to $30,000 and $40,000) would be happier. 25

这段讨论对 CEO 薪酬有显而易见的关联。过去 30 年间 CEO 薪酬的激增,存在两种可能的解释理论。第一种是,CEO 市场狭窄且竞争异常激烈,因此薪酬上升反映了有才华 CEO 的稀缺性。

This discussion has obvious relevance for CEO pay. There are two theories that might explain the sharp rise in CEO compensation over the past 30 years. The first is that the market for CEOs is narrow and highly competitive, so the compensation rise reflects the scarcity of talented CEOs.

另一种理论认为,经理们实际上是通过影响董事会并借助薪酬顾问来给自己定薪的。尽管有证据表明,这两种理论中单凭任何一个都无法完全解释薪酬增长的原因,但几乎可以肯定的是,相对薪酬这一概念在推高 CEO 薪酬方面起到了推波助澜的作用。

An alternative theory is that managers effectively set their own pay by influencing their boards and using compensation consultants. While the evidence suggests neither theory alone fully explains the increase, there is little doubt that the idea of relative pay has been instrumental in swelling CEO compensation. 26

一旦跨过了“够用”的门槛,那些出自内心驱动的人(其中不乏竞争心极强的猛人)有时会把金钱当成计分板来使。这在投资和赌博这类领域尤其明显——在这些行当里,赚到或赔掉的钱就是活动的直接结果。职业扑克玩家出了名地爱把自己的资金流等同于计分板。世界顶尖赌徒之一奇普·里斯说:“钱只是你衡量成功的标尺。玩大富翁,你目标是到最后把所有现金都赢过来。打扑克也是一样:你把筹码当游戏币来用,不到最后根本不去想它。27”包括沃伦·巴菲特在内的伟大投资者,都有类似的姿态。对这些人而言,金钱跟满足物质需求没多大关系,但它作为卓越的证明,分量很重。

Once they are beyond the threshold of fairness, intrinsically-motivated individuals (which includes some fierce competitors) sometimes use money as a means of keeping score. This is predominantly true in realms including investing and gambling, where making or losing money is the tangible outcome of the activity. Professional poker players are noted for equating their bankrolls to a scoreboard. Says Chip Reese, one of the world’s top gamblers, “Money is just the yardstick by which you measure your success. In Monopoly, you try to win all the cash by the end of the game. It’s the same in poker: you treat chips like play money and don’t think about it until it’s all over.” 27 Great investors, including Warren Buffett, have a similar attitude. For these individuals, money has little to do with satisfying material needs but is important as evidence of excellence.

薪酬对于内驱型和外驱型员工都很重要。内驱型员工必须感到薪酬达到了公平的门槛,而公平感是一个相对概念。虽然基于自我报告的调查显示,薪酬平均只是决定员工满意度的第五重要因素,但对算法任务薪酬变化的实证研究表明,两者存在强烈的正相关性(社会科学中基于自我报告的调查结果向来令人怀疑)。28 这一发现引出了如何思考与设计薪酬方案的讨论。

Pay is important for both intrinsically- and extrinsically-motivated employees. Intrinsically-motivated individuals must feel that their compensation meets the threshold of fairness, which is a relative concept. While self-reported surveys suggest that pay is on average only the fifth most important factor in determining employee satisfaction, empirical studies of pay changes for algorithmic tasks shows a strong positive correlation (studies in the social sciences based on self-reporting are notoriously suspect). 28 This observation leads to a discussion of how to think about, and structure, compensation programs.

思考所有员工的薪酬

Thinking About Pay for All Employees

合适的激励体系,和大多数商业问题一样,取决于具体情境。丹·平克为不同类型任务和动机的把握提供了一种合理思路,并展示了如何将奖励与不同结果相匹配。²⁹ 他从一个基本问题入手:这项任务主要是算法型的还是启发式的?

Proper incentive systems, like most issues in business, are dependent on context. Dan Pink offers a sensible way to navigate different types of tasks and motivations and shows how to match rewards to the various outcomes. 29 He starts with a basic question: Is the task mostly algorithmic or heuristic?

如果任务是常规性的,挑战就在于通过赋予更多自主权、增加多样性或将其与更大目标联系起来,来注入内在激励的元素。如果实在无法让任务变得更像探索性的,那么标准的因果式奖惩就适用了,而且已被证明行之有效。平克补充说,不妨向员工强调这项任务为何必要,承认它确实单调乏味,并提供灵活性让人们按自己的方式去完成。

If the task is routine, the challenge is to introduce the elements of intrinsic motivation by allowing more autonomy, increasing variety, or connecting it to a larger purpose. If there’s no way to make the task more of a heuristic one, then standard cause and effect rewards apply and have been shown to work. Pink adds that it is useful to emphasize to the employee why the task is necessary, acknowledge that it is tedious, and provide the flexibility for people to complete it in their own way.

如果任务不是常规性的,关键在于培育能够激发内在动力的条件。

If the task is not routine, the key is to foster the conditions that promote intrinsic motivation.

外在动机——即“如果……就……”式的奖励——在这种情况下往往失效,尽管实现感知公平的薪酬门槛很重要。平克建议,对出色完成的工作给予意外且非条件性的奖励,并指出这些奖励若基于表扬和反馈(而非金钱)、能提供有用信息而非控制手段,则最为有效。表 1 展示了在算法型任务与启发式任务之间、外在动机与内在动机之间进行取舍时的理想路径。

Extrinsic motivators—the “if-then” rewards—tend to fail in this setting, although reaching a threshold of perceived fair pay is important. Pink recommends offering unexpected and noncontingent rewards for a job well done, noting that these rewards are most effective if they are based on praise and feedback (versus money) and if they provide useful information rather than a means of control. Exhibit 1 shows the desired path in navigating between algorithmic and heuristic tasks as well as extrinsic and intrinsic motivators.

展品一:设定激励机制

Exhibit 1: Setting Up Incentives

内在期望路径

Intrinsic Desired path

避免走外在之路

Extrinsic Path to avoid

算法启发法来源:LMCM 分析。

Algorithmic Heuristic Source: LMCM analysis.

