本杰明·格雷厄姆,财务分析之父(欧文·卡恩与罗伯特·D·米尔恩,金融分析师研究基金会,不定期论文第5号,1977年)

1977 · 文章 · 原文约 19360 词
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本杰明·格雷厄姆

财务分析之父

BENJAMIN GRAHAM THE FATHER OF FINANCIAL ANALYSIS

欧文·卡恩,特许金融分析师

罗伯特·D·米尔恩,特许金融分析师

Irving Kahn, C.F.A. and Robert D. M£lne, G.F.A.

论文系列第五号

Occasional Paper Number 5

金融分析师研究基金会

THE FINANCIAL ANALYSTS RESEARCH FOUNDATION

版权所有 © 1977

财务分析师研究基金会

弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔

10 位 ISBN: 1-934667-05-6 13 位 ISBN: 978-1-934667-05-7

Copyright © 1977 by The Financial Analysts Research Foundation Charlottesville, Virginia 10-digit ISBN: 1-934667-05-6 13-digit ISBN: 978-1-934667-05-7

CONTENTS

CONTENTS

Dedication • VIlI

Dedication • VIlI

(输入仅包含一个段落,且该段落为书籍中“关于作者”的版权页或类似内容。根据忠实与完整要求,需逐段全文翻译。但原文仅为 “About the Authors • IX”,其中“IX”是罗马数字“9”,表示第 9 页。结合上下文,这应是一个页码或章节标记,而非完整句子。翻译如下:)

关于作者 • 第 IX 页

About the Authors • IX

1. 本杰明·格雷厄姆生平简介,金融分析师 1

1. Biographical Sketch of Benjamin Graham, Financial Analyst 1

II. 对本·格雷厄姆个性的几点反思 31

II. Some Reflections on Ben Graham's Personality 31

三、与格雷厄姆先生的一小时,1976 年 3 月 33

III. An Hour with Mr. Graham, March 1976 33

四、本杰明·格雷厄姆作为投资组合经理 42

IV. Benjamin Graham as a Portfolio Manager 42

五、本杰明·格雷厄姆语录 47

V. Quotations from Benjamin Graham 47

VI. 精选参考书目 49

VI. Selected Bibliography 49

  • * * * * * *
  • * * * * * *

作者感谢特许金融分析师协会(The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts)的工作人员,包括玛丽·戴维斯·谢尔顿(Mary Davis Shelton)和拉尔夫·F·麦克唐纳三世(Ralph F. MacDonald, III),在本稿件的出版筹备过程中所提供的帮助。

The authors wish to thank The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts staff, including Mary Davis Shelton and Ralph F. MacDonald, III, in preparing this manuscript for publication.

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金融分析师研究基金会

及其出版物

THE FINANCIAL ANALYSTS RESEARCH FOUNDATION AND ITS PUBLICATIONS

  1. 金融分析师研究基金会是一家独立的慈善基金会,根据《国内收入法》第 501(c) (3) 条款界定。该基金会旨在通过推动教育、以高质量研究激励金融分析领域的发展,以及促进此类研究成果向使用者与公众传播,来提升金融分析师的职业表现。更具体地说,基金会的宗旨与职责包括委托开展基础研究,这些研究(1)涉及投资证券分析、投资管理、金融分析、证券市场及密切相关的领域,而这些领域目前尚未被现有文献充分覆盖;(2)针对金融分析师与投资组合经理的实际需求;(3)具备某种持久价值。金融分析师研究基金会通过科尔盖特·达顿工商管理研究生院,与金融分析师联合会、特许金融分析师协会以及弗吉尼亚大学保持关联。
  2. 获批的研究与出版物分为以下几类:

A. 基于现有知识或方法论,对主题进行不同编排的研究。此类包括通过回顾、提炼或综合此前发表的理论研究、实证结论与专业文献,以加深金融分析行业内理解的论文;

B. 将已知技术、方法论与定量方法应用于金融分析问题的研究;

C. 为金融分析中存在的重大问题开发新方法或新解决方案的研究;

D. 揭示新理论、新关系或新知识的开创性原创研究,这些研究确认、反驳或拓展金融分析中的现有理论与概念。通常,此类研究旨在提升行业水平。研究成果可通过收集或整理来自一手来源(如原始记录、实地访谈或调查)的经验或描述性数据加以支撑。

  1. 本书及基金会出版的其他研究中所表达的观点,均为作者本人观点,未必代表基金会、其董事会或其工作人员的官方立场。按照政策,基金会对金融分析中的具体实践不持官方立场。
  2. 基金会感谢其机构与个人赞助者的自愿财务支持,正是这种支持使本出版物及其他出版物成为可能。作为一家 501(c) (3) 基金会,欢迎有意捐赠者(包括个人、商业组织、机构、遗产、基金会及其他)提供捐款。查询可联系:

研究主任

金融分析师研究基金会

弗吉尼亚大学,邮箱 6550

夏洛茨维尔,弗吉尼亚州 22906

(804) 924-3900

1. The Financial Analysts Research Foundation is an autonomous charitable foundation, as defined by Section 501 (c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. The Foundation seeks to improve the professional performance of financial analysts by fostering education, by stimulating the development of financial analysis through high quality research, and by facilitating the dissemination of such research to users and to the public. More specifically, the purposes and obligations of the Foundation are to commission basic studies (1) with respect to investment securities analysis, investment management, financial analysis, securities markets and closely related areas that are not presently or adequately covered by the available literature, (2) that are directed toward the practical needs of the financial analyst and the portfolio manager, and (3) that are of some enduring value. The Financial Analysts Research Foundation is affiliated with The Financial Analysts Federation, The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts, and the University of Virginia through The Colgate Darden Graduate School of Business Administration. 2. Several types of studies and publications are authorized: A. Studies based on existing knowledge or methodology which result in a different arrangement of the subject. Included in this category are papers that seek to broaden the understanding within the profession of financial analysis through reviewing, distilling, or synthesizing previously published theoretical research, empirical findings, and specialized literature; B. Studies that apply known techniques, methodology, and quantitative methods to problems of financial analysis; C. Studies that develop new approaches or new solutions to important problems existing in financial analysis; D. Pioneering and original research that discloses new theories, new relationships, or new knowledge that confirms, rejects, or extends existing theories and concepts in financial analysis. Ordinarily, such research is intended to improve the state of the art. The research findings may be supported by the collection or manipulation of empirical or descriptive data from primary sources, such as original records, field interviews, or surveys. 3. The views expressed in this book and in the other studies published by the Foundation are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the Foundation, its Board of Trustees, or its staff. As a matter of policy, the :Foundation has no official position with respect to specific practices in financial analysis. 4. The Foundation is indebted to the voluntary financial support of its institutional and individual sponsors by which this and other publications are made possible. As a 50I(c)(3) foundation, contributions are welcomed from interested donors, including individuals, business organizations, institutions, estates, foundations, and others. Inquiries may be directed to: Research Director The Financial Analysts Research Foundation University of Virginia, Post Office Box 6550 Charlottesville, Virginia 22906 (804) 924-3900

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金融分析师研究基金会

1976-1977

THE FINANCIAL ANALYSTS RESEARCH FOUNDATION 1976-1977

董事会受托人和高级职员

Board of Trustees and Officers

杰罗姆·L·瓦伦丁,特许金融分析师,总裁 威廉·S·格雷三世,特许金融分析师

Research Statistics, Inc. Harris Trust and Savings Bank

216 Merrie Way 111 West Monroe Street

得克萨斯州 休斯顿 邮编 77024 伊利诺伊州 芝加哥 邮编 60690

罗伯特·D·米尔恩,特许金融分析师,副总裁 当然委员

Boyd, Watterson & Co.

1500 Union Commerce Building 沃尔特·S·麦康奈尔,特许金融分析师

俄亥俄州 克利夫兰 邮编 44115 Wertheim & Co., Inc.

200 Park Avenue

杰克·L·特雷纳,秘书 纽约州 纽约 邮编 10017

《金融分析师杂志》 主席,金融分析师联合会

219 East 42nd Street

纽约州 纽约 邮编 10017

W·斯科特·鲍曼,特许金融分析师,执行董事兼财务主管 菲利普·P·布鲁克斯 Jr.,特许金融分析师

The Financial Analysts Research Foundation The Central Trust Company

弗吉尼亚大学,邮政信箱 3668 Fourth and Vine Streets

弗吉尼亚州 夏洛茨维尔 邮编 22903 俄亥俄州 辛辛那提 邮编 45202

弗兰克·E·布洛克,特许金融分析师 主席,特许金融分析师协会

Shields Model Roland Incorporated C·斯图尔特·谢泼德

44 Wall Street 弗吉尼亚大学

纽约州 纽约 邮编 10005 邮政信箱 6550

M·哈维·厄普,特许金融分析师 弗吉尼亚州 夏洛茨维尔 邮编 22906

Brittany Associates. Inc. 院长,科尔盖特·达登工商管理研究生院

10168 Creekmere Circle

得克萨斯州 达拉斯 邮编 75218

威廉·R·格兰特,特许金融分析师

Smith Barney, Harris Upham & Co.

Incorporated

1345 Avenue of the Americas

纽约州 纽约 邮编 10019

Jerome L. Valentine, C.F.A., President William S. Gray, III, C.F.A. Research Statistics, Inc. Harris Trust and Savings Bank 216 Merrie Way III West Monroe Street Houston, Texas 77024 Chicago, Illinois 60690 Robert D. Milne, C.F.A., Vice President Boyd, Watterson & Co. Ex Officio 1500 Union Commerce Building Cleveland, Ohio 44115 Walter S. McConnell, C.F.A. Wertheim & Co., Inc. Jack L. Treynor, Secretary 200 Park Avenue Financial Analysts Journal New York, New York 10017 219 East 42nd Street Chairman, The FinanC£al Analysts New York, New York 10017 Fedemtion W. Scott Bauman, C.F.A., Executive Director Philip P. Brooks,Jr., C.F.A. and Treasurer The Central Trust Company The Financial Analysts Research Foundation Fourth and Vine Streets University of Virginia, Post Office Box 3668 Cincinnati, Ohio 45202 Charlottesville, Virginia 22903 President, The Institute of Chartered Frank E. Block, C.F.A. Financial A naly sts Shields Model Roland Incorporated C: Stewart Sheppard 44 Wall Street University of Virginia New York, New York 10005 Post Office Box 6550 M. Harvey Earp, C.F.A. Charlottesville, Virginia 22906 Brittany Associates. Inc. Dean, The Colgate Darden Graduate 10168 Creekmere C{rcle School of Business Administration Dallas, Texas 75218 William R. Grant, C.F.A. Smith Barney, Harris Upham & Co. Incorporated 1345 Avenue of the Americas New York, New York 10019

财务主席 C. 斯图尔特·谢泼德,研究主任罗伯特·F·范德尔

科盖特·达登工商管理研究生院

弗吉尼亚大学,邮箱 6550

夏洛茨维尔,弗吉尼亚州 22906

C. Stewart Sheppard, Finance Chairman Robert F. Vandell, Research Director The Colgate Darden Graduate School The Colgate Darden Graduate School of Business Administration of Business Administration University of Virginia, Post Office Box 6550 University of Virginia, Post Office Box 6550 Charlottesville. Virginia 22906 Charlottesville, Virginia 22906

W. Scott Bauman,特许金融分析师(C.F.A.),执行董事

Hartman L. Butler,Jr.,特许金融分析师(C.F.A.)

研究与财务协调员

弗吉尼亚大学,邮政信箱 3668

夏洛茨维尔,弗吉尼亚州 22903

W. Scott Bauman, C.F .A., Executive Director Hartman L. Butler,Jr., C.F.A. and Treasurer Research Coordinator University of Virginia, Post Office Box 3668 University of Virginia, Post Office Box 3668 Charlottesville, Virginia 22903 Charlottesville, Virginia 22903

VII

VII

致乔治·M·汉森

DEDICATION TO GEORGE M. HANSEN

本出版物的部分资金来源于特许金融分析师协会(The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts)根据 C. 斯图尔特·谢泼德奖(C. Stewart Sheppard Award)提供的资助。该奖项授予了特许金融分析师乔治·M. 汉森(George M. Hansen),以表彰他通过不懈努力和富有启发性的领导力,为推动特许金融分析师协会成为促进金融分析师教育、建立高道德行为标准、以及开发项目和出版物以鼓励金融分析师持续教育的一支重要力量所做出的杰出贡献。

This publication was financed in part by a grant from The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts made under the C. Stewart Sheppard Award. This award was conferred on George M. Hansen, C.F .A., in recognition of his outstanding contribution, through dedicated effort and inspiring leadership, in advancing The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts as a vital force in fostering the education of financial analysts, in establishing high ethical standards of conduct, and in developing programs and publications to encourage the continuing education of financial analysts.

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关于作者

ABOUT the AUTHORS

Irving Kahn, C.P.A.

Irving Kahn, C.P.A.

欧文·卡恩是本杰明·格雷厄姆在哥伦比亚大学商学院和纽约金融学院的早期学生,后来成为其助手。他是纽约证券分析师协会的创始人之一,并担任《金融分析师杂志》的副主编。他至今仍在纽约雷曼兄弟公司担任投资顾问。

Irving Kahn was an early student and then assistant to Benjamin Graham at the Columbia University Graduate School of Business and the New York Institute of Finance. He is a founder of the New York Society of Security Analysts and serves as an Associate Editor of the Financial Analysts Joumal. He is stilI active as an investment advisor at Lehman Brothers in New York.

Robert D. Milne, C.P.A.

Robert D. Milne, C.P.A.

罗伯特·米尔恩是博伊德·沃特森投资咨询公司的合伙人。他曾任特许金融分析师协会主席,现任金融分析师研究基金会副主席、《G.F.A. 文摘》编委会委员、《金融分析师杂志》副主编,还曾任克利夫兰证券分析师协会主席。米尔恩先生在鲍德温-华莱士学院获得文学学士学位,在克利夫兰州立大学克利夫兰-马歇尔法学院获得法学博士学位。他为专业刊物撰写过多篇文章,并是俄亥俄州律师协会会员。

Robert Milne is a partner of Boyd, Watterson & Co., investment counselors. He is a past President of The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts. He is Vice President of The Financial Analysts Research Foundation, serves as a member of the Editorial Board of The G.F.A. Digest, and is an Associate Editor of the Financial Analysts Jom"nal. He is a past President of the Cleveland Society of Security Analysts. Mr. Milne received his B.A. degree from Baldwin-Wallace College and his J.D. dgeree from the Cleveland-Marshall College of Law of Cleveland State University. He has written a number of articles for professional publications, and is a member of the Ohio Bar.

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BENJAMIN GRAHAM

BENJAMIN GRAHAM

金融分析之父

THE FATHER OF FINANCIAL ANALYSIS

本杰明·格雷厄姆于 1976 年 9 月 21 日在法国普罗旺斯地区艾克斯的家中去世,享年 82 岁。当某个行业的先驱以高龄辞世时,人们通常要回溯数十年才能找到他最后的贡献。但本·格雷厄姆的情况并非如此。当时最新一期《金融分析师期刊》(9 月/10 月合刊在其去世前不久刚刚付印)的封面,用的是装饰本刊的这幅肖像。该期头条文章以本坚持了半个世纪的告诫收尾:“真正的投资者能够利用投机大众反复出现的过度乐观和过度恐慌。”

金融分析行业奠基于开创性著作《证券分析》,该书于 1934 年出版,至今其第四版仍被用于特许金融分析师(CFA)候选人学习计划。超过 10 万册的《格雷厄姆与多德》将其关于投资优于投机的理念,传递给了我们行业的两代人。本及其客户的财务成功,戏剧性地证明了他那种严谨投资评估方法的实用价值。

《证券分析》的学生们认识到,这部杰作并非一蹴而就的天才迸发。相反,它是第一版问世前二十年大量辛勤工作与经验的结晶。一年多前,金融分析师研究基金会有意撰写一篇关于本杰明·格雷厄姆职业发展历程的传记简介,作为金融分析发展史的一份贡献。本对此项目极为热心,并提供了近 200 页他于 1956 年撰写、尚未出版的回忆录草稿。基金会研究协调员、特许金融分析师小哈特曼·L·巴特勒于 1976 年 3 月对本的访谈记录,帮助本回顾了他活跃生涯中那些回忆录未涉及的部分。这篇简介的合著者之一欧文·卡恩,曾在本的指导下广泛工作并教学逾四十年。

读者应当了解,这篇传记中经久不衰的部分,正是本众多贡献的一部分——这些贡献既丰富了我们的生活,也加深了我们对金融分析行业早期发展的理解。

Benjamin Graham died on September 21, 1976 at his home in Aix-en-Provence, France at age 82. When a pioneer in a profession dies at an advanced age, one generally has to go back many decades to find his last contributions. This was not the case with Ben Graham. The cover of the then current issue of the Financial Analysts Journal (the September/October issue had gone to press only shortly before his death) had the portrait that adorns this publication. The lead article ended with Ben's exhortation consistently stressed for half a century: "True investors can exploit the recurrent excessive optimism and excessive apprehension of the speculative public." The profession of financial analysis was built on the pioneering book Security Analysis, published in 1934 and in its fourth edition still is used in the Chartered Financial Analysts Candidate Study Program. More than 100,000 copies of "Graham & Dodd" have brought his concepts about the merits of investment over speculation to two generations of our profession. The financial success of Ben and his clients dramatically demonstrated the practical value of his thorough approach to the evaluation of investments. Students of Security Analysis recognized that the masterpiece did not spring into life in one outburst of genius. Rather it was the result of much hard work and the experience of two decades before the first edition. Over a year ago The Financial Analysts Research Foundation became interested in the preparation of a biographical sketch of the professional development of Benjamin Graham as a contribution to the history of the development of financial analysis. Ben was most enthusiastic about this project and supplied nearly 200 pages of an unpublished draft of his memoirs written in 1956. The transcript of the March 1976 interview by the Foundation's Research Coordinator, Hartman L. Butler, Jr., C.F.A., helped Ben to review some of the parts in his active life not covered in his memoirs. One of the co-authors of this sketch, Irving Kahn, had the experience of working extensively and teaching under Ben for over four decades. The reader should understand that the enduring portions of this biography are among Ben's many contributions that have both enriched our lives and enhanced our understanding of the early development of the profession of financial analysis.

他早年的生活

HIS EARLY LIFE

本杰明·格雷厄姆于 1894 年 5 月 9 日出生于伦敦,是家中三兄弟中最小的一个。他的父亲经营着家族生意,从奥地利和德国进口瓷器和古玩。在他刚满一岁时,全家迁往纽约,开设公司的美国分部。本在纽约开始了普通男孩的生活,就读于第 117 街与圣尼古拉斯大道交界的第 10 公立学校。他的父亲年仅 35 岁便去世了,留下遗孀独自抚养三个分别为 9 岁、10 岁和 11 岁的男孩。

家人尝试过各种办法维持生意,但因为没有成年人主持大局,一年多就失败了。他母亲经营寄宿公寓的两年尝试也同样不成功。本 13 岁时,母亲开了一个保证金账户,买入了一笔美国钢铁公司的零股。1907 年的恐慌吞掉了那个小小的保证金账户。这是本第一次接触股市。

尽管家境日益拮据,本还是以接近班级顶级的成绩从布鲁克林男子高中毕业。一次文书错误让他的哥伦比亚大学奖学金推迟了一个学期。为了帮助养家,他不得不放弃白天的课程,在美国捷运公司做全职工作。然而,他继续刻苦学习,最终以 1914 届第二名的成绩毕业。

在哥伦比亚大学的最后一个月里,哲学、数学和英语三个系都邀请他留下来担任讲师。每个系的系主任都向他指出学术生涯的种种满足,尽管起薪低、晋升前景缓慢。面对如此丰厚的橄榄枝,本感到困惑,便去咨询哥伦比亚大学院长弗雷德里克·凯佩尔,而凯佩尔一贯倾向于把聪明的毕业生送进商界,而非学术生涯。巧合的是,一位纽约证券交易所的会员来见凯佩尔院长,谈论他儿子令人沮丧的成绩,并在谈话中请院长推荐一名他最优秀的学生。

Benjamin Graham was born on l\1ay 9, 1894 in London, the youngest of three children, all boys. His father wa~ in the family business of importing china and bric-a-brac from Austria and Germany. When he was just a year old, the family moved to New York to open an American branch of the firm. Ben began the normal life of a boy in New York, attending P.S. 10 at 117th Street and St. Nicholas Avenue. His father died at only 35, leaving his widow to bring up three boys ages 9, 10, and 1l. Various efforts were made to continue the business but, without an active adult, it failed in little more than a year. Nor did his mother's two-year experiment running a boarding house prove any more successful. When Ben was 13, his mother opened a margin account to buy an odd lot of U. S. Steel. The panic of 1907 wiped out the smail margin account. This was Ben's first contact with the stock market. Despite dwindling family resources, Ben graduated near the top of his class at Boys High School in Brooklyn. A clerical error delayed his scholarship to Columbia for one semester. The need to help support the family forced him to drop his daytime classes to take a full-time job with United States Express. Yet, he continued his studies with such great success that he graduated second in the Class of 1914. During his final month at Columbia, three departments-Philosophy, Mathematics, and English-each invited him to join their faculties as an instructor. Each of the department heads pointed out the satisfactions of an academic career, despite low starting salaries and slow prospects for advancement. Bewildered by this wealth of offers, Ben conferred with Columbia's Dean, Frederick Keppel, who had a strong prediliction for sending bright graduates into business instead of an academic life. By coincidence, a member of the New York Stock Exchange came in to see Dean Keppel about his son's woeful grades and, in the course of the interview, asked the Dean to recommend one of his best students.

职业生涯的开端

THE BEGINNING OF' A CAREER

因此,本在纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司开始了他的职业生涯,担任债券部助理,周薪 12 美元(相当于 1977 年的 68 美元)。尽管本在哥伦比亚大学从未学过经济学,但他渴望参与那些金融小说中描绘的“神秘仪式和重大事件”。在当了一个月的证券和支票递送员后,他成为只有两人的债券部的助理。他的主要任务是制作简短摘要。

Thus, Ben began his career with Newburger, Henderson & Loeb as an assistant in the bond department at $12 per week ($68 in 1977 dollars). Although Ben never studied economics at Columbia, he was eager to participate in the "mysterious rites and momentous events" alluded to in novels about the world of finance. After a month as a runner delivering securities and checks, he became the assistant to a two-man bond department. His mam task was to prepare thumbnail

在他的每日推荐债券清单中附上每只债券的说明。六周后,本又接了一项额外任务——为公司在费城的办事处撰写每日市场简报。

几个月后,第一次世界大战爆发,欧洲投资者大量抛售手中的美国证券,引发恐慌,迫使纽约证券交易所关闭了数月之久。当市场在有限范围内恢复交易后,投资者信心逐渐回升,战时大牛市就此开始。本所在的券商公司被这突如其来的交易活跃度打了个措手不及,大量岗位缺人,于是本被派去填补各种空缺,包括帮“黑板报童”更新股票报价。其他日子,他还要操作电话总机、在后台帮忙,甚至偶尔还得跑腿递送证券。这些日常杂活让本全面了解了投资世界的方方面面。

市场稳定下来之后,合伙人决定派本出去拜访客户。这在当时是一份轻松愉快的差事,因为那时的普通商人接到债券推销员的拜访电话会觉得备感荣幸,哪怕是拒绝也总是彬彬有礼。尽管这些拜访最终都没能做成生意,但本借此明白了大多数客户对自己买入或持有的证券其实知之甚少。

本开始研究铁路公司的报告——当时铁路是拥有最多未清偿债券的主要行业。他勤奋研读当时的权威教科书:劳伦斯·张伯伦的《债券投资原理》。他最早的研究之一是对密苏里太平洋铁路公司的分析。该公司截至 1914 年 6 月的年报使他确信,这家公司实体资产和财务状况都很糟糕,投资者不应该持有该公司的债券。他把这份报告拿给一位在纽交所场内做经纪人的朋友看。这位经纪人又把报告转给了巴奇公司的一位合伙人。结果,本被邀请去担任“统计员”——这是当时对证券分析师的称呼——周薪 18 美元,比之前涨了 50%。

本以为纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司不会反对,因为他没有带来任何债券佣金来抵消自己的薪水。没想到塞缪尔·纽伯格却被激怒了,他无法容忍自己的雇员竟然如此不忠诚,居然想跳槽。然而让他意外的是,接下来是这样一段对话:

descriptions of each bond in their daily lists of recommendations. After six weeks, Ben was assigned the additional task of writing the daily market-letter for their Philadelphia office. A few months later, World War I broke out and European investors' heavy sales of their American securities caused the panic that forced the New York Stock Exchange to close for several months. When trading resumed on a limited basis, investor confidence gradually returned and the big wartime rise began. His firm, caught shorthanded by this increased activity, used Ben to fill many gaps, including helping the "boardboy" put up stock quotations. Other days he operated the telephone switchboard, helped out in the back office, and even made an occasional delivery of securities. These routine jobs gave Ben an understanding of all aspects of the investment world. When the market settled down, the partners decided to send Ben out to call on customers. This was then a pleasant occupation, because in those days the average businessman was flattered to be called upon by a bond salesman and even his "No" was invariably polite. Although these calls turned out to be fruitless, Ben was learning about the limited understanding most clients had of the securities they bought or owned. Ben began to study railroad reports, then the major industry with bonds outstanding. He applied himself diligently to the then standard textbook: The Principles of Bond Investment by Lawrence Chamberlain. One of his earliest studies was an analysis of the Missouri Pacific Railroad. Its report for the year ended in June 1914 convinced him that the company was in poor physical and financial condition and that its bonds should not be held by investors. He showed the report to a friend who was a floor broker on the Exchange. The floor broker in turn showed the report to a partner In Bache & Co. As a result, Ben was asked to become a "statistician"-as security analysts were then called--at a salary of $18 per week, a 50 percent raise. Ben assumed that Newburger, Henderson & Loeb would not object, as he had brought in no bond commissions to offset his salary. Samuel Newburger Instead was outraged that his employee could be so disloyal as to consider leaving. To his surprise, this conversation ensued:

“但我觉得自己在这儿不配拿这份薪水。”

"But, I thought I wasn't earnmg my salt here."

“这由我们来决定,而不是你。”

"That's for us to decide, not you."

“但我天生不是做债券推销员的料;干统计工作我更能胜任。”

"But I'm not cut out for a bond salesman; I'd do better at statistical work."

“那也行。我们该有个统计部门了。就由你来当吧。”

"That's fine. It's time we had a statistical department. You can be it."