我们犯下的错误

The Mistakes We Make

尽管心理学和经济学的研究为我们提供了改进激励思考与运用方式的路径,但企业界的变革仍然进展缓慢。以下几个领域值得进一步优化思考:

While research in psychology and economics provides a path to improving how we think about and use incentives, change in the corporate world has been slow. Here are some areas where thinking could improve:

• 我们假设激励塑造我们的行为和环境,但环境同样能塑造我们的激励。传统做法是:先明确组织想要实现什么目标,再确定达成目标所需的步骤,然后针对这些步骤设置激励。其隐含的假设是,激励会驱动服务于目标的行为。

• We assume that incentives shape our behavior and environment, but the environment can shape our incentives. The classic approach is to figure out what goals the organization wants to achieve, the steps required to meet those goals, and then set up incentives to take those steps. The embedded assumption is that the incentives drive behavior that serves a goal.

事实上,环境可以塑造激励因素。例如,看看 1990 年代员工股票期权的使用情况。随着那个十年股市飙升,期权在薪酬中的使用从 1990 年代初期的数百亿美元授权量爆炸式增长到 2000 年超过 1000 亿美元。1990 年代的这些授权让高管们获得了巨额意外之财,无论他们交出了卓越还是平庸的业绩。

In reality, the environment can shape incentives. For instance, consider the use of employee stock options (ESOs) during the 1990s. As the stock market soared in the decade, the use of options in compensation exploded from tens of billions of grants early in the decade to more than $100 billion by 2000. The grants from the 1990s provided executives with huge windfalls, whether they delivered superior or subpar results. 30

给高管更多股票期权的表面理由,是为了让他们的利益与股东一致。但更准确的说法是,期权的泛滥不过反映了牛市的泡沫。期权授予在股市见顶后迅速枯竭——从 2000 年到 2003 年下降了超过 60%——这表明股票期权更像是一种延迟支付工具,而非业绩薪酬机制。此外,牛市和大量期权授予促使高管比以往任何时候都更关注短期股价,在许多情况下,这牺牲了长期股东价值的构建。

The ostensible reason for giving executives more ESO grants was to align their interests with those of shareholders. But a more accurate point of view is that the swell in options reflected the bull market. That options grants quickly dried up after the market peaked— they fell over 60 percent from 2000 to 2003—suggests ESOs were more of a pay-delivery system than a pay-for-performance program. Further, the bull market and heavy option grants encouraged executives to focus on the short-term stock price more than ever, in many cases at the expense of building long-term shareholder value. 31

环境塑造激励的另一个例子,是迈克尔·刘易斯在《大空头》一书中讲述的霍伊·胡伯勒的故事。胡伯勒是摩根士丹利一名成功且能干的资产支持债券交易员。当房地产和抵押贷款市场起飞时,胡伯勒也搭上了顺风车。首先,他的团队创造了惊人的利润——据报道占公司总利润的五分之一——他本人也在一年内赚到了丰厚的 2500 万美元。随后,胡伯勒断定,自己如果去管理一家对冲基金,境况会更好。

Another instance of the environment shaping incentives is the story of Howie Hubler, as told in Michael Lewis’s book, The Big Short. Hubler was a successful and competent asset-backed bond trader at Morgan Stanley. When the housing and mortgage market took off, Hubler went along for the ride. First, his group generated spectacular profits— reportedly one-fifth of the firm’s total—and he himself earned a handsome $25 million in one year. Hubler then determined that he would be better off managing a hedge fund.

摩根士丹利不愿放他走,于是允许他在公司内部成立一个自营交易小组,并配以与对冲基金类似的激励机制。住房和抵押贷款市场的繁荣,迫使摩根士丹利改变了休布勒的激励机制。

Morgan Stanley didn’t want to let him go, so they allowed him to start a proprietary trading group within the firm with an incentive structure that would mirror that of a hedge fund. The booming housing and mortgage market compelled Morgan Stanley to change Hubler’s incentive structure.

接下来的事注定会被载入华尔街的传奇。胡布勒建立的头寸最终让摩根士丹利亏损了大约 90 亿美元——这很可能是有史以来单笔交易损失的最大纪录。他的赌注是:次贷市场最薄弱的部分会表现糟糕,但评级最高的那部分基本不会受到太大冲击。然而,当整个市场轰然崩塌时,这笔巨额亏损就出现了。

What happened next will go down in Wall Street lore. Hubler put on a derivatives position that ended up losing Morgan Stanley somewhere around $9 billion, likely the largest loss on a single trade in history. His bet was that the weakest part of the subprime market would do poorly but that the highest-rated part would remain largely unscathed. The gargantuan loss came when the whole market came tumbling down. 32

寻找那些因事态发展而导致激励发生变化的情况。问问自己,这些变化是否促进了内在动机的条件,尤其是目标感。当你察觉到激励的变化与目标背道而驰时,要保持警惕。

Look for cases where incentives change as a result of what is going on. Ask whether those changes promote the conditions for intrinsic motivation, and in particular a sense of purpose. Be cautious when you sense that changes in incentives work counter to purpose.

• 目标可能带来负面后果。在许多组织中,制定目标与设计激励机制相辅相成。几乎所有的组织都会设定目标,这印证了一种信念,即目标能提升绩效,并将激励与这些目标挂钩。33 当然,设定一些目标是好事。但目标也有负面副作用,领导者往往不理解或忽视了这些。以下是一些例子。34

• Goals can have negative consequences. In many organizations, setting goals and structuring incentives go hand-in-hand. Virtually all organizations set goals, confirming the belief that goals lead to improved performance, and link incentives to those goals. 33 Naturally, some goal-setting is good. But there are negative side effects to goals that leaders often don’t understand or overlook. Here are some examples. 34

目标会促使人们集中并收紧注意力。当人们面对与目标无关但与宗旨相关的重要问题时,这就会造成麻烦。一个著名的例子是丹尼尔·西蒙斯和克里斯托弗·查布里斯关于“非注意盲视”的研究。研究人员播放了一段视频,画面里两小组人在来回传球。一队穿黑色 T 恤,另一队穿白色 T 恤。受试者的任务是数穿白色球衣那队传球的次数。视频播放过程中,一个穿着大猩猩服装的女人走到场景中央,捶了捶胸口,然后走开了。大约一半的受试者没有看到那只大猩猩。如果

Goals encourage individuals to focus and narrow their attention. This creates a problem when people face important issues that are unrelated to the goal but that are relevant to the purpose. A well-known example is the work of Daniel Simons and Christopher Chabris’s work on inattentional blindness. Researchers show a video of two small groups passing a basketball back and forth. One team has black t-shirts and the other team has white t-shirts. The subjects have the task of counting the number of passes the team in white makes. During the video, a woman in a gorilla suit walks into the middle of the scene, beats her chest, and walks off. Roughly half of the subjects fail to see the gorilla. If

你已经看过视频了,去 www.youtube.com 搜索“the monkey business illusion”,看看你第二次表现如何。

you have seen the video, go to www.youtube.com and search for “the monkey business illusion.” See how you do the second time. 35

通过聚焦注意力,目标也可能抑制创造力和探索。在一项实验中,研究人员要求被试阅读一段宣传商学院但写得拙劣的草稿,并修正语法、改进内容,或索性“尽力而为”。被要求修正语法或改进内容的小组完成了各自的任务,但“尽力而为”组中的个体更有可能修正两种类型的错误。然而,目标无论初衷多么良好,都可能干扰真正的目的。

By narrowing attention, goals can also discourage creativity and exploration. In one experiment, researchers asked subjects to read a poorly-written draft of a paragraph promoting a business school and to correct the grammar, improve the content, or to simply “do your best.” The groups asked to correct grammar or content did their tasks, but individuals in the “do you best” group were more likely to correct both types of errors. 36 Goals, however well intentioned, may interfere with purpose.

目标过多同样会带来问题。员工很难分清主次,常常会只盯住一两个目标。好的商业判断需要评估取舍,但若没有一个统一的目标——即一个宗旨——取舍就无从谈起。这个宗旨应当与创造长期股东价值的原则保持一致并相互补充。

Too many goals can also be problematic. Employees have a difficult time prioritizing and often default to one or two goals. Good business judgment requires evaluating trade-offs. But trade-offs are impossible to assess without a single objective—a purpose. That purpose should be consistent and complementary with the principle of creating long-term shareholder value.

设定目标可能导致不道德的行为。例如,向员工强加销售目标,却完全不顾及他们如何实现这些目标,这种做法会引发不良行为。在最近的金融危机之前,分行经理给抵押贷款经纪人设定了巨大的业务量目标,对信贷标准视而不见,并纵容了欺诈性文件处理。毫不意外,经纪人对这些外在激励做出了回应。

Goals can lead to unethical behavior. For example, imposing sales goals on employees without any concern for the process by which they meet those goals invites bad behavior. Preceding the recent financial crisis, branch managers gave mortgage brokers enormous volume targets, turned a blind eye to credit standards, and enabled fraudulent document processing. Not surprisingly, the brokers responded to the extrinsic incentives. 37

组织在成长过程中往往会设定更多目标,这主要是为了提升效率。

Organizations tend to introduce more goals as they grow, largely to promote efficiency.

其中一些目标及相关激励措施是合理的。但目标也会导致公司僵化,抑制创新和变革。此外,随着组织规模扩大,规则逐渐偏离最初的目的,员工也因此遗忘了组织原本的精神和意图。

Some of these goals and their related incentives make sense. But goals also create a corporate rigidity that inhibits innovation and change. In addition, as organizations grow the rules become further removed from the original purpose, so employees lose sight of the organization’s original spirit and intent.

• 非财务目标与激励机制与股东价值的契合度很差。越来越多的公司引入了非财务目标与激励机制,包括质量指标、客户满意度和员工流失率。

• Non-financial goals and incentives are poorly aligned with shareholder value. An increasing number of companies have introduced non-financial goal and incentive systems, including quality measures, customer satisfaction, and employee turnover.

高管们制定这些目标,是为了提升组织的业绩表现。

Executives set these goals in order to improve the performance of the organization.

克里斯托弗·伊特纳和戴维·拉克的研究发现,大多数公司很少花时间思考那些非财务指标如何与公司战略或价值创造相关联。 38 在他们调查的公司中,只有不到四分之一建立并验证了模型,用以展示所选目标与预期结果之间的因果关系。始终有必要追问的是,激励机制在多大程度上与真正的战略和经济成果挂钩。

Research by Christopher Ittner and David Larcker found that most corporations spend little time reflecting on how those non-financial measures relate to the company’s strategy or to value creation. 38 Less than one-quarter of the companies they surveyed built and verified models that showed cause-and-effect relationships between the goal they selected and the outcome they were seeking. It is always important to ask to what degree incentives are tethered to legitimate strategic and economic outcomes.

• 激励机制奖励运气而非技能。许多活动的结果是技能与运气共同作用的产物,例如体育、赌博、投资以及广泛的企业经营领域。在这种情况下,激励机制应与其决策过程挂钩,而非由结果决定。目标在于避免任何人因随机性而获得奖励或受到惩罚。这一点对于基于短期结果的激励机制尤为关键。在许多领域,短期结果大多由随机性决定。

• Incentives reward luck instead of skill. Many activities have outcomes that are the product of skill and luck. Examples include sports, gambling, investing, and wide swaths of business. In these cases, incentives should align with the process by which individuals make decisions, and not by the outcomes. The objective is to avoid paying, or penalizing, anyone for randomness. This is especially relevant for incentives based on short-term outcomes. In many realms, short-term outcomes are mostly the result of randomness.

股权薪酬就是一个很好的例证。采用股权薪酬的理由是,它通过让管理层与股东同乘一条船来降低代理成本。

Equity-based compensation is a good illustration. The rationale for using equity pay is that it reduces agency costs by putting management in the same boat as shareholders.