沃伦·巴菲特:初入华尔街的那些年

EARLY YEARS ON WALL STREET

那个年代的投资活动几乎完全局限于债券。普通股——除了少数主要铁路和公用事业公司以外——都被视为投机品。不过,公司信息正开始越来越丰富。公司会主动提供经营和财务信息,要么是为了吸引投资者,要么是为了符合证券交易所的规定。金融服务机构利用这些信息,把它们以方便的形式印在手册和现行出版物里。此外,州际商务委员会(ICC)和各种监管机构也在收集海量数据,这些数据全都公开,可以查阅和研究。

然而,这些财务信息大部分在普通股分析中被忽视了。人们觉得这些数据当下意义有限。真正重要的是“内幕信息”——有些涉及公司的经营情况,但更多是关于股市操纵团体的计划。主要股票的涨跌大部分都被归因于市场操纵者。工业公司因第一次世界大战扩张而改善的财务状况,孕育了内在价值和投资价值这两个因素,它们后来成了主导市场走向的核心概念。因此,20 世纪 20 年代初的华尔街,成了对证券价值进行真正深入分析的开垦处女地,尤其是工业股领域。

本·格雷厄姆作为华尔街一位独特的专业分析师,其职业生涯可追溯到 1915 年古根海姆勘探公司的解散计划。这家控股公司在数家铜矿开采公司持有大量权益,这些公司的股票在纽约证券交易所交易活跃。当古根海姆勘探公司提议解散并按比例向其股东分配各项资产时,本·格雷厄姆计算出了如下的套利价值:

项目1915 年 9 月 1 日市值
1 股古根海姆勘探公司68.88 美元
持有的等值证券
0.7277 股肯尼科特铜业 @ 52.50 美元38.20 美元
0.1172 股奇诺铜业 @ 46.00 美元5.39 美元
0.0833 股美国熔炼公司 @ 81.75 美元6.81 美元
0.185 股雷联合铜业 @ 22.88 美元4.23 美元
其他资产21.60 美元
合计76.23 美元

Investment activity in that era was almost entirely limited to bonds. Common stocks, with a relatively few exceptions for the major railroads and utilities, were viewed as speculations. Nonetheless, a growing supply of corporate information had begun to appear. Operating and financial information was supplied by corporations, either voluntarily to attract investors, or else to conform with stock exchange regulations. The financial services took advantage of this information, reprinting it in convenient form in their manuals and current publications. In addition, the ICC and various regulatory bodies were gathering enormous quantities of data, all of which were open for inspection and study. Most of this financial information, however, was neglected in common stock analysis. The figures were considered to have limited current interest. What really counted was "insider information"-some of it related to a company's operations, but much relating to the plans of stock market pools. Market manipulators were held responsible for most of the moves, up or down, in major stocks. The improved financial position of industrial companies-resulting from World War I expansion-developed those factors of intrinsic value and investment merit that were to become the dominant concepts in future market moves. Thus, the Wall Street of the early 1920's became virgin territory for exploitation by genuine, penetrating analysis of security values, especially among industrial issues. Ben's career as a distinctive professional Wall Street analyst dates back to the 1915 plan for the dissolution of the Guggenheim Exploration Company. This holding company had large interests in several copper mining companies actively trading on the New York Stock Exchange. When Guggenheim Exploration proposed to dissolve and to distribute its various holdings to its shareholders on a pro rata basis, Ben calculated the arbitrage values as follows: Market Value September 1, 1915 1 share Guggenheim Exploration $68.88 Equivalent Securities Held .7277 share Kennecott Copper @ 52.50 $38.20 .1172 share Chino Copper @ 46.00 5.39 .0833 share Amer. Smelting @ 81. 75 6.81 .185 share Ray Cons. Copper @ 22.88 4.23 Other assets 21.60 Total $76.23

这些计算意味着,每购买一股古根海姆勘探公司股票,就能获得确定的 7.35 美元套利利润,条件是同时卖出旗下铜业公司的股票。风险在于:股东可能不批准公司解散,或者诉讼可能拖延进程。另一个潜在问题是,在古根海姆股东获得分配之前,如何维持铜业股票的“空头头寸”。由于这些风险都不算大,这家公司对大量股票进行了套利操作。本的一位同事提议,由他来管理这笔古根海姆套利交易,利润的 20% 归本所有。1916 年 1 月 17 日,解散方案顺利通过,本·格雷厄姆的名声和财富都水涨船高。

1915 年到 1916 年,第一次世界大战的大牛市席卷而来。典型的美国公司税负仍然很轻,从英法两国的大量军火和物资订单中赚得盆满钵满。普通股涨到了前所未有的高度;经纪行业一片繁荣;而本的薪水也跟着水涨船高。

1917 年 4 月,美国参战,本申请参加军官候选训练营,但遭到了干脆利落的拒绝,因为他仍然是英国臣民。于是,本加入了纽约州国民警卫队 M 连,这支队伍最活跃的活动就是跟在维克多·赫伯特指挥的警卫队乐队后面行军!

古根海姆勘探公司解散套利的成功,鼓励了本买入那些看似被低估的普通股,同时卖出被高估的股票。他的好友、哥伦比亚大学英语系教授阿尔杰农·塔辛同意提供 1 万美元本金,交易账户的盈亏由教授和本平分。第一年,账户就大获成功,每人赚了数千美元。本用自己分到的钱,在百老汇和 98 街交会处投资 7000 美元开了一家“百老汇留声机商店”,由他的哥哥利昂经营。这家店经营了几年后被卖掉。

从 1916 年秋所谓的“和平恐慌”开始,直到美国 1917 年初参战后一年,证券价格持续下跌。塔辛的账户里主要是一些不太知名的股票,实际价值其实高于市场报价。但是,这些股票也在整体弱势中下跌,更糟的是,这些冷门股票的买盘往往消失殆尽。账户被要求追加保证金,不得不以巨额亏损卖出。本无力偿还自己那份亏损,因为他的资金都套在了留声机商店里。毫不知情的阿尔杰农听到结果后,震惊不已。

These calculations meant an assured arbitrage profit of $ 7.35 for each share of Guggenheim Exploration purchased, provided that simultaneous sales were made of the underlying copper companies. The risks lay in the possibility that the shareholders might not approve the dissolution, or that litigation might delay it. Another potential problem might arise in maintaining a "short" position in the copper stocks until the distribution was made to Guggenheim shareholders. Because none of these risks appeared substantial, the firm arbitraged a large number of shares. One of Ben's associates proposed that he manage his venture in Guggenheim in return for a 20 percent share in the profits. When the dissolution went through on January 17,1916, Ben's reputation and his net worth both grew. The years 1915-1916 saw the big bull market of World War 1. The typical U. S. corporation, still lightly taxed, benefitted hugely from war orders for munitions and supplies for England and France. Common stocks rose to unprecedented heights; the brokerage community prospered mightily; and Ben's salary did, too. In April 1917, when the United States entered the war, Ben applied for the Officer Candidate Training Camp, but he received a curt rejection because he was still a British subject. Ben joined Company M of the New York State Guard, whose most active participation was marching to the Guard's band led by Victor Herbert! Ben's success with the Guggenheim Exploration Co. dissolution encouraged him to buy common stocks that appeared to be underpriced while simultaneously selling overpriced stocks. His good friend, Algernon Tassin, Professor of English at Columbia, agreed to supply $10,000 of capital, with the profits or losses of the trading account to be divided equally between the professor and Ben. The account prospered famously during the first year with several thousand dollars of profit for each. Ben used his share to invest $7,000 in "The Broadway Phonograph Shop" at Broadway and 98th Street, with his brother Leon operating the store. The store was kept going for several years before selling out. Beginning with a so-called "peace scare" in the Fall of 1916 and continuing for a year after America entered the war in early 1917, security prices suffered a persistent decline. The Tassin account was generally in obscure issues that actually were worth more than their market quotations. But, these stocks also dropped in the general weakness and, even worse, bids for such obscure issues tended to disappear. The account was called for more margin, and it was necessary to make sales at a considerable loss. Ben was unable to repay his share of the loss since his funds were tied up in the phonograph shop. The unsuspecting Algernon was shocked to hear the results, but

对方出于同情,准许本每月以 60 美元分期补足差额。过了两年,市场大幅回暖,差额补上了,后来的几年里,本还能把塔辛教授的那笔财富积累到一个“相当可观的数字”。

战争期间,本向《华尔街杂志》投了一篇题为《债券里的便宜货》的文章。这是一份深入的研究,揭示了大量品质相当接近的债券之间令人咋舌的价格差异。从那以后,他便成了该杂志的常客撰稿人。有一回,杂志社邀请他加入编辑部,后来又请他出任主编,薪水颇为优厚。纽伯格先生再次劝阻本不要离开公司,这次是许诺给他一个初级合伙人的位置。结果,本的弟弟维克托倒去了《华尔街杂志》当广告销售员,在那里取得了极大的成功,一路做到了主管广告部的副总裁。

sympathetically allowed Ben to make up the deficiency at $60 per month. After two years the market strengthened sufficiently to make up the deficiency, and in later years Ben was able to build up Professor Tassin's fortune to a "quite respectable figure." During the war years Ben submitted to the Magazine of Wall Street an article entitled "Bargains in Bonds." This was a thorough study showing the disparities among the prices of a number of quite comparable issues. From then on, he became a frequent contributor to the magazine. At one point he was asked to join the staff and later he was asked to become editor with an attractive salary. Mr. Newburger again talked Ben out of leaving the firm, this time promising him a junior partnership. Instead, Ben's brother, Victor, became an advertising salesman for the Magazine of Wall Street, where he had a great success, becoming the vice president in charge of the department.

在年度报告中,我经常谈论伯克希尔的竞争力——我们拥有护城河(moat),并且我们努力加宽护城河。这是一个可以理解的现象。但有时,即使是宽阔的护城河也可能被证明是虚幻的。这家公司拥有深厚的护城河,但它的命运却戏剧性地逆转了。这家公司就是所罗门兄弟(Salomon Brothers)。

THE NEW ERA BEGINS

从 1919 年到 1929 年,本在华尔街的晋升速度快得惊人,几近传奇。1920 年初,他成为纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司(Newburger, Henderson & Loeb)的合伙人,保留原有薪水,并获得利润 2.5% 的分成,且无需承担任何亏损责任。

本的一位朋友在当时规模很大的公共事业债券公司邦布莱特(Bonbright & Co.)任职。他把本介绍给了一位名叫三木淳吉的年轻人。三木曾试图说服邦布莱特公司担任其雇主——大阪藤本票据银行——的代理人,这家银行正积极收购日本政府债券。邦布莱特公司忙于自己的承销业务,无暇他顾,但本可以为三木提供自己公司全面而高效的服务。日俄战争期间,日本政府曾在 1906 年于欧洲和美国发行过多期债券。这些债券的持有者可以选择以欧洲货币或日元兑付。日本经济的繁荣,加上一战后欧洲的货币问题,使得这些债券对日本投资者来说极具吸引力。

本通过其公司在伦敦、巴黎和阿姆斯特丹的代理行大规模买入这些债券。然后,将债券附上汇票一并运往日本。在纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司作为独家代理的两年间,2% 的佣金带来了超过 10 万美元的收入。不过,后台部门对此却不太热情,因为大部分日本债券在巴黎和伦敦是以 100 美元面值或其等值面额出售的。这些“小额面值”的票据被视作麻烦。

Between 1919 and 1929, Ben's upward progress in Wall Street was so rapid as to verge on the spectacular. At the beginning of 1920 he was made a partner in N ewburger, Henderson & Loeb, retaining his salary and gaining a 2Y2 percent interest in the profits, without any liability for losses. One of Ben's friends was with the important public utility bond house, Bonbright & Co. He introduced Ben to a young man, Junkichi Miki, who had tried to interest Bonbright & Co. in acting as agent for his employer, the Fujimoto Bill Broker Bank of Osaka, active in acquiring Japanese Government bonds. Bonbright & Co. was too busy with its own underwritings, but Ben was able to offer Miki his firm's comprehensive and energetic service. Various issues of Japanese Government bonds had been placed in Europe and America in 1906 during the Russo-Japanese War. These bonds were payable, at the option of the holder, either in a European currency or in yen. The prosperity of Japan combined with the currency problems of Europe following World War I meant that these bonds became very attractive for Japanese investors. Ben arranged for the purchase of these bonds on a large scale through his firm's correspondents in London, Paris, and Amsterdam. The bonds were then shipped to Japan, draft attached. The two percent commission provided over $100,000 during the two years that Newburger, Henderson & Loeb was the exclusive agent. The back office was less enthusiastic, however, because a large portion of the Japanese bonds had been sold in $100 denominations or equivalent pieces in Paris and London. These "small pieces" were considered a nuisance in

西方市场的债券售价有很大折扣。由于日本人对这些债券没有偏见,他的后台办公室被堆积如山的文件淹没了。通常购买 10 万美元面值的债券,就会收到一千张独立的债券凭证。存放这些债券的专用保险箱,被不太友好地称为“本·格雷厄姆专柜”。

两年后,藤本银行在纽约设立了分行,由三木负责,专门购买这些债券。另外两家日本银行也成了客户,弥补了部分流失的业务。

本的主要工作是处理关于证券清单或个别证券的查询。他配有一名助手里奥·斯特恩,后来成为公司的高级合伙人,也是沃尔特·P·斯特恩的父亲——沃尔特本人职业生涯卓著,曾担任金融分析师联合会和特许金融分析师协会的主席。他们定期发布“通函”,详细分析一种或多种证券。

例如,在 1921 年 5 月,他们建议卖出 1923 年到期的美国胜利 4% 债券(当时售价 97%),并将资金再投资于 1938 年到期的美国 4% 债券(当时售价 87.5%)。他们认为当时的高利率水平将会回落,因此长期债券有更好的升值潜力。这份通函以“致胜利债券持有人的备忘录”为标题在报纸上刊登广告。纽约证券交易所随即要求索取一份副本,因为一条不成文的规定禁止交易所会员建议客户将政府债券换为公司证券。幸运的是,这份通函并没有建议任何不爱国行为——而且事实证明这是一个盈利的建议。

另一份通函则更因给本上了一课而闻名。那份通函对所有上市的轮胎和橡胶股票进行了详细的统计比较。研究恰如其分地指出,阿贾克斯轮胎普通股似乎最有吸引力。几天后,阿贾克斯轮胎的总裁出现在本的办公室。本后来希望自己在通函发布前就见过他。阿贾克斯轮胎兴盛了没多长时间,然后就破产了。由此,他学到了会见公司高层管理人员的重要性。

1919 年,本准备了一份对芝加哥、密尔沃基和圣保罗铁路公司与圣路易斯和西南铁路公司的详细比较。因为他的分析以非常不利的眼光描绘了密尔沃基铁路公司,他感到最好在发表前先提交给该公司审阅。他与财务副总裁罗伯特·J·马罗尼约定了会面。马罗尼相当快速地浏览了材料,然后说:“我并非质疑你的事实或你的分析——”

Western markets, selling at a substantial discount. As the Japanese had no prejudice against these bonds, his back office was inundated with reams of documents. The typical purchase of $100,000 face amount would usually result in the appearance of one thousand separate bonds. The special safe deposit box for these bonds was known, not too favorably, as the "Ben Graham" box. After two years, the Fujimoto Bank set up its own New York office, with Miki in charge, to buy these bonds. Two other Japanese banking firms then became customers and made up for some of the lost business. Ben's main work was in handling an inquiries about security lists or individual issues. He was given an assistant, Leo Stern, later a senior partner in the firm and the father of Walter P. Stern-whose own distinguished career has included terms as President of The Financial Analysts Federation and of The Institute of Chartered Financial Analysts. Periodically, they issued "circulars" analyzing one or more securities in detail. For example, in May of 1921 they recommended the sale of the U. S. Victory 4%'s due in 1923 and selling at 97% and reinvestment in the U. S. 4%'s of 1938 then selling at 87Y2. They believed that the then high level of interest rates would subside and thus the longer term bonds had better appreciation po~sibilities. This circular was advertised in the newspapers under the title "Memorandum to Holders of Victory Bonds." The New York Stock Exchange promptly asked for a copy, as an unwritten rule prohibited Stock Exchange Members from recommending switches out of Government Bonds into corporate securities. Fortunately, the circular did not recommend any unpatriotic act-and it proved to be a profitable recommendation. Another circular was more notable for teaching Ben a lesson. That circular was a detailed statistical comparison of all the listed tire and rubber stocks. The study duly noted that Ajax Tire common appeared to be the most attractive. A few days later the president of Ajax Tire appeared at Ben's office. Ben subsequently wished he had met him before the circular was issued. Ajax Tire flourished only a little while and then declined into bankruptcy. Thus, a lesson in the importance of meeting top management was learned. In 1919, Ben prepared a detailed comparison of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad with the S1. Louis & Southwestern Railroad. Because his analysis portrayed the Milwaukee Railroad in a highly unfavorable light, he felt it best to submit it to the company before publication. An appointment was made with the Financial Vice-President, Robert J. Marony. Marony looked over the material rather rapidly and said: "I don't quarrel with your facts or your

总结。我也希望我们的业绩能更好看些,但事实并非如此,那就这样吧。” 这件事促成了一段长久的商业与个人情谊,马罗尼先生后来成为格雷厄姆-纽曼公司和政府雇员保险公司(现 GEICO)的大股东和董事。

同年,本写了三本小册子《投资者须知》,汇集了这位早慧的 25 岁年轻人的智慧。书中为以合理价格购买优质普通股提出了强有力的论据。它还包含一个新颖的观点:“如果一只普通股是一项好的投资,那么它也是一项有吸引力的投机。”

从 1913 年开始,贯穿第一次世界大战,税法与税务法规变得日益复杂且繁重。本意识到必须彻底研究税法,以了解它们对公司业绩的影响。这导致了对税收数据的一次意想不到的应用。当时,典型公司的资产负债表上都有大量“商誉”,几乎总是与“固定资产账户”中实际的有形投资混在一起公布。“商誉”或“水分”的规模是严加保守的秘密。

然而,1917 年的超额利润税允许对有形投入资本给予一定百分比的税收抵免,但对商誉、专利等无形资产只给予很小的扣除额。本设计了一系列公式,从三个项目(税金、税前利润和固定资产账户)反推,以确定固定资产账户中有多少属于商誉类别。这些发现成了《华尔街杂志》一篇文章的基础。编辑鲍尔斯说:“本,我们这里没人看得懂你的公式。感觉就像你变了个魔术似的。不过,我们还是把它发表了。”

尽管当时可获取的公开数据可能具有误导性,但本的推算却被证明惊人的准确。他的计算精确度在多年内都未公开——直到大多数公司最终开始冲销其资产负债表中嵌入的、更虚幻的无形资产。到那时,盈利能力已开始成为影响股价的最重要因素,而资产价值的重要性则大大降低。例如,本的计算显示,美国钢铁公司全部 5.08 亿美元普通股面值,甚至其 3.6 亿美元优先股中的相当一部分,最初都是“水分”。随后,美国钢铁公司动用了多年的留存收益,注销了 7.69 亿美元的“商誉”及类似无形资产。

本在套利和对冲操作方面的成功消息不胫而走,几位客户开设了账户,允许他作为唯一经理人,分享累计净利润的 25%。这是一个标准

conclusions. I wish our showing was a better one, but it isn't and that's that." This episode led to a long-lasting business and personal association in which Mr. Marony became a substantial investor and director in Graham-Newman Corporation and III Government Employees Insurance Company. The same year Ben wrote three pamphlets "Lessons for Investors," giving the wisdom of this precocious 25-year old. A strong argument was made for the purchase of sound common stocks at reasonable prices. It also contained the novel statement that "if a common stock is a good investment, it is also an attractive speculation." Beginning in 1913 and throughout World War I, tax laws and tax regulations became increasingly complicated as well as onerous. Ben realized that it was necessary to study tax laws thoroughly to see their effect on corporations' results. This led to an unexpected use of the tax figures. At that time the typical corporate balance sheet contained a large amount of "goodwill," almost always lumped together with actual tangible investments in the "property account" as published. The extent of "goodwill" or "water" was a jealously-guarded secret. The Excess Profits Tax of 1917, however, allowed a credit of a certain percentage on tangible invested capital, but only a minor allowance for intangibles such as goodwill, patents and so forth. Ben devised a series of formulas to work back from three items-taxes, pretax income, and the property account-to determine how much of the property account was in the goodwill category. These findings were the basis for an article in The Magazine of Wall Street. Editor Powers said: "Ben, nobody around here can make head or tail of your formulas. It looks as if you've done the whole thing with mirrors. But, we'll publish it anyway." Although the published figures available could have been misleading, Ben's computations proved remarkably correct. The accuracy of his calculations was not publicly available for many years-until most corporations finally started to write off the more imaginary intangibles embedded in their balance sheets. By then, earning power had begun to become the most significant factor affecting a stock's price and asset values were much less important. Ben's computations, for example, revealed that all the $508 million par value of the U. S. Steel common stock and even a good part of its $360 million of preferred had originally been "water." Subsequently U. S. Steel wrote down $769 million of "goodwill" and similar intangibles by using many years of retained earnings. Word of Ben's success with arbitrage and hedging operations spread, and several clients opened accounts that allowed him, as sole manager, a 25 percent share in the cumulative net profits. A standard

当时公司的主要操作是,按接近面值的价格买入可转换债券,同时卖空等量普通股的看涨期权。有时市场对看跌期权的需求更强,这时公司就会买入债券、卖空股票,同时卖出一份看跌期权。由于当时看跌和看涨期权的权利金相当可观,无论股票上涨、下跌还是横盘,这套操作都能保证带来令人满意的利润。

1919 年的战后牛市是那个时代的典型——充斥着内部人的操纵,外加公众一贯的贪婪、无知和狂热。本凭借对塔辛账户的教训记忆犹新,安然度过了 1919 至 1921 年的危险时期。他的账户专注于套利和对冲操作。当时投机者最青睐的品种之一是联合纺织公司,这是一家由多家棉纺厂最近合并而成的企业,其 7% 可转换债券看似足够安全,值得买入。后来,随着普通股价格上涨,公司卖空了相应数量的股票,确保获得可观利润。公司的一位资深合伙人,对该股票极度看涨,为自己的客户大量买入了普通股。本指出,可转换债券与股票具有相同的盈利潜力,而且亏损风险更小。这位合伙人却说,他的客户喜欢活跃的股票,而不是债券。不到一年,联合纺织公司的普通股从 70 美元跌至 20 美元,而 7% 可转换债券则被再融资,并按高于面值的溢价赎回。业余投资者至今仍未学会这宝贵的一课。

本并非完全免疫于当时流行的荒谬做法。一位朋友曾参与一个财团,以每股 3 美元的价格私下买入埃特尔石油公司的普通股,几周后该股票在场外市场以每股 8 美元的价格开始公开交易。这位朋友善意地邀请他参与下一笔交易。1919 年 4 月,下一笔交易出现了。萨沃德轮胎公司成立,旨在利用一项翻新汽车轮胎的专利工艺。本投入了 2500 美元,财团按 10 美元的价格认购。几天后,交易价格从 24 美元开始,随后在一片兴奋中涨至 37 美元。财团卖出离场,本分得了近 7500 美元。

尽管他通常颇有常识,但贪婪占了上风。母公司决定将其工艺授权给各州的关联公司,这些公司将向公众出售股票。在最初的萨沃德轮胎交易四周后,纽约萨沃德轮胎公司成立了。这一次,本的一些朋友加入了一个 2 万美元的认购财团,该财团按 20 美元认购股票,随后这只股票在纽约场外交易所开盘价为 50 美元,很快又涨至 60 美元。这一切发生在本 25 岁生日那一周。很快,第一笔收益的支票就寄到了。

operation was the purchase of convertible bonds near par value and the simultaneous sale of calls on an equivalent amount of common. At times the market would be stronger for puts and then the bonds would be bought, the stock sold short and a put also sold. As the premium prices then received for puts and calls were substantial, this procedure guaranteed a satisfactory profit no matter whether the stock rose, fell, or remained constant. The postwar bull market of 1919 was a typical bull market of the times-marked by manipulations by insiders, plus the usual greed, ignorance, and enthusiasm on the part of the public. Ben came through the dangerous period of 1919-1921 quite well, remembering his experience with the Tassin account. His accounts concentrated on arbitrage and hedging operations. One of the speculative favorites of the time was Consolidated Textile, a recent conglomeration of cotton mills whose convertible seven percent bonds appeared sufficiently safe to buy. Later, as the common rose in price, corresponding amounts of stock were sold short, assuring a good profit. One of the firm's senior partners, an enthusiastic bull on the stock, had purchased large quantities of the common for his customers. Ben pointed out that the convertible bonds had the same potential for profit as the stock, plus less risk of loss. The partner said his customers liked an active stock rather than a bond. Within a year, Consolidated Textile common fell from 70 to 20, while the seven percent convertible bonds were refinanced and redeemed at a premium above par value. This valuable lesson has yet to be learned by amateur investors. Ben was not completely immune to the then current nonsense. A friend had been in a syndicate that bought privately Ertel Oil common at $3 per share and after a few weeks began trading the stock publicly in the over-the-counter market at $8 per share. The friend good naturedly offered to let him in on the next deal. In April of 1919, the next deal came along. Savold Tire was formed to exploit a patented process for retreading automobile tires. Ben put in $2,500, and the syndicate subscribed at 10. A few days later trading began at 24 and then rose to 37 amid considerable excitement. The syndicate sold out and Ben's share was nearly $7,500. In spite of his usual common sense, greed prevailed. The parent decided to license its process to affiliates in the various states and these companies would sell stock to the public. Four weeks after the original Savold Tire deal, New York Savold Tire was organized. This time some of Ben's friends joined in a $20,000 participation in the syndicate that subscribed to shares at 20 and saw the stock open on the Curb Exchange at 50 and then rise to 60. This happened during the week of Ben's 25th birthday. Promotly a check was received for the initial

出资额外加 150% 的利润。支票寄来时没有附带任何会计账目,本说他想都没想过要去要。第三家公司俄亥俄·萨沃尔德(Ohio Savold)次月成立,但规模很小,容不下本的小圈子。

随后,一桩大买卖被炮制出来——宾夕法尼亚·萨沃尔德(Pennsylvania Savold)。这将是该系列中的最后一家,拥有剩余 46 个州的工艺权,因为大家已认定,超过四家萨沃尔德公司会显得累赘。本“既不理解也不赞成这种艺术性的自我约束,但准备从这最后一个绝佳机会中赚个盆满钵满”。本的朋友圈凑了 6 万美元投入这家企业。此时是 1919 年 8 月,牛市势头强劲,投机性最强的垃圾股备受追捧。最初的萨沃尔德股价强劲,一度涨到 77%。然而,一周之内它暴跌了 30%。大家等着宾夕法尼亚·萨沃尔德开始交易,却略有延迟。这样拖了几周,直到所有萨沃尔德股票彻底崩盘,从此销声匿迹。那位朋友带着本去见了萨沃尔德的发起人,对方在压力下交出了一些现金和其他几只股票的股权,总算让萨沃尔德轮胎推销的受害者们拿回了三分之一的“投资”。

显然,没有人就这场骗局——以及其他类似的骗局——向地方检察官办公室投诉过。华尔街公司在执行客户指令和与其他公司交易时,行为是合乎道德的。然而,大多数经纪公司却纵容操纵行为,在保护公众——甚至在保护自身——免受类似萨沃尔德轮胎骗局的严重侵害方面,几乎无所作为。

具有讽刺意味的是,后来翻新轮胎公司(如班达格 Bandag)的成功,证明了该产品的合法性。

contribution plus 150 percent in profits. No accounting came with the check, and Ben said he wouldn't have dreamt of asking for one. A third company, Ohio Savold, came the next month, but this was a small one with no room for Ben's group. Then a very large deal was concocted, Pennsylvania Savold. This was to be the last in the series with rights to the process in the remaining 46 states, as it had been decided that more than four Savold companies would be cumbersome. Ben "neither understood nor approved of this artistic restraint, but prepared to profit to the hilt from this last gorgeous opportunity." Ben's circle of friends combined to send in $60,000 for this venture. It is now August 1919, and the bull market continues strong with great emphasis on stocks of the rankest speculative flavor. The original Savold was strong, reaching a peak of 77%. In a week, however, it fell by 30 percent. The group waited for Pennsylvania Savold to begin trading. There was a slight delay. This continued for a few weeks until all the Savold issues collapsed completely, disappearing forever. The friend brought Ben along to a meeting with the Savold promoter, who was pressured into turning over cash and shares in some other promotions that at least gave back to the victims of the Savold Tire promotion one-third of their "investment". Apparently nobody complained to the district attorney's office about this swindle-nor about similar swindles. Wall Street firms behaved ethically in the execution of their customer's orders and in their dealings with other firms. Most of the brokerage firms, however, condoned manipulation and did virtually nothing to protect the public or often themselves against gross abuses similar to the Savold Tire swindle. Ironically, the subsequent success of retreading companies, such as Bandag, justified the product's legitimacy.