挑战在于,股票市场反映的许多因素超出了管理层所能控制的范围。对比 1990 年代与本世纪头十年,就能说明这一点。例如,在截至 1997 年的十年里,美国最大的 100 家公司的股东总回报均为正值。因此,即使是表现低于平均水平的管理层,也从他们的股票期权中获得了巨额收益。

The challenge is that the stock market reflects many factors beyond what executives can control. Contrasting the 1990s with the first decade of the 2000s makes the point. For the ten years ending in 1997, for example, the total return to shareholders was positive for each of the 100 largest U.S. companies. 39 So even below-average performing executives enjoyed huge gains from their stock options.

接下来的十年出现了相反的模式。糟糕的股市意味着,那些业绩出色的高管从期权中赚到的钱少得可怜。股市的反复无常压过了高管们的行为。尽管指数化期权能有效剔除随机性,但几乎没有公司采用这种期权。

The following decade has produced the opposite pattern. A poor stock market has meant that executives who delivered superior results earned little from their options. The vagaries of the stock market overwhelmed the actions of executives. Even though indexed options effectively wring out randomness, almost no companies use them.

在概率性领域,过程导向的激励机制鼓励正确的决策(好的过程最终会带来好的结果),并绕开了因个人无法控制的结果而奖励他们的错误做法。

In probabilistic realms, process-oriented incentives encourage correct decisions (and a good process ultimately leads to a good outcome) and sidestep the mistake of rewarding individuals for outcomes that are outside of their control.

Conclusion

Conclusion

大多数组织都希望在自身潜力的峰值附近运转。它们努力聘用最优秀的人才,追求最具吸引力的战略,并交付达到或超出预期的财务成果。一个组织选择如何激励其员工,是这个成功配方中的核心要素,也是一个常被忽视或误解的环节。

Most organizations would like to operate near the peak of their potential. They try to hire the best people, pursue the most attractive strategies, and deliver financial results that meet or beat expectations. How an organization chooses to motivate its employees is a central ingredient in that recipe and one that is overlooked or misunderstood.

过去数十年间,心理学领域涌现出大量研究,揭示了人类行为的动机机制。然而目前,商业、教育和医疗领域的大多数组织仍依赖外在激励手段。外在激励在某些情境下确实有效,但对于那些本身具备内在动力潜质的员工,却往往适得其反。研究者已厘清能够激发内在动机的条件,但这些条件比传统的“胡萝卜加大棒”更为脆弱。

Over the past few decades, there has been an explosion of research in psychology showing what motivates people. For now, though, most organizations in business, education, and medicine rely on extrinsic motivators. While extrinsic motivators work in some situations, they tend to backfire for employees who are potentially intrinsically motivated. Researchers have identified the conditions that promote intrinsic motivation, but those conditions are more fragile than the classic carrots and sticks.

外在激励因素的重要性也在下降,因为工作的性质正在改变。

The relevance of extrinsic motivators is also slipping because the nature of work is changing.

完成算法任务所需的人手在减少,而那些依赖启发式任务的工作占比却在上升。这导致了激励机制与工作任务之间出现了严重的错配。

Fewer people are needed for algorithmic tasks, and jobs that rely on heuristic tasks are gaining share. This has created a large mismatch between incentives and tasks.

理想的激励机制,对于以利润为导向的组织而言,应当将使命感(telos)与创造长期股东价值的目标融合在一起。那些把使命感和价值描绘成水火不容的学者和商界人士,通常根本没理解这两个词的含义。尤其是“股东价值”这个词,已被挪用为推高短期股价,而实际上这个概念的全部意义在于最大化长期现金流。

Ideally, incentive programs for profit-oriented organizations should blend a sense of purpose— telos—and the objective of creating long-term shareholder value. Academics and businesspeople who portray purpose and value as mutually exclusive typically fail to understand what the terms mean. The term shareholder value, in particular, has been co-opted to mean boosting the short-term stock price when in reality the concept is all about maximizing long-term cash flows. 40

当著名心理学家 B.F. 斯金纳(B.F. Skinner)在实验中观察到他训练的老鼠做出意想不到的行为时,据说他会尖叫:“你们为什么不听话?像你们应该的那样表现!”后来他意识到,是他设定的奖励机制出了问题,而老鼠的行为其实合情合理。然而,许多管理者仍然会责备那只“老鼠”,但实际上出问题的是激励体系。

When B.F. Skinner, the famed psychologist, observed his rats doing something unexpected in an experiment, he was said to scream, “Why don’t you behave? Behave as you ought!” He later realized that the reward system he had set up was flawed and that what the rats were doing made sense. Still, lots of managers blame the rat when in fact it is the incentive system that is flawed. 41

在全球竞争毫无消退迹象的情况下,企业必须想办法吸引、留住并激励员工。心理学家和经济学家需要再次走到一起,认识到好的解决方案需要这两个领域各自最高水平的思考。

With no abatement in sight for global competition, companies will have to figure out ways to attract, retain, and motivate employees. Psychologists and economists again have to meet and recognize that good solutions require the best thinking from each field.

Incentive Checklist

Incentive Checklist

以下是一份简要的核查清单,可帮助评估组织的激励计划:

Here is a brief checklist to help guide the assessment of an organization’s incentive program:

管理层是否在资本配置中既具备使命感,又采取对股东价值友好的方式?

□ Does management combine a sense of purpose with a shareholder-value-friendly approach to capital allocation?

□ 财务激励机制是否与股东价值创造保持一致?

□ Do financial incentives align with shareholder value creation?

非财务激励是否服务于战略目标并创造价值?

□ Do non-financial incentives serve strategic goals and add value?

激励措施是否已经根据环境变化进行了调整,而调整方式又可能埋下未来的隐患?

□ Have incentives changed to reflect the environment in a way that might create future problems?

公司是否通过倡导自主权、专精感和使命感,营造出一个有利于激发内在动力的环境?

□ Does the company create an environment that is conducive to intrinsic motivation by promoting autonomy, mastery, and purpose?

□ 公司是否正在采取措施,让所有员工——尤其是那些主要从事经验性判断工作的员工——都参与进来?

□ Is the company taking steps to engage all employees, especially those whose jobs primarily involve heuristic tasks?

该组织的激励措施是在收窄关注点,还是助长了不道德行为?

□ Are the incentives in the organization narrowing focus or encouraging unethical behavior?

如果公司向其员工或客户倡导社会规范,那么它是否在坚持这些规范?

□ If the company promotes social norms with its employees or customers, is it maintaining them?

根据员工日常职责来看,激励措施是否恰当?

□ Are the incentives appropriate given the employee’s day-to-day responsibilities?

□ 激励计划是否只盯着结果,从而把技能和运气混为一谈?

□ Does the incentive program focus solely on outcomes and hence conflate skill and luck?

注释

1 史蒂芬·D·列维特与斯蒂芬·J·达布纳著,《超极魔鬼经济学:全球变冷、爱国妓女以及为什么自杀式袭击者应购买人寿保险》(纽约:威廉·莫罗出版社,2009 年),第 XIV 页。

Endnotes 1 Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner, SuperFreakonomics: Global Cooling, Patriotic Prostitutes and Why Suicide Bombers Should Buy Life Insurance (New York: William Morrow, 2009), XIV.

2 Alfie Kohn,《为什么激励计划不起作用》,《哈佛商业评论》,1993 年 9-10 月号,第 54-63 页。

2 Alfie Kohn, "Why Incentive Plans Cannot Work," Harvard Business Review, September-October 1993, 54-63.

3 丹尼尔·H·平克,《驱动力:有关我们动机的惊人真相》(纽约:河源图书出版社,2009 年),第 29–32 页。

3 Daniel H. Pink, Drive: The Surprising Truth About What Motivates Us (New York: Riverhead Books, 2009), 29-32.

4 Atul Gawande,《清单宣言:如何把事情做对》(纽约:大都会图书出版社,2009 年)。

4 Atul Gawande, The Checklist Manifesto: How to Get Things Right (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009).

5 参见 Paul Romer 在《应用公司金融杂志》1998 年夏季刊第 11 卷第 2 期第 8–27 页发表的《软革命:通过管理无形资产实现增长》一文。6 Bradford C. Johnson、James M. Manyika 和 Lareina A. Yee 合著,《互动的下一次革命》,《麦肯锡季刊》2005 年第 4 期,第 21–33 页。

5 See comments by Paul Romer in “The Soft Revolution: Achieving Growth by Managing Intangibles,” The Journal of Applied Corporate Finance, Vol. 11, No. 2, Summer 1998, 8-27. 6 Bradford C. Johnson, James M. Manyika, and Lareina A. Yee, “The Next Revolution in Interactions,” The McKinsey Quarterly, No. 4, 2005, 21-33.

这里有两个简短的观点。首先,每当某个行业的生产率超过需求时,该行业的就业人数就会下滑。生产率的大幅提升通常是算法类工作改进的结果。对这一论点的一个极好参考资料是布鲁斯· C · 格林沃尔德(Bruce C. Greenwald)与贾德·卡恩(Judd Kahn)所著的《全球化:担心中国人抢走你饭碗的非理性恐惧》(Globalization: The Irrational Fear That Someone in China Will Take Your Job)(新泽西州霍博肯:约翰·威利父子出版社,2008 年)。其次,某些宏观经济统计数据,包括贸易逆差,如果按增加值而非完全商业价值来看待,其令人担忧的程度会显得更低(或更高)。例如,研究表明,苹果的 iPhone 在 2009 年为美国对华贸易逆差贡献了 19 亿美元。但如果研究人员只将中国在 iPhone 中增加的那部分价值归因于它,那么出口额就锐减到了仅 7350 万美元。考虑到美国为了组装手机运往中国的零部件,最终的结果是美国对中国出现了 4810 万美元的贸易顺差。参见安德鲁·巴特森(Andrew Batson)的《科技供应链暴露贸易指标局限性》(Tech Supply Chain Exposes Limits of Trade Metrics),《华尔街日报》,2010 年 12 月 15 日。另参见于庆新(Yuqing Xing)和尼尔·德特(Neal Detert)的《iPhone 如何扩大了美国对华贸易逆差》(How iPhone Widens the US Trade Deficits with PRC),GRIPS 讨论稿 10-21,2010 年 11 月。

7 Two quick points here. First, whenever productivity in a sector outstrips demand, employment in the sector will decline. Strong productivity gains are often the result of improvements in algorithmic jobs. A terrific resource for this argument is Bruce C. Greenwald and Judd Kahn, Globalization: The Irrational Fear That Someone in China Will Take Your Job (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2008). Second, certain macroeconomic statistics, including trade deficits, appear less (or more) worrisome when viewed using value added than by full commercial value. For example, research suggests that Apple’s iPhone added $1.9 billion to the U.S. trade deficit with China in 2009. But when researchers credited China solely with the portion of the value it added to the iPhone, the value of the exports dropped to only $73.5 million. Taking into consideration the U.S components that went to China to assemble the phone, the result is a U.S. trade surplus with China of $48.1 million. See Andrew Batson, “Tech Supply Chain Exposes Limits of Trade Metrics,” The Wall Street Journal, December 15, 2010. Also, Yuqing Xing and Neal Detert, “How iPhone Widens the US Trade Deficits with PRC,” GRIPS Discussion Paper 10-21, November 2010.

8 这一点在《粉单》第 2-3 页中做了总结。

8 This is summarized in Pink, 2-3.

9 Xiaoquan (Michael) Zhang 与 Feng Zhu,“开放内容贡献的内在动机:以维基百科为例”,信息系统与经济学研讨会(WISE),2006 年 12 月,芝加哥,伊利诺伊州。

9 Xiaoquan (Michael) Zhang and Feng Zhu, "Intrinsic Motivation of Open Content Contributions: The Case of Wikipedia," Workshop on Information Systems and Economics (WISE), December 2006, Chicago, IL.