本·成为投资组合经理

BEN BECOMES A PORTFOLIO MANAGER

本的一些朋友对他的投资方法印象深刻,于是在 1923 年初提议设立一个 25 万美元的账户,如果业绩证明可行,资金还会大幅增加。本可以把其他账户也并入作为初始资本的一部分。他每年能拿到 1 万美元的薪水(相当于 1977 年的 3.42 万美元)。投资者先获得 6% 的回报,超出部分本有权分得 20% 的利润。

纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司这次同意让本离开。纽约证券交易所收紧了其会员公司所需的资本金规定。他们的业务量大幅增长,而本的套利操作也需要更多资本。

Some of Ben's friends were so impressed with his approach to investments that in early 1923 they proposed a $250,000 account and, if the results warranted it, this would be increased greatly. Ben could bring in other accounts as part of the original capital. He would receive a salary of $10,000 per year ($34,200 in 1977 dollars). Then the investors would be entitled to a six percent return. Ben would be entitled to a 20 percent share in profits beyond that. Newburger, Henderson & Loeb agreed, this time, to let Ben leave. The New York Stock Exchange had tightened its rules on the amount of capital required by member firms. Their volume of business had been greatly expanding and Ben's arbitrage operations required more capital

双方一致同意让本继续在公司的办公室办公,条件是他的业务要通过纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司进行。

于是,新公司注册为“格雷厄姆公司”(路易斯·哈里斯是主要投资人)。1923 年 6 月 1 日公司正式开业,当时道琼斯工业平均指数为 95 点。

格雷厄姆公司运营了两年半,至 1925 年底解散,期间实现了相当可观的增值——道琼斯工业平均指数在此期间上涨了 79%。投资方向仅限于套利操作以及买入那些看似严重低估的证券。

第一笔交易是买入杜邦普通股,同时做空七倍于该数量的通用汽车普通股。当时杜邦的股价不超过其持有的通用汽车股票的价值。市场实际上完全没给杜邦庞大的化工业务及其他资产任何估值。一段时间后,这种异常现象消失,杜邦的股价上涨,反映了其化工业务以及持有通用汽车股票的价值。格雷厄姆公司于是卖出杜邦并平掉通用汽车的空头仓位,获利了结。

本一向以自己既能识别低估的股票,也能识别高估的股票而自豪。他会做空一只被高估的股票,同时买入一只被低估的。因此,公司决定做空几百股沙塔克公司(Shattuck Corp.),该公司拥有施拉夫特(Schrafft's)连锁餐厅。本每周都会与主要投资人在一家施拉夫特餐厅共进午餐。做空之后,他们都觉得继续去施拉夫特消费不太对劲。时间一天天过去,但沙塔克普通股却继续上涨。这群人最终厌倦了与趋势对抗,以 1 万美元的亏损平掉了空头仓位。

热门股票的一个特点就是:它可能会持续受欢迎,因此会一直处于被高估的状态,而不是回归更正常的价格。唯一的安慰是,本和他的伙伴们终于可以回到施拉夫特吃午饭了。

than they could now supply. They agreed to let Ben continue to use an office at the firm, in return for doing his business through Newburger, Henderson & Loeb. Thus the new business was incorporated as Grahar Corporation (Louis Harris being the major investor). It began operations on June 1, 1923 when the Dow Jones Industrial Average was 95. Grahar Corporation operated for two and one-half years until the end of 1925, and then dissolved with a good percentage appreciation--the Dow Jones Industrials having risen 79 percent during the period. Investments were limited to arbitrage operations and to the purchase of securi ties that appeared to be greatly undervalued. The first trades were the purchase of Du Pont common, and the simultaneous short sale of seven times as many shares of General Motors common. At that time Du Pont was selling for no more than the value of its General Motors holdings. The market in effect placed no value on DD's large chemical business and 0 ther assets. In time, this anomaly ended with the market price of Du Pont rising to reflect the value of the chemical business as well as its GM holding. Grahar then took its profits by selling DD and closing out the GM short position. Ben prided himself on his ability to recognize overvalued stocks as well as undervalued issues. He would sell short an overvalued stock and buy an undervalued one. Accordingly, it was decided to sell short a few hundred shares of Shattuck Corp., the owner of the Schrafft's restaurant chain. Ben had his regular weekly luncheon with the major investors at a Schrafft restaurant. After the short sale, they all felt that it was not right to support Schrafft's with their business. Time went by, but Shattuck common continued to go up. The group grew tired of fighting the trend, closing out the short at a $10,000 loss. One of the characteristics of popular issues is that such a stock may continue to remain popular and, therefore, overvalued instead of returning to a more normal price. The only consolation was that Ben and his group were able to go back to eating lunch at Schrafft's.

到 1925 年,牛市已全面展开。本已经 31 岁,到了成熟年龄。当时许多客户经纪人(如今称为注册代表)管理着全权委托账户——盈利时双方平分,但净亏损由客户承担。他们告诉本,满足于 20% 的利润分成太傻了,他们能帮他拉到五五分成的客户。他向卢·哈里斯提出了一个新方案:本放弃薪水,但在资本获得 6% 回报后,本将拿到——首 20% 回报中的 20%,接下来 30% 回报中的 30%,以及剩余部分的 50%。具体计算如下:

投资回报率格雷厄姆分成比例格雷厄姆所得份额
6%6%
26224%
564313%
1006535%

By 1925 the bull market was well under way. Ben had reached the ripe age of 31. Many of the customers' men (today called registered representatives) ran discretionary accounts--some with profits being evenly split, but any net loss being absorbed by the customer. They told Ben he was foolish to settle for 20 percent of the profits and that they could bring him accounts on a fifty-fifty basis. He proposed a new arrangement to Lou Harris. Ben would give up his salary but, after the six percent allowed on capital, Ben would receive 20 percent of the first 20 percent return, 30 percent of the next 30 percent, and 50 percent on the balance. This would have worked out as follows: Return on Investors' Graham's Capital Share Share 6% 6% 26 22 4% 56 43 13 100 65 35

哈里斯先生拒绝了这一提议,双方同意在年底解散格拉哈公司(Grahar Corporation)。

1926 年 1 月 1 日,“本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户”正式启动,本金来自老朋友们的出资以及本自己的资金。利润分成条件正是本之前为格拉哈公司提出的那套。最初的本金是 45 万美元,到 1929 年初,三年间增长到了 250 万美元,其中大部分增长来自资产升值,而非追加资本。1926 年末,杰罗姆·纽曼加入本的团队。杰里·纽曼在接下来的 30 年里,一直作为日益活跃且不可或缺的伙伴,直到 1956 年本退休。

Mr. Harris rejected this proposal, and they mutually agreed to dissolve Grahar Corporation at the year end. On January 1, 1926, the "Benjamin Graham Joint Account" began with capital contributed by old friends plus Ben's own funds. The profit-sharing terms were those Ben had proposed for Grahar. The original capital was $450,000 and grew to $2,500,000 in three years by the" start of 1929, with much of the gain reflecting appreciation rather than capital additions. Towards the end of 1926, Jerome Newman joined Ben. Jerry Newman remained as an ever more active and valuable associate for the next 30 years until Ben retired in 1956.

北管道公司争夺战

THE NORTHERN PIPE LINE CONTEST

1926 年的某一天,本正在翻阅州际商业委员会(ICC)的一份年报,想找某条铁路的数据。在卷末,他发现了一些管道公司的统计信息,上面标注:“取自它们向委员会提交的年报。”本好奇这些提交给 ICC 的报告会不会包含有趣的细节,于是写信索要一份 ICC 报告表格的空白样本,想看看要求提供哪些细节。ICC 寄来了一份 50 页的空白表格,显示需要填写完整的详细信息。本第二天就坐火车去了华盛顿。

八家管道公司负责将原油输送至各个炼油厂。它们最初是标准石油托拉斯的一部分,1911 年因美国最高法院拆分该托拉斯的反垄断裁决而被剥离出来。每家公司规模都不大,且只发布

One day in 1926, Ben was looking through an annual report of the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) to obtain data on a railroad. At the end of the volume he found some statistics about pipeline companies that had the notation: "taken from their annual reports to the Commission." Ben wondered if the reports filed with the ICC might have interesting details and wrote for a blank copy of the ICC report form to see what details were asked for. The ICC sent a 50-page blank form showing that complete details were required. Ben took the train to Washington the next day. Eight pipeline companies were carrying crude oil to various refineries. Originally part of the Standard Oil Trust, they were spun off in 1911 as part of the U. S. Supreme Court antitrust decision to split up the trust. Each of the companies was relatively small and published a

一张“收益表”和一张极其简化的资产负债表。当时,华尔街有两家大公司专门从事原标准石油公司 31 家子公司的股票交易,但对于那八家管道公司,除了它们简略的年报之外,就不提供任何数据了。

在州际商务委员会,本发现所有的管道公司都持有大量投资级的铁路债券,其价值往往超过了这些公司自身的市值。而且,持有这些债券似乎也找不到什么商业上的理由。这些公司营收规模相对较小,但利润率却很高。其中最突出的是北方管道公司,股价 65 美元,每股持有的现金资产高达 95 美元,大部分是优质的铁路债券。它每年盈利并支付 6 美元股息,收益率达到 9%。

在大型铁路油罐车开始侵蚀管道公司业务之前的几年,这些管道公司支付的股息甚至更高。投资者认为,收益和股息的下降趋势将会持续,即便收益率高达 9%,前面等待的也只有麻烦。

通过耐心而持续地买入,本成功购得北方管道公司 4 万股股票中的 2,000 股,成为除持有 23% 股权的洛克菲勒基金会之外的最大股东。他在标准石油大厦的办公室见到了北方管道公司的总裁。本指出,既然公司总收入只有 30 万美元,那么持有 360 万美元的债券投资是完全没有必要的,这些每股 90 美元的闲置现金资源应当分配给股东。总裁提出了不少似是而非的理由,说明为什么这不可能:需要这些铁路债券来覆盖股票每股 100 美元的面值;当现有管道需要更换时,这些债券可作为资金来源;最后,他们还可能想要延长管道线路。他临别时说的话,本后来听过很多次:“管道业务是一项复杂且专业的业务,你知之甚少;而我们却为此花了一辈子。我们比你更清楚什么对公司和对股东最有利。如果你不赞同我们的政策,你应该卖掉你的股票。”

华尔街的老手们会觉得本试图改变管理层政策的做法不是天真就是动机不纯。很多年前,有个叫克拉伦斯·文纳的人,通过以涉嫌财务不当行为(其中有些只是轻微的技术性错误)起诉管理层,赚了不少钱(也落下了不光彩的名声)。因此,任何敢于挑战管理层的人,都会被扣上“敲诈者”的帽子。

本试图以逻辑说服北方管道公司管理层将闲置现金资产分配给股东,但未能成功。

one line "income account" and a very abbreviated balance sheet. Two large Wall Street firms specialized in the markets for all the 31 former Standard Oil subsidiaries, but they gave no data for the eight pipeline companies except their brief annual reports. At the ICC, Ben found that all of the pipeline companies owned large amounts of investment-grade railroad bonds, often exceeding their own market value. Moreover, no business reason seemed needed for keeping these bonds. The companies had relatively small gross revenues, but wide profit margins. The outstanding value was Northern Pipe Line, selling at 65 and holding $95 per share of cash assets, mostly in good railroad bonds. It earned and paid a $6 dividend to yield nine percent. The pipeline companies had paid even larger dividends a few years earlier before the advent of large railroad tank cars that began cutting into their business. Investors thought that the downtrend in earnings and dividends would continue and, despite nine percent yields, only trouble was ahead. By careful and persistent buying, Ben was able to buy 2,000 shares of Northern Pipe Line's 40,000 shares, making him the largest shareholder except for the Rockefeller Foundation's 23 percent interest. He met the president of Northern Pipe Line at the company's office in the Standard Oil Building. Ben pointed out how unnecessary it was for Northern Pipe Line to carry $3,600,000 in bond investments when its gross revenues were only $300,000. These surplus cash resources of $90 per share should be distributed to the shareholders. The president raised a number of specious arguments as to why this was not possible: the railroad bonds were needed to cover the stock's $100 per share par value; they might be needed as a source of funds when the present line would have to be replaced; and finally, they might want to extend the line. His parting comment was one that Ben came to hear many times. "The pipeline business is a complex and specialized business about which you know very little; but in which we have spent a lifetime. We know better than you what is best for the company and the stockholders. If you don't approve of our policies, you should sell your shares." Old Wall Street hands would have regarded Ben's efforts to change management's policies as either naive or suspect. l\1any years ago one man, Clarence Venner, had made quite a lot of money (and an unenviable reputation) by bringing suits against managements for alleged financial misdeeds, some being only minor technical errors. Therefore, anyone attempting to challenge management would be characterized as a "hold-up artist." Having failed to impress the Northern Pipe Line management with the logic of the case for distributing the surplus cash assets to the

股东们,本杰明问能否在年度股东大会上陈述他的论点。于是,他出席了 1927 年 1 月在宾夕法尼亚州石油城召开的股东大会。但本杰明疏忽了,没带人来附议他提交备忘录的动议,会议在草草处理了几项事务后便休会了。

本杰明开始为下一年的股东大会做准备,他利用合伙公司增加的资本,买入了更多北方管道公司的股票。他还聘请了一位非常出色且知名的律师。宾夕法尼亚州的公司在选举董事时实行强制性累积投票制,因此必须获得六分之一的股份投票权,才能在一个五人董事会中选出一名董事。本杰明决定征集代理投票权,支持一项旨在减少资本并将多余现金返还给股东的决议。他还试图选举两名成员进入董事会。

出人意料的是,北方管道公司根本不把他的机会当回事,连股东名单都未经诉讼就提供了。双方都寄出了征集代理权的信函,双方的论点与本杰明首次与总裁会面时如出一辙。由于当时不存在代理权征集公司,管理层动用了自己的员工。本杰明和他的合伙人拜访了大股东。他甚至设法与洛克菲勒基金会(持有该公司 23% 的股份)的财务顾问安排了会面。对方客气地听取了本杰明的意见,但表示基金会从不干预其投资任何公司的运营。

在 1928 年的股东大会上,本杰明带着代表 38% 股份的代理权到场,这保证了能选出两名董事。总裁建议提名一份统一的董事名单,可以包括反抗者中的任何两人,但本杰明除外。由于这不可接受,最终的统一名单中包含了本杰明和其中一位律师。就这样,本杰明成为首位非标准石油体系直接关联而当选其关联公司董事的人。