10 Edward L. Deci 和 Richard M. Ryan,《促进人生各领域的最佳动机与心理健康》,《加拿大心理学》,第 49 卷第 1 期,2008 年 2 月,第 14–23 页。 11 Paul P. Baard、Edward L. Deci 和 Richard M. Ryan,《内在需求满足:两个工作环境中绩效与幸福的动机基础》,《应用心理学杂志》,第 34 卷第 10 期,2004 年 10 月,第 2045–2068 页。

10 Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan, "Facilitating Optimal Motivation and Psychological Well-Being Across Life’s Domains,” Canadian Psychology, Vol. 49, No. 1, February 2008, 14-23. 11 Paul P. Baard, Edward L. Deci, and Richard M. Ryan, "Intrinsic Need Satisfaction: A Motivational Basis of Performance and Well-Being in Two Work Settings ,” Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 34, No. 10, October 2004, 2045-2068.

你可能会问,为什么是 15%,而不是更高或更低的比例?根据公司文件,“相当于每天两次咖啡休息时间加上午餐时间,给了发明者‘15% 的时间’用于自己的项目。”详见《创新百年:3M 的故事》。

12 You might ask, why 15 percent instead of a higher or lower percentage? According to company documents, “The equivalent of two daily coffee breaks plus lunch time gave inventors ‘15 percent time’ for their own projects.” See A Century of Innovation: The 3M Story:

http://multimedia.3m.com/mws/mediawebserver?mwsId=66666UuZjcFSLXTtlxMt4xT6EVuQEcuZ gVs6EVs6E666666--.

http://multimedia.3m.com/mws/mediawebserver?mwsId=66666UuZjcFSLXTtlxMt4xT6EVuQEcuZ gVs6EVs6E666666--.

13 Phyllis Moen 和 Erin L. Kelly 合著《弹性工作与幸福感研究报告》,明尼苏达大学弹性工作与幸福感中心,2007 年秋季。另见 Ricardo Semler 所著《七天周末:改变工作方式》(纽约:Portfolio,2004 年)。

13 Phyllis Moen and Erin L. Kelly, “Flexible Work and Well-Being Study,” Flexible Work and Well-Being Center, University of Minnesota, Fall 2007. Also see Ricardo Semler, The Seven-Day Weekend: Changing the Way Work Works (New York: Portfolio, 2004).

14 正如平克(Pink)一书第 117 页所述,参见 Henry Sauermann 与 Wesley M. Cohen 合著的《是什么在驱动他们?员工动机与企业创新》,载于《管理科学》第 56 卷第 12 期,2010 年 12 月,第 2134–2153 页。

14 As mentioned in Pink, 117. See Henry Sauermann and Wesley M. Cohen, “What Makes Them Tick? Employee Motives and Firm Innovation,” Management Science, Vol. 56, No. 12, December 2010, 2134-2153.

卡罗尔·S·德韦克博士,《心态:成功的新心理学》(纽约:兰登书屋,2006 年)。

15 Carol S. Dweck, Ph.D., Mindset: The New Psychology of Success (New York: Random House, 2006).

16 Paul J. Feltovich、Kenneth M. Ford 和 Robert Hoffman 编,《语境中的专长:人类与机器》(加利福尼亚州门洛帕克与马萨诸塞州剑桥:AAAI 出版社与 MIT 出版社,1997 年),第 27 页。17 Phil Rosenzweig,《光环效应……以及欺骗管理者的其他八种商业错觉》(纽约:自由出版社,2007 年),第 111-116 页。

16 Paul J. Feltovich, Kenneth M. Ford, and Robert Hoffman, eds., Expertise in Context: Human and Machine (Menlo Park, CA and Cambridge, MA: AAAI Press and The MIT Press, 1997), 27. 17 Phil Rosenzweig, The Halo Effect . . . and the Eight Other Business Delusions That Deceive Managers (New York: Free Press, 2007), 111-116.

18 巴里·施瓦茨与肯尼思·夏普,《实用智慧:做正确之事的正确方法》(纽约:河源图书出版社,2010 年),第 7 页。

18 Barry Schwartz and Kenneth Sharpe, Practical Wisdom: The Right Way to Do the Right Thing (New York: Riverhead Books, 2010), 7.

19 Dan Ariely,《非理性的积极力量:在工作和生活中违背逻辑的意外好处》(纽约:Harper, 2010),第 66-72 页。

19 Dan Ariely, The Upside of Irrationality: The Unexpected Benefits of Defying Logic at Work and at Home (New York: Harper, 2010), 66-72.

20 Dan Ariely,《怪诞行为学:可预测的非理性》(Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions)(纽约:哈珀出版社,2008 年),第 68-88 页。另见史蒂芬·D·列维特与斯蒂芬·J·都伯纳,《魔鬼经济学:一名流氓经济学家探索万事万物的隐秘面》(Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything)(纽约:哈珀常年版,2009 年)中关于芝加哥公立学校系统内作弊事件的故事,第 23-35 页。

20 Dan Ariely, Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions (New York: Harper, 2008), 68-88. Also, see the story of cheating in the Chicago Public School system in Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner, Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything (New York: Harper Perennial, 2009), 23-35.

21 Byron Reeves 与 J. Leighton Read 合著,《全面投入:利用游戏与虚拟世界改变人们工作方式及企业竞争模式》(马萨诸塞州波士顿:哈佛商业出版社,2009 年),第 41-58 页。有关 O*NET 的更多信息,请访问 http://www.onetcenter.org/。虽然截至本书写作时该书尚未出版,但以下著作很可能也是有益资源:Jane McGonigal 著,《现实已破碎:为何游戏让我们变得更好,以及它们如何改变世界》(纽约:企鹅出版社,2011 年)。

21 Byron Reeves and J. Leighton Read, Total Engagement: Using Games and Virtual Worlds to Change the Way People Work and Businesses Compete (Boston, MA: Harvard Business Press, 2009), 41-58. For more on O*NET, see http://www.onetcenter.org/. While this book was not out at the time of this writing, this is likely another useful resource: Jane McGonigal, Reality is Broken: Why Games Make Us Better and How They Can Change the World (New York: Penguin Press, 2011).

22 Pink, 35.

22 Pink, 35.

23 对这个话题,一本好的通俗读物是威廉·庞德斯通的《无价:公平价值的神话(以及如何利用它)》(纽约:希尔与王,2010 年)。

23 For a good popular treatment of this topic, see William Poundstone, Priceless: The Myth of Fair Value (and How to Take Advantage of It) (New York: Hill and Wang, 2010).