会后几周,总裁邀请本杰明到他的办公室,告诉他:“我们其实从未反对你向股东返还资本的想法;我们只是觉得时机不合适。”他同意每股分配 70 美元。事后得知,当洛克菲勒基金会将他们的代理权交给管理层时,他们表示赞成在业务许可的情况下尽可能多地分配资本。随后,其他管道公司也向股东进行了类似的剩余资本分配,这无疑是因为洛克菲勒基金会对此余资金有多种用途。这次 70 美元的分配,加上此后北方管道公司的价值,每股超过了 100 美元,而相比之下,本杰明开始行动时,初始市场价格仅为 65 美元。

shareholders, Ben asked if he could present his argument at the annual meeting. Accordingly, he attended the meeting in January 1927 at Oil City, Pennsylvania. Ben had neglected, however, to bring someone to second his motion to present the memorandum, and the meeting was adjourned after a few perfunctory actions. Ben began preparing for next year's meeting by buying more shares of Northern Pipe Line with the partnership's increased capital. A lawyer of great ability and prominence was retained. Pennsylvania corporations had mandatory cumulative voting so that it would be necessary to have the votes of one-sixth of the shares in order to elect one director to the five-person board. Ben decided to solicit proxies in favor of a resolution to reduce the capitalization and to pay the surplus cash to shareholders. He also sought to elect two members to the board. Surprisingly, Northern Pipe Line thought so little of his chances that the shareholders' list was furnished without a lawsuit. Each side sent out letters requesting proxies, with the arguments for both sides being the same as at Ben's first meeting with the president. Because proxy solicitation firms did not exist, management utilized its employees. Ben and his associates visited the larger shareholders. He was even able to arrange an interview with the financial advisor to the Rockefeller Foundation, which owned 23 percent of the stock. He listened courteously, but said the Foundation never interfered in the operations of any of the companies in which it held investments. At the 1928 annual meeting, Ben came supplied with proxies for 38 percent of the shares, guaranteeing the election of two directors. The president suggested that a single slate of directors be named, including any two from the rebels, except Ben. As this was unacceptable, the single slate included Ben and one of the lawyers. Thus, Ben became the first person not directly affiliated with the Standard Oil system to be elected a director of one of the affiliates. A few weeks after the meeting, the president invited Ben to his office and told him: "We really were never opposed to your idea of returning capital to the stockholders; we merely felt the time wasn't appropriate." He agreed to distribute $ 70 per share. It was later learned that when the Rockefeller Foundation returned their proxy to management, they indicated that they would favor a distribution of as much capital as the business could spare. Subsequently, the other pipeline companies made similar distributions of surplus capital to shareholders, no doubt since the Rockefeller Foundation had a number of uses for the surplus funds. The $70 distribution plus the value of Northern Pipe Line afterwards exceeded $100 per share, compared with the initial market price of 65 when Ben began his campaign.

会见巴鲁克家族

MEETING THE BARUCHS

随着本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户在其他业务中持续盈利,他们必须从纽伯格-亨德森-洛布公司的小办公室搬出来,迁入自己的办公室。这些办公室与 H·亨茨公司(H. Hentz & Co.)的总部在同一栋楼里,亨茨公司的一位资深合伙人是赫尔曼·巴鲁克博士。伯纳德·巴鲁克的三位兄弟都选择了成为华尔街经纪商,这并不令人意外。这一时期,本开始买入另一家前标准石油子公司——国家运输公司(National Transit Company)的股票。国家运输公司运营一条管道,同时也生产泵。为了反驳本提出的分配剩余现金的建议,管理层想出了一个将这笔现金用于效率较低用途的计划。赫尔曼·巴鲁克和他的客户加入了购买国家运输公司股票的行列,在洛克菲勒基金会的一番推动后,公司向股东进行了大额的现金分配。为表感激,巴鲁克博士将自己配备齐全人手的游艇借给本使用一周——本邀请了一些朋友,享受了一周的奢华时光。

本的特殊兴趣在华尔街变得广为人知。有一天,一家大型场外交易公司的交易员找到本,提出了一个复杂的方案:买入一家名为 Unexcelled Manufacturing Company 的大量股票,该公司是美国领先的烟花公司。买入价 9 美元,低于其营运资本,市盈率仅 6 倍。购买这批股票还能实现控制权变更,由一位能干的副总裁取代老总裁,而本则以兼职财务副总裁的身份加入公司。合伙企业买入了 1 万股,并试图将剩余股份安置在“可靠的人手中”。伯纳德·巴鲁克对本这类操作越来越感兴趣,同意买下 Unexcelled 的剩余股份。在股东大会上,他第一次见到了 Unexcelled 的总裁——这位创始人已执掌公司 25 年——本感到不安,因为他参与了一个终结一位从未伤害过自己的人职业生涯的“阴谋”。控制权变更如期进行,但需求的转变以及法律对烟花使用的限制,使这笔投资未能成功。

本还向伯纳德·M·巴鲁克推荐了其他几只股票,这些股票引起了他对证券价值的敏锐兴趣。在 1920 年代末的牛市行情中,市场焦点集中在某些热门股票上。那些有前景行业(如电力公用事业和化工行业)中不太知名的股票,变得与大型公司一样受追捧。此外,许多规模较小但有着短暂但卓越增长纪录的公司,也吸引了投机者和操纵者的注意。

As the Benjamin Graham Joint Account continued to prosper in other operations, it was necessary to move from the small office at Newburger, Henderson & Loeb into its own offices. These were in the same building with the main office of H. Hentz & Co., one of whose senior partners was· Dr. Herman Baruch. All three of Bernard Baruch's brothers made the not surprising choice of becoming Wall Street brokers. At this time Ben began buying shares in another former Standard Oil subsidiary, National Transit Company. National Transit operated a pipeline and also manufactured pumps. To counter Ben's proposal to distribute their surplus cash, management came up with a plan to use it in a rather unproductive manner. Herman Baruch and his clients joined in the purchase of National Transit shares and, after some prodding from the Rockefeller Foundation, a substantial distribution of cash was made to shareholders. In gratitude Dr. Baruch gave Ben the use of his fully manned yacht for a week--with Ben inviting some of his friends for a luxurious week. Ben's special interests became well known on Wall Street. One day a trader from a large over-the-counter firm came to Ben with an elaborate proposition to buy a large block of Unexcelled Manufacturing Company, the nation's leading fireworks company. The price of 9 was less than working capital and only 6 times earnings. The purchase of this block would also enable a change in control, with the old president being replaced by a capable vice president and Ben joining the company as a part-time Financial Vice President. The partnership took 10,000 shares and sought to place the balance in "good hands." Bernard Baruch had become increasingly interested in Ben's type of operations and agreed to buy the balance of the block of Unexcelled. At the annual meeting he saw for the first time the president of Unexcelled, who had founded the company and run it for 25 years, and Ben felt uneasy at being part of a conspiracy to end the career of a man who had never done him any harm. The change in control took place as scheduled, yet shifting demand and legal restrictions on the use of fireworks kept this investment from being a success. Ben recommended a number of other issues to Bernard M. Baruch, which appealed to his keen sense of security values. During the hull market of the late 1920's, emphasis was focused on certain popular issues. Lesser-known stocks in promising industries, such as electric utilities and chemicals, became as popular as the giant companies. Also, many smaner companies with short but exceptional growth records received the attention of speculators and manipulators. Other

然而,一些规模可观的公司并不属于这些受青睐的类别,它们以跳楼价出售,甚至低于按普通标准判断的最低估值。其中包括普利茅斯绳索公司(Plymouth Cordage)、佩珀雷尔制造公司(Pepperell Manufacturing Co.)以及婴儿车行业领军者海伍德-韦克菲尔德公司(Heywood & Wakefield),股价均低于营运资本。伯纳德·巴鲁克大量买入了这些股票,印证了本杰明分析的正确性。巴鲁克自负地认为,他的认同就是对本杰明努力的充分回报。

两人都认为市场已经涨到了离谱的高度,如此狂热的投机最终必将以一场大崩盘收场。巴鲁克评论道,短期利率高达 8%,而道琼斯工业指数却只有 2% 的收益率,这太荒谬了。本杰明回答说:“按照补偿法则,总有一天会发生相反的情况。”几年后崩盘发生,补偿法则应验,本杰明才意识到,奇怪的是,尽管他准确预测了市场,却未能意识到所有涉及借贷的操作,包括他自己的,都会受到最终崩盘的影响。

1929 年的一天,巴鲁克邀请本杰明去他的办公室。他有生以来第一次想找个合伙人。“我现在 57 岁了,该放慢一点脚步,让像你这样的年轻人分担我的负担和利润。”尽管这极大地满足了自尊心,但本杰明刚结束一年,个人净利润超过 60 万美元,因此看不出有什么理由去当哪怕是大名鼎鼎的伯纳德·M·巴鲁克的初级合伙人。

substantial companies, however, fell outside these favored categories and sold at bargain-counter prices, even below their minimum values as judged by ordinary standards. Among these were Plymouth Cordage, Pepperell Manufacturing Co., and Heywood & Wakefield, the leader in the baby carriage industry, each selling below working capital. Bernard Baruch bought substantial amounts of these issues, confirming the soundness of Ben's analyses. Baruch egotistically believed that his concurrence was a sufficient reward for Ben's efforts. Both agreed that the market had advanced to inordinate heights and, with such frenzied speculation, it would ultimately end in a major crash. Baruch commented that it was ridiculous for short-term interest rates to be eight percent while the Dow Jones Industrials provided only a two percent yield. Ben replied: "By the law of compensation, someday the reverse should happen." Some years later after the crash when the law of compensation took effect, Ben realized that it was strange that, despite his accurate projection, he did not realize that all operations involving borrowing, including his own, would be affected by the ultimate collapse. One day in 1929, Baruch invited Ben to his office. For the first time in his life he wanted a partner. "I'm now 57 and it's time to slow up a bit and let a younger man like you share my burdens and my profits." Although this was most gratifying to one's ego, Ben had just completed a year in which his personal net profit was over $600,000 and thus saw no reason to be a junior partner even to the eminent Bernard M. Baruch.

THE DELUGE

THE DELUGE

本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户在 1926 年初以 45 万美元起步,当时道琼斯工业平均指数为 157 点。1926 年,道琼斯指数名义上仅有小幅上涨,但 1927 年带来了令人鼓舞的 32% 回报率。本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户当年结束时达到 150 万美元,其中既有新注入的资本,也有资本利得。

1928 年是这轮牛市最后一个完整年份,道琼斯工业指数回报率为 51%,而联合账户的回报率则达到了 60%,本·格雷厄姆本人的份额已超过 60 万美元。这一出色业绩催生了一个更令人振奋的提案——管理一只大型的新投资信托基金。20 世纪 20 年代,许多大型投资信托基金相继成立。最初的信托基金是固定型基金,其投资组合由指定且固定的普通股构成,股东按比例持有这一不变的股票池。实际上,这与今天的指数基金差别并不大。

The Benjamin Graham J oint Account began with $450,000 at the start of 1926 when the Dow Jones Industrial Average was 157. In 1926, the Dow had only a nominal gain, but 1927 provided an encouraging 32 percent return. The Benjamin Graham Joint Account ended that year at $1,500,000, with new capital coming into the account, as well as capital gains. The year 1928 was the last full year of the bull market, with a 51 percent return for the Dow Jones Industrials and a 60 percent return for the Joint Accoun t, after Ben's share that exceeded $600,000. This excellent record led to an even more exciting proposal, one to manage a large new investment trust. Many major investment trusts were formed in the 1920's. The first were fixed trusts with a specified and fixed portfolio of common stocks, with the shareholder holding a pro rata share in this unchanging list. Actually, this was really not greatly different from the index funds of today.

接下来,人们仿照英国长期成功运作的投资信托,组建了可交由专业人士管理的投资信托。20 年代末的投机氛围,促使许多投资银行公司纷纷推出自己的投资信托——目的是赚取管理费,外加销售信托股份的佣金,以及信托业务带来的佣金。

亨茨公司的合伙人们认为,他们也应该拥有一只投资信托,并由本·格雷厄姆来管理。他们计划设立一只 2500 万美元的基金,这足以让所有相关方获得可观的回报。由于组织该信托的细节问题,初始销售被推迟了几个月;到了 9 月,1929 年的股市崩盘彻底终结了成立亨茨-格雷厄姆基金的一切可能。

本·格雷厄姆光是应付联合账户就已忙得不可开交。1929 年中期,该账户的资本为 250 万美元,基本与年初持平。该账户进行了大量套利和对冲操作,持有多头头寸 250 万美元,同时持有等额的空头头寸。此外,还持有 450 万美元的其他证券,其中借入了 200 万美元,因此股东权益为 250 万美元。这些证券并非华尔街的宠儿,而是那些内在价值高于市场价格的投资品种。

对冲操作通常涉及买入可转换优先股,同时卖空等额的普通股。在疲软的市场中,普通股的下跌速度会快于优先股,这样他们就能在对冲平仓时获得可观的利润。然而,他们发现市场常常会反弹,于是他们又会再次买入可转换优先股并卖出更多普通股来重建头寸。这通常意味着要以高于此前卖出价的价格买入优先股。因此,他们逐渐采纳了一项新策略:当股票下跌时,仅部分解除对冲操作,即平掉普通股的空头头寸,但保留优先股。此外,他们开始进行部分对冲,只卖空完全对冲所需普通股数量的一半。这些对基本对冲操作的调整,在牛市行情中增加了利润,但也带来了完全对冲头寸所没有的风险。

随着 1929 年最后几个月市场的崩盘,本·格雷厄姆平掉了大部分空头头寸,录得了巨额利润。但在大多数情况下,本并没有卖出相关的可转换优先股,因为它们的价格看起来太低了。联合账户当年以亏损 20% 告终,而同期道琼斯工业指数下跌了 15%。该基金的许多参与者都有自己的保证金账户。