24 丹·阿瑞利、乔治·洛温斯坦与德拉赞·普雷勒克,《“一致任意性”:无稳定偏好下的稳定需求曲线》,《经济学季刊》,第 118 卷,第 1 号,2003 年 2 月,第 73-105 页。

24 Dan Ariely, George Loewenstein, and Drazen Prelec, “’Coherent Arbitrariness’: Stable Demand Curves Without Stable Preferences,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 118, No. 1, February 2003, 73-105.

25 Eldar Shafir、Peter Diamond 和 Amos Tversky 合著的《货币幻觉》(Money Illusion),载于《经济学季刊》(The Quarterly Journal of Economics),第 112 卷,第 2 期,1997 年 5 月,第 341-374 页。

25 Eldar Shafir, Peter Diamond, and Amos Tversky “Money Illusion,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 112, No. 2, May 1997, 341-374.

26 Carola Frydman 与 Dirk Jenter,“CEO 薪酬”,《金融经济学年度评论》,第 2 卷,2010 年 12 月,第 75-102 页。

26 Carola Frydman and Dirk Jenter “CEO Compensation,” Annual Review of Financial Economics, Vol. 2, December 2010, 75-102.

27A. Alvarez,《扑克:下注、诈唬与坏运气》(旧金山,加州:Chronicle Books 出版社,2001 年),第 62 页。

27 A. Alvarez, Poker: Bets, Bluffs, and Bad Beats (San Francisco, CA: Chronicle Books, 2001), 62.

28 Sara L. Rynes、Barry Gerhardt 和 Kathleen A. Minette,“薪酬在员工激励中的重要性:人们所说与所做之间的差异”,《人力资源管理》,第 43 卷,第 4 号,2004 年冬季,第 381-394 页。

28 Sara L. Rynes, Barry Gerhardt, and Kathleen A. Minette, “The Importance of Pay in Employee Motivation: Discrepancies Between What People Say and What They Do,” Human Resource Management, Vol. 43, No. 4, Winter 2004, 381-394.

29 Pink, 69.

29 Pink, 69.

30 阿尔弗雷德·拉帕波特,“关于如何将高管薪酬与业绩挂钩的新思考”,《哈佛商业评论》,1999 年 3-4 月,第 91-101 页。

30 Alfred Rappaport, “New Thinking on How to Link Executive Pay with Performance,” Harvard Business Review, March-April 1999, 91-101.

31 阿尔弗雷德·拉帕波特,《短期业绩执念的经济学》,《金融分析师杂志》,第 61 卷,第 3 期,2005 年 5-6 月,第 65-79 页。

31 Alfred Rappaport, “The Economics of Short-Term Performance Obsession,” Financial Analysts Journal, Vol. 61, No. 3, May/June 2005, 65-79.

32 迈克尔·刘易斯,《大空头:末日机器内幕》(纽约:W.W. 诺顿公司,2010 年),第 200–220 页。

32 Michael Lewis, The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2010), 200-220.

33 Edwin A. Locke 和 Gary P. Latham,《目标设定理论的新方向》,《心理科学当前方向》,第 15 卷,第 5 期,2006 年 10 月,第 265-268 页。

33 Edwin A. Locke and Gary P. Latham, “New Directions in Goal-Setting Theory,” Current Directions in Psychological Science, Vol. 15, No.5, October 2006, 265-268.

34 Lisa D. Ordóñez, Maurice E. Schweitzer, Adam D. Galinsky 和 Max H. Bazerman 合著,“失控的目标:过度设定目标的系统性副作用”《管理展望学术期刊》,第 23 卷第 1 期,2009 年 2 月,第 6-16 页。

34 Lisa D. Ordóñez, Maurice E. Schweitzer, Adam D. Galinsky, and Max H. Bazerman, “Goals Gone Wild: The Systematic Side Effects of Overprescribing Goal Setting,” Academy of Management Perspectives, Vol. 23, No.1, February 2009, 6-16.

35 Christopher Chabris 和 Daniel Simons,《看不见的大猩猩:以及直觉欺骗我们的其他方式》(纽约:Crown,2010 年)。

35 Christopher Chabris and Daniel Simons, The Invisible Gorilla: And Other Ways Our Intuitions Deceive Us (New York: Crown, 2010).

36 巴里·斯塔夫(Barry M. Staw)与理查德·伯特格(Richard D. Boettger)合著《任务修订:一种被忽视的工作绩效形式》(Task Revision: A Neglected Form of Work Performance),载于《管理学会期刊》(Academy of Management Journal),第 33 卷,第 3 期,1990 年 9 月,第 534-559 页。 37 贝瑟妮·麦克莱恩(Bethany McLean)与乔·诺切拉(Joe Nocera)合著《所有魔鬼都在这里:金融危机隐藏史》(All the Devils Are Here: The Hidden History of the Financial Crisis),纽约:Portfolio 出版社,2010 年,第 128-134 页。

36 Barry M. Staw and Richard D. Boettger, “Task Revision: A Neglected Form of Work Performance,” Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 33, No. 3, September 1990, 534-559. 37 Bethany McLean and Joe Nocera, All the Devils Are Here: The Hidden History of the Financial Crisis (New York: Portfolio, 2010), 128-134.

38 克里斯托弗·D·伊特纳与戴维·F·拉克尔,《非财务绩效衡量之不足》,《哈佛商业评论》,2003 年 11 月,第 88-95 页。

38 Christopher D. Ittner and David F. Larcker, “Coming Up Short on Nonfinancial Performance Measurement,” Harvard Business Review, November 2003, 88-95.

39 Rappaport (1999).

39 Rappaport (1999).

迈克尔·莫布森,《为股东创造价值仍是关键》,《金融时报》,2009 年 8 月 2 日。

40 Michael Mauboussin, “Managing for Shareholder Value is Still Key,” Financial Times, August 2, 2009.

41 Steve Kerr, Reward Systems: Does Yours Measure Up? (Boston, MA: Harvard Business Press, 2009), 第 6–9 页。

41 Steve Kerr, Reward Systems: Does Yours Measure Up? (Boston, MA: Harvard Business Press, 2009), 6-9.

References

References

Books

Books

阿尔瓦雷斯,A.,《扑克:下注、诈唬与霉运》(加利福尼亚州旧金山:纪事出版社,2001 年)。

Alvarez, A., Poker: Bets, Bluffs, and Bad Beats (San Francisco, CA: Chronicle Books, 2001).

丹·艾瑞里,《怪诞行为学:可预测的非理性——那些影响我们决策的隐秘力量》(纽约:哈珀出版社,2008 年)。

Ariely, Dan, Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions (New York: Harper, 2008).

_____.,《怪诞行为学:非理性积极力量:打破逻辑,在工作中与生活中获益匪浅》(纽约:哈珀出版社,2010 年)。

_____., The Upside of Irrationality: The Unexpected Benefits of Defying Logic at Work and at Home (New York: Harper, 2010).

查布里斯,克里斯托弗,与丹尼尔·西蒙斯,《看不见的大猩猩:直觉如何欺骗我们》(纽约:皇冠出版社,2010 年)。

Chabris, Christopher, and Daniel Simons, The Invisible Gorilla: And Other Ways Our Intuitions Deceive Us (New York: Crown, 2010).

德韦克,卡罗尔·S.,《思维模式:成功的新心理学》(纽约:兰登书屋,2006 年)。

Dweck, Carol S., Mindset: The New Psychology of Success (New York: Random House, 2006).

Feltovich, Paul J., Kenneth M. Ford, 和 Robert Hoffman 编,《情境中的专长:人与机器》(Menlo Park, CA 和 Cambridge, MA:AAAI Press 与 The MIT Press,1997 年)。

Feltovich, Paul J., Kenneth M. Ford, and Robert Hoffman, eds., Expertise in Context: Human and Machine (Menlo Park, CA and Cambridge, MA: AAAI Press and The MIT Press, 1997).

阿图·葛文德,《清单宣言:如何把事情做对》(纽约:大都市图书出版社,2009 年)。

Gawande, Atul, The Checklist Manifesto: How to Get Things Right (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009).

布鲁斯·C·格林沃尔德与贾德·卡恩合著,《全球化:非理性的恐惧——担心中国人抢走你的饭碗》(新泽西州霍博肯:约翰·威利父子出版公司,2008 年)。

Greenwald, Bruce C., and Judd Kahn, Globalization: The Irrational Fear That Someone in China Will Take Your Job (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2008).

科尔,史蒂夫。《奖励机制:你的制度靠谱吗?》(波士顿,马萨诸塞州:哈佛商业出版社,2009 年)。

Kerr, Steve, Reward Systems: Does Yours Measure Up? (Boston, MA: Harvard Business Press, 2009).

列维特, 史蒂芬·D., 和斯蒂芬·J. 都伯纳,《魔鬼经济学: 一位叛逆经济学家探索万物的隐秘面》(纽约: 哈珀·珀雷尼尔出版社, 2009 年).

Levitt, Steven D., and Stephen J. Dubner, Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything (New York: Harper Perennial, 2009).

《超爆魔鬼经济学:全球变冷、爱国妓女以及为什么自杀式袭击者应该购买人寿保险》(纽约:威廉·莫罗出版社,2009 年)。

_____., SuperFreakonomics: Global Cooling, Patriotic Prostitutes and Why Suicide Bombers Should Buy Life Insurance (New York: William Morrow, 2009).

刘易斯,迈克尔,《大空头:末日机器内幕》(纽约:W.W. 诺顿公司,2010 年)。

Lewis, Michael, The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2010).

麦戈尼格尔,简,《游戏改变世界:游戏化如何让现实变得更美好》(纽约:企鹅出版社,2011 年)。

McGonigal, Jane, Reality is Broken: Why Games Make Us Better and How They Can Change the World (New York: Penguin Press, 2011).

贝瑟尼·麦克莱恩和乔·诺切拉,《群魔乱舞:金融危机隐藏史》(纽约:Portfolio 出版社,2010 年)。

McLean, Bethany, and Joe Nocera, All the Devils Are Here: The Hidden History of the Financial Crisis (New York: Portfolio, 2010).

匹克,丹尼尔·H.,《驱动力:关于什么激励我们的惊人真相》(纽约:里弗黑德出版社,2009 年)

Pink, Daniel H., Drive: The Surprising Truth About What Motivates Us (New York: Riverhead Books, 2009).

庞德斯通,威廉,《无价:公平价值的神话(以及如何利用它)》(纽约:希尔与王出版社,2010 年)。

Poundstone, William, Priceless: The Myth of Fair Value (and How to Take Advantage of It) (New York: Hill and Wang, 2010).

里夫斯,拜伦和 J. 莱顿·里德所著《完全投入:利用游戏与虚拟世界改变人们的工作方式及企业竞争格局》(波士顿,马萨诸塞州:哈佛商业出版社,2009 年)。

Reeves, Byron, and J. Leighton Read, Total Engagement: Using Games and Virtual Worlds to Change the Way People Work and Businesses Compete (Boston, MA: Harvard Business Press, 2009).

罗森茨威格,菲尔,《光环效应……以及其他八种蒙骗管理者的商业迷思》(纽约:自由出版社,2007 年)。

Rosenzweig, Phil, The Halo Effect . . . and the Eight Other Business Delusions That Deceive Managers (New York: Free Press, 2007).

巴里·施瓦茨与肯尼思·夏普合著,《实践智慧:做正确之事的正确方法》(纽约:河源出版社,2010 年)。

Schwartz, Barry, and Kenneth Sharpe, Practical Wisdom: The Right Way to Do the Right Thing (New York: Riverhead Books, 2010).

塞姆勒,里卡多,《七天周末:改变工作方式》(纽约:Portfolio,2004)。

Semler, Ricardo, The Seven-Day Weekend: Changing the Way Work Works (New York: Portfolio, 2004).

文章和论文

Articles and papers

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