Next, investment trusts were formed that could be managed, patterned after the investment trusts that had long operated successfully in England. The speculative atmosphere of the late 1920's led many investment banking firms to launch their own investment trusts-to obtain management fees, as well as commissions on the sale of shares in the trust plus commissions on the trust's business. The H. Hentz partners thought they should have an investment trust and that Ben Graham should run it. They were planning a $25 million fund, which would supply adequate compensation for all concerned. The details of organizing the trust delayed the initial sale for some months and when September came, the 1929 stock market crash ended any possibility for establishing the Hentz-Graham Fund. Ben had enough to do to keep up with the Joint Account. At mid-1929, the capital was $2.5 million, about where it was at the start of the year. The Account had a large number of arbitrage and hedging operations involving long positions of $2.5 million and an equal amount of short positions. In addition, $4.5 million of other securities were held on which $2 million was borrowed, leaving $2.5 million of equity. These securities were not Wall Street favorites, but rather issues that had in trinsic values above their market prices. The hedge operations generally involved the purchase of a convertible preferred and a short sale of the equivalent amount of common. In weak markets the common would decline faster than the preferred stock and they would undo the hedge at a good profit. However, they found that oftentimes the market would recover and they would reinstate the position by buying the convertible preferred once again and selling more common. This would usually involve the purchase of the preferred at a higher price than the price at which it was sold earlier. Thus they came to adopt a policy of only partially undoing the hedging operation when the stocks declined, closing out the short positions in the common, but holding on to the preferred. In addition, they began to go in for partial hedges, selling short only half as much common as would be required for a complete hedge. These adaptations of the basic hedging operation increased profits during a hull market, hut also created risks that were not present in fully hedged positions. As the market collapsed in the final months of 1929, Ben covered a large part of the short position, recording large profits. In most cases, however, Ben did not sell the related convertible preferreds since their prices seemed too low. The Joint Account ended the year with a loss of 20 percent, as compared with a 15 percent decline for the Dow Jones Industrials. Many of the participants in the fund had their own margin

当年那些账户遭受了更大的损失。临近年底,市场出现了些许回暖,多数投资者认为最坏的时期已经过去。

1930 年初,市场延续了回升势头,但很快经济前景又蒙上阴影。本(本·格雷厄姆)一月南下佛罗里达。他遇到一位 93 岁的老人约翰·迪克斯——一位功成身退的成功商人。迪克斯先生提了一连串深刻的问题,思维异常敏锐,随后极为郑重地说:

accounts that had experienced much greater losses. Near the close of the year, some recovery developed and most investors believed the worst was over. In early 1930, the market continued its recovery, but soon the economic picture clouded over. Ben went down to Florida in January. He met a 93 year old man, John Dix, a successful retired businessman. Mr. Dix asked a great number of penetrating questions, displaying a keen mind, and then said with great earnestness:

格雷厄姆先生,我希望你做一件至关重要的事。明天就坐上火车去纽约,清空你所有的证券,还清债务,把联合账户里的资本还给合伙人。如果我是你,我晚上会睡不着觉的。

Mr. Graham, I want you to do something of the greatest importance. Get on the train to New York tomorrow. Sell out your securities. Payoff your debts and return the capital to the partners in the Joint Account. I wouldn't be able to sleep at night if I were in your position.

本对那位老先生道了谢,说会考虑他的建议。但实际上,他觉得这建议简直荒唐——迪克斯先生怕是老糊涂了,根本不可能真正理解他的操作方法。当然,后来的事实证明迪克斯先生完全正确,本当初就该知足,守住他那个“百万富翁”的位置。

市场在 4 月继续反弹,但随后再次掉头向下。1930 年最终成了本整个职业生涯中最灾难性的一年。他早已平掉了几乎所有空头头寸,留下了大量的多头仓位,而联合账户的高额保证金债务又加剧了证券市值的下跌。1929 年崩盘期间该账户的表现如下:

年份本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户道琼斯工业平均指数标普 500 指数
1929-20%-15%-7%
1930-50%-29%-25%
1931-16%-48%-44%
1932-3%-17%-8%
整个时期-70%-74%-64%

Ben thanked the old gentleman and said he would consider his advice. Actually, he then thought the advice was preposterous, as Mr. Dix was probably not far from his dotage and could not possibly have really understood Ben's methods. It turned out, of course, that Mr. Dix was absolutely right and Ben should have been content to keep his position as a "near-millionaire." The market recovery continued through April but then the market headed down again. Thus, 1930 was to prove to be the most disastrous year in all of Ben's active career. He had already covered nearly all of the short positions, leaving a large long position in securities whose declining market values were accentuated by the substantial margin debt of the Joint Account. The record of the accoun t during the crash was as follows: Benjamin Graham Dow Jones Ioint Account Industrials S&P 500 1929 -20% -15% - 7% 1930 -50 -29 -25 1931 -16 -48 -44 1932 - 3 -17 - 8 For entire period -70% -74% -64%

从 1930 年起,本的主要任务是在不牺牲投资组合过多内在价值的前提下,降低保证金债务。整个这一时期,每季度会分配资本的 1% ~ 4%。许多合伙人在各年年末全部或部分撤回了资本。在这些艰难岁月里,唯一向基金新增投资的人,是杰里·纽曼的岳父。

From 1930 on, Ben's main effort was to reduce the margin debt without sacrificing too much of the values inherent in the portfolio. All through this period, quarterly distributions of 1 ~4 percent of capital were made. A number of the participants withdrew all or part of their capital at various year-ends. The only one to make a new investment in the fund during these difficult years was Jerry Newman's father-in-law.

由于当时接近市场最低点,他那次信心的展示让他在复苏开始时获得了丰厚的回报。考虑到本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户在这一时期开始时负债率约达 44%,1930 年某时标普指数的表现本可能让该账户血本无归。因此,让基金存活下来本身就是一项了不起的成就。而 1931 年和 1932 年微小的亏损尤其令人印象深刻。

Since this was near the low point, his show of confidence enabled him to reap a large reward when the recovery began. Considering the fact that the Benjamin Graham Joint Account began this period with approximately 44 percent margin debt, performance equal to the Standard & Poor's would have wiped out the account sometime in 1930. Thus, keeping the fund alive was a great achievement. The small losses of 1931 and 1932 were especially impressive.

教学生涯开始了

A TEACHING CAREER BEGINS

1925 年,在华尔街摸爬滚打十一年后,本决定写一本书,分享他在投资领域的知识。不过,他首先想到的是最好先整理好资料,看看如何最有效地运用这些素材。他灵机一动,要是能先教教书就好了。当时,大多数对教学感兴趣的华尔街人士,因为地点便利,都选择与纽约大学金融研究生院合作。然而,本却申请了自己的母校哥伦比亚大学,并于 1928 年开始在商学院夜校部担任讲师,一干就是 28 年。

本每周一晚讲授两小时课程,主题是利用严谨的证券分析研究当前投资。他的学生大多在华尔街工作,之所以来听课,是因为本的教学在实践中确实管用。不少金融专业的学生也来上课,还有像戴维·多德这样的教职员工——多德为了获得实际洞见,报名参加了本的第一堂课。随着股市成交量和价格飙升,这门课实用价值的消息迅速传开,注册人数也快速增长。到 1929 年,班级人数达到顶峰,超过 150 名学生,这在当时华尔街在职的统计师或分析师中占了相当重要的一部分。

有些学生年复一年地回来,就当时的重要话题提问。本乐于接受各种问题的挑战,他总会借这些问题向全班讲解金融和证券分析的一般原理。他引用实际案例,只是为了验证那些经过验证的定理。通常,他会用热门和冷门的证券作为例证,并附上完整的数据资料作为支撑。

例如,在 1929 年的一堂课上,一名学生看好美国国外电力公司的权证,便被叫到黑板前,计算所有已发行权证的总市值。当计算结果显示出权证总市值已经超过了宾夕法尼亚铁路公司的整个市值时,全班同学才切身感受到投机扭曲到了何种地步。(当时,宾夕法尼亚铁路公司的普通股可是具有投资品质的。)

In 1925, after eleven years on Wall Street, Ben decided to write a book to impart his knowledge of the investment world. However, he thought it would first be best to organize his material and to see how it could be used most effectively. He had the inspiration to start teaching if he could. Most Wall Streeters who were interested in teaching became associated with New York University's Graduate School of Finance, because of the convenient location. Ben, however, applied at his alma mater, Columbia, and in 1928 began a 28-year career as a lecturer in the evening division of the School of Business Administration. Ben taught a two-hour course one evening a week on current investments using rigorous security analysis. Most of his students worked on Wall Street and attended because Ben's teaching worked in actual practice. A number of finance majors attended, as well as faculty members such as David L. Dodd, who enrolled in Ben's first class in order to gain practical insights. As stock market volume and prices rose, news of the practical value of the class spread and enrollment grew rapidly. By 1929, the class reached its peak attendance of over 150 students, a fairly important fraction of the working statisticians or analysts then on Wall Street. Some of the students returned year after year in order to ask questions about important topics of the day. Ben enjoyed being challenged by a wide range of questions, which he used to present to the class the general principles of finance and security analysis. He presented actual case studies only to develop proven theorems. Typically, both popular and unpopular securi ties were used as illustrations, fully documented with relevant data. For example, in one 1929 class a student, bullish on American and Foreign Power Co. warrants, was directed to the blackboard to compute the total market value for the outstanding warrants. When this calculation indicated that the market value for the warrants exceeded the market value for the entire Pennsylvania Railroad, the degree of speculative distortion was brought home to the entire class. At that time the Pennsylvania Railroad common was an investment quality

股票,而美国和外国电力公司则是新近成立的控股公司,旨在搭建一个杠杆化的公用事业帝国。

大约在 1931 年,欧文·卡恩成为本的助手,负责准备统计分析资料,用于课堂讨论,同时指导和批改研究和考试。通常,当有人提出问题时,本会选择暂不回答。他知道,通过学生自己钻研和参与,能取得更好的效果。因此,如果有人询问土地信托凭证的价值,可能会由此组成一个四五人的小组,被指派去准备一份评估报告。欧文会组织这个小组,制定一个全面审查该主题的计划,并协调书面报告的准备工作。然后,本会将其带到全班面前,提出他尖锐的问题和评论,让每个人都可以自由地攻击或辩护其中的方法和结论。

本深知苏格拉底式教学法的优点,并用它来像拷问学生那样严厉地重新审视自己的结论。他认为,教师应该通过提问来激发和引导学生,这样学生不仅接触到了答案,而且记住了答案是如何得出的。即使在像定义这样枯燥的话题上,本也从不相信直接提供现成答案。一天,欧文问道:“这则广告显示,法国政府发行的一笔 1000 万美元的‘tranche’正在发售。‘tranche’是什么意思?” 本指了指字典,字典将“tranche”定义为“一块”,比如一块蛋糕。本说:“如果我直接告诉你答案,你可能很快就会忘记。” 大约 45 年后,本文的主要作者仍然记得,“tranche”是承销份额的一部分。

大萧条时期,银行家、经纪人和分析师的队伍缩减了。然而,精明的华尔街人意识到,当时迷茫的市场正创造许多买入机会。多年来,成千上万的人来上本·格雷厄姆的课,听他分析被低估的证券。许多人希望他用敏锐的头脑来审阅他们认为值得考虑的证券。本如此热爱教学,以至于他经常课后停留半小时甚至更久,来回答那些着迷的学生提出的问题。

这些证券分析课程一直持续到 1956 年本从华尔街退休。那么多来自金融界的成功人士被这门课吸引,随着教师在金融界的成就越来越广为人知,哥伦比亚商学院的地位也随之提升。

与此同时,本还抽出时间在纽约证券交易所的学校(即现在的纽约金融学院)教了十年书。他关于证券分析的讲座被沃尔特·莫里斯、史蒂夫·杰奎斯和欧文·卡恩改编成了函授课程。

stock, while American and Foreign Power was a holding company newly formed to pyramid a leveraged public utility empire. Around 1931, Irving Kahn became Ben's assistant, preparing statistical analyses for use in classroom discussions as well as guiding and marking studies and exams. Often, when a question was asked, Ben chose to withhold his own reply. He knew the superior results that would come from study and participation on the part of the student. Thus, a question on the merits of land trust certificates might result in a team of four or five students being assigned to prepare an evaluation report. Irving would organize the team to prepare a plan for a thorough review of the topic and would coordinate preparation of the written report. Then Ben would bring it before the entire class, adding his penetrating questions and comments with everyone free to attack or defend the methods and conclusions. Ben understood the merits of the Socratic method, using it to re-examine his own conclusions as harshly as those of the students. He believed that a teacher should stimulate and guide the student with questions, so that the student not only was exposed to the answer but remembered how the answer was reached. Even in as mundane a topic as definitions, Ben never believed in supplying a ready answer. One day Irving asked: "This ad shows a $10 million tranche of a French Government issue being offered. What does tranche mean?" Ben pointed to the dictionary, which defined "tranche" as a slice, such as a slice of cake. Ben said: "If I told you the answer, you might have soon forgotten it." Some 45 years later, the senior author of this sketch still remembers that a tranche is a portion of an underwriting. The depression years thinned the ranks of bankers, brokers, and analysts. Shrewd Wall Streeters, however, realized that the disoriented markets of those times were creating many buying opportunities. Over the years thousands came to Ben's class and to hear him analyze undervalued securities. Many wanted his keen mind to review issues they believed worthy of consideration. Ben so enjoyed teaching that often he would remain after class for half an hour or longer responding to questions from his fascinated students. These classes in security analysis were held continuously until Ben's retirement from Wall Street in 1956. So many successful people from the world of finance were attracted to this class that Columbia's Business School grew in stature as the achievements of the faculty became better known in the financial community. Simultaneously Ben found time to teach for a decade at the New York Stock Exchange's School, now known as the New York Institute of Finance. His lectures on security analysis were adapted into a correspondence course by Walter Morris, Steve Jaquith, and Irving

卡恩。这些教材至今仍是纽约金融学院课程的核心内容。没有哪一门单独的课程能像这门课一样,吸引并留住如此庞大的学生群体。

1931 至 1933 年间,本还在社会研究新学院(New School for Social Research)进行了一系列讲座。他与当时该学院的院长阿尔文·约翰逊(Alvin Johnson)结为好友,并参加了一个非正式团体,该团体每周聚会,讨论经济危机的可能解决方案。团体的成员包括威廉·麦克切斯尼·马丁(William McChesney Martin)、A. A. 伯利(A. A. Berle)以及其他许多杰出且深思熟虑的领袖人物。这些努力促使本发展出一项重要的经济理论,后面将会叙述。

Kahn. This material remains as the heart of the course still being offered by the New York Institute of Finance. No other single course reached or held so large a student body as this one. During 1931-1933, Ben also presented a series of lectures at the New School for Social Research. He became a friend of the New School's President, Alvin Johnson, participating in an informal group meeting weekly to discuss possible solutions to the economic crisis. Among the members of the group were William McChesney Martin, A. A. Berle, and a great many other distinguished and thoughtful leaders. These efforts led to Ben's development of an important economic theory, described later in this narrative.

SECURITY ANALYSIS

SECURITY ANALYSIS

到了 1932 年,本已将联合账户调整到安全状态,并开始从股市崩盘中寻找教训。1932 年 6 月,他为《福布斯》杂志撰写了一组三篇文章,标题是“美国企业是死比活更值钱吗?”纽约证券交易所超过 40% 的股票售价低于其净营运资本,许多甚至低于其现金资产。本得出结论:股票市场对美国企业的估值低得离谱。

该着手编写六年前他就计划好的教科书了。多德教授同意合作写这本书。本担任第一作者,以他的风格撰写全部正文。多德教授提出建议,核实大量事实和参考文献,并编制表格。两位作者准备了目录和一个样章。麦格劳-希尔公司请一位哈佛金融学教授审阅这个方案,那位教授的建议给他们留下了深刻印象,以至于他们直接给出了 15% 的版税,而不是标准的从 10% 起步的合同。合同在 1932 年底签署。两位作者开始工作,由欧文担任研究助理,哥伦比亚大学学生们完成的许多比较分析都被纳入了书中。

一年半后的 1934 年,《证券分析》第一版付印。这本书的重要性怎么强调都不过分,至今已售出超过 10 万册(格雷厄姆/多德/科特尔第四版于 1962 年印刷)。它已成为两代证券分析师教学和实践的基础教材。尽管国内外经济、金融和政治一片混乱,当时人们对美国企业和投资界普遍极度失望,但《证券分析》

By 1932, Ben had adjusted the Joint Account to a secure position and began searching for lessons from the stock market crash. In June 1932, he wrote a series of three articles for Forbes magazine under the title "Is American Business Worth More Dead Than Alive?" Over 40 percent of the stocks listed on the New York Stock Exchange were selling at less than their net working capital and many were selling below even their cash assets. Ben concluded that the stock market was placing an inordinately low value on American business. It was time to set to work on the writing of the textbook that he had first projected six years earlier. Professor Dodd agreed to collaborate on the book. Ben would be the senior author and write the entire text in his style. Professor Dodd would make suggestions, check the numerous facts and references, and work up tables. The authors prepared a Table of Contents and a sample chapter. McGraw-Hill retained a Harvard professor of finance to review this proposal and were so impressed with his recommendation that they offered a straight 15 percent royalty, rather than the standard contract that started at 10 percent. The contract was signed near the close of 1932. The authors began work and, with Irving as a research assistant, much of the comparative analysis done by students at Columbia was incorporated into the book. In 1934, a year and a half later, the first edition of Security Analysis was printed. It would be hard to overestimate the significance of this text that has sold over 100,000 copies to date (the Graham/Dodd/Cottle fourth edition was printed in 1962). It has become the basic text for the teaching and practice of two generations of security analysts. Despite the economic, financial, and political chaos at home and abroad, and the overwhelming disillusionment at that time with American enterprise and the investment community, Security

他的分析条理清晰、论证严密,为当时有能力领悟其真谛的人展现了巨大的投资机遇。

书中开篇引用了贺拉斯(Horace)的名言:“今日倒下的,终将再度崛起;今日得意的,终将坠落。”——这正体现了本广博的学识和对伟大哲学永恒特质的敏锐感知。在这本开创性著作所勾勒的全部原创且激进的概念中,本书传记的篇幅无法一一审视。然而,其中大部分观点如今已被广为接受,以至于我们很难想象,这些理念当初为何未能让整个投资界一目了然。

Analysis presented a well-reasoned and well-organized case for the great investment opportunities then open to those competent to learn its teachings. Typical of Ben's wide erudition and sense of the timeless qualities of great philosophy is its opening quotation from Horace: "Many shall be restored that now are fallen and many shall fall that are now in favor." It is beyond the scope 0 l' this biographical sketch to examine all the original and radical concepts outlined in this pioneering book, most of which have become so well accepted that it is difficult to imagine why they once were not obvious to the entire investment community.

EARNING A LIVING

EARNING A LIVING

1928 年那段太平岁月,本从联合账户分到的利润超过 60 万美元,但早已成为过去。由于他们独特的利润分成安排是累积制的,本和杰里·纽曼连续五年没有拿到任何劳务报酬。因为价格暴跌得厉害,基金的本金需要翻三倍,他们才有资格重新参与分成。一位合伙人建议修改条款,与几位大投资者商量后,条款做了调整,将本和杰里的分成比例简化为从 1934 年 1 月 1 日之后赚取利润的 20%。到 1935 年底,所有过去的亏损都已弥补。

The halcyon days of 1928, when Ben's share of the Joint Account's profits exceeded $600,000, were long past. Because their unique profit sharing arrangement was a cumulative one, Ben and Jerry Newman went five years without any payment for their work. Because of the drastic price decline, the fund's capital would have to triple before they would be eligible to start sharing again. One partner suggested a revision be made and, following discussion with some of the larger investors, the terms were revised, reducing the share of Ben and Jerry to a straight 20 percent of profits earned after January 1, 1934. By the end of 1935, all past losses had been made good. In that year, because the Internal Revenue Service questioned whether the Joint Account really qualified as a partnership or whether it was a quasi-corporation, Graham-Newman Corporation was formed to succeed the partnership as 0 f January 1, 1936. During these difficult years, Ben spent a considerable amount of time as an expert witness, preparing studies and testifying on complicated cases requiring professional valuation. The U. S. Treasury Department had asked the School of Business at Columbia to recommend an expert. The case involved the valuation for the Federal estate tax of the controlling block of stock in Whitney Manufacturing Co., a maker of chains. The executors claimed that the stock market quotation at the date of the owner's death in 1932 was the proper basis for determining the value. Ben testified that the shares should be valued as a private business, because they represented the controlling interest. He estimated that the minimum liquidating value of the business was its net working capital, with no allowance for plant or equipment. This figure was substantially in excess of the stock market quotation. The Tax Court agreed with Ben. Because of his obvious abilities in valuation cases, Ben served as an expert witness in some 40 cases. Professor James Bonbright of

在那一年,由于美国国税局质疑联合账户到底是否真的符合合伙关系,还是一种准公司形态,于是成立了格雷厄姆-纽曼公司,自 1936 年 1 月 1 日起接替原合伙关系。

Columbia had written the standard text on property valuation and often asked that Ben serve as a companion witness in complicated cases where Ben's practical experience confirmed the professor's theory. The standard compensation was $100 per day for preparation ($460 in 1977 dollars) and $250 for each day in court. Ben regarded these rates as generous. Many of the cases involved the valuation of railroad property for property taxes or reorganizations and were most complex, requiring days of preparation. Since the dollar amounts at stake were large, Ben was often subjected to several days of extensive cross-examination by the opposition as they tried to expose any errors or uncertainties in his presentation. Ben's thorough preparation gave him the sound basis for confident rebuttal of these courtroom attempts.

在这些艰难的岁月里,本花了不少时间担任专家证人,为那些需要专业估值的复杂案件准备研究报告并出庭作证。美国财政部曾请哥伦比亚大学商学院推荐一位专家。这个案子涉及为联邦遗产税对怀特尼制造公司(一家链条制造商)的控制性股权进行估值。遗产执行人声称,所有者在 1932 年去世当天的股市报价是确定价值的合理依据。本作证说,这些股票应该按私营企业来估值,因为它们代表了控股权。他估计,企业的最低清算价值就是其净营运资本,厂房和设备不计在内。这个数字远远高于股市报价。税务法院同意了本的观点。

BEN BECOMES AN ECONOMIC THEORETICIAN

由于他在估值案件中表现出的突出能力,本在大约 40 个案子中担任过专家证人。哥伦比亚大学的詹姆斯·邦布赖特教授撰写了财产估值方面的标准教材,经常请本在复杂的案件中作为搭档证人出庭,因为本的实践经验印证了教授的理论。标准报酬是准备阶段每天 100 美元(按 1977 年币值合 460 美元),出庭每天 250 美元。本觉得这个费率很慷慨。许多案子涉及为财产税或重组而对铁路财产进行估值,极其复杂,需要准备数天。由于涉及的金额很大,本经常要面对对方律师连续数日的盘问,试图找出他陈述中的任何错误或不确定之处。但本准备充分,有着坚实的基础,能在法庭上自信地反驳这些攻击。

Everyone in the investment community is forced to pay attention to broad economic developments. During the depression of 1921-1922, Ben thought a great deal about the origins of business cycles and possible ways of ameliorating them. He came to the conclusion that the chief cause was the lack of sufficient purchasing power to absorb the increased production that had resulted from the previous boom. Then Ben came across J. A. Hobson's classic The Economics of Unemployment, which had set forth this thesis some years earlier. (Hobson's book was an important precursor of John Maynard Keynes.) Prices, after a sharp rise during World War I and in that postwar boom, fell precipitously in 1921-1922. Many plans were advanced for stabilizing the general level of prices. The best known was Irving Fisher's proposal for a compensated dollar. The gold content of the dollar would be changed under this plan to compensate for changes in purchasing power. Ben decided that a preferable approach would be to give monetary status to a designated "market basket" of some 21 worldwide basic raw materials. Producers of these commodities could sell them as a package to the Treasury Department in much the same manner as gold, then exchangeable for the dollar at a fixed rate or gold point. Ben did nothing to promote his plan. Some months later, Thomas A. Edison devised a somewhat similar plan based upon farm commodities that would be sold to the Treasury at a fixed price. The economic recovery of the mid-1920's then got under way, with a great expansion in business volume, and accompanied by unusual stability in prices. Ben was busy with his investment activities.

本成为经济理论家

During the deep depression years of 1931 and 1932, Ben restudied his commodity-reserve plan. As mentioned, President Alvin Johnson of the New School had formed a small group who met weekly to consider ways to improve "the sorry scheme of things," a phrase from the Ruba£yat they chose to describe the situation. Ben circulated a mimeographed memorandum to the group advocating four plans:

投资界的每个人都不得不关注宏观经济发展。在 1921-1922 年的大萧条期间,本对商业周期的根源以及可能的缓解办法进行了大量思考。他得出的结论是,主要原因是缺乏足够的购买力来吸收之前繁荣带来的生产增长。随后,本偶然读到了 J. A. 霍布森的经典著作《失业经济学》,这部书早在几年前就提出了这一论点(霍布森的书是约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯的重要先导)。价格在第一次世界大战及战后繁荣期间急剧上涨,随后在 1921-1922 年又暴跌。人们提出了许多稳定总体价格水平的方案,最著名的是欧文·费雪的补偿美元提议。根据该计划,美元的黄金含量会随之调整,以补偿购买力的变化。本认为,更好的办法是给一个指定的“市场篮子”(包含大约 21 种全球基础原材料)赋予货币地位。这些商品的生产者可以像出售黄金一样,把它们打包卖给财政部,而黄金在当时可按固定汇率或黄金点兑换成美元。

1. The Commodity-Reserve Plan.

本没有积极推广他的计划。几个月后,托马斯·爱迪生设计了一个有些类似的方案,基于农产品,以固定价格卖给财政部。随后,20 年代中期经济复苏启动,商业活动大幅扩张,价格也异常稳定。本忙于他的投资业务。

2. Slum clearance and subsidized low-cost housing.

在 1931 年和 1932 年大萧条的深渊中,本重新研究了他的商品储备计划。如前所述,新学院的阿尔文·约翰逊校长组建了一个小组,每周开会讨论如何改善“这糟糕的世间安排”——他们借用《鲁拜集》中的这个短语来形容当时的情形。本向小组散发了一份油印备忘录,提出了四项计划:1. 商品储备计划;2. 贫民窟清理和补贴性廉价住房;3. 联邦政府向失业者提供低息贷款;4. 允许法国每年用 4000 万瓶葡萄酒偿还第一次世界大战的债务——每位美国选民分得一瓶。对于当时自由放任的哲学来说,这些计划无疑是创新且激进的。本对他的第四项计划未获太多重视感到失望,因为他认为这会给两国之间相当形而上的财务关系增添几分现实和欢乐。

3. Low interest rate loans from the Federal Government to the unemployed. 4. Provision for France to meet its World War I debts with 40 million bottles of wine per year-providing one bottle for each American voter.

小组中的两位年轻人约瑟夫·米德和威廉·麦克切斯尼·马丁创办了一份季刊《经济论坛》。本在 1933 年的一期上发表了文章《稳定的通货再膨胀》,进一步阐述了他的商品储备计划。这个概念在美国虽属首次提出,但鹿特丹大学的经济学教授扬·古德里安已在 1932 年的一本小册子《如何阻止通货紧缩》中独立得出了同样的结论。这本小册子鲜为人知,本也是几年后才听说。后来,本和古德里安教授成了朋友。

These were certainly innovative and radical plans for the laissez-faire philosophy of those years. Ben was disappointed that his fourth plan did not receive much consideration, as he believed that it would have added elements of both reality and gaiety into the rather metaphysical financial relations of the two countries. Two of the young men in the group, Joseph Mead and William McChesney Martin, launched a quarterly journal, The Econom£c Forum. Ben in a 1933 issue of the journal expanded upon his Commodity-Reserve Plan in an article "Stabilized Reflation." While this concept had not been presented in the United States before then, it had been independently arrived at by a Professor of Economics at the University of Rotterdam, Jan Goudriaan, in a 1932 pamphlet "How to Stop Deflation." This pamphlet was little known and Ben did not hear of it for several years. In time, Ben became friends with Professor Goudriaan. Ben gave a copy of his plan to a friend of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The friend sent word that it was receiving serious consideration in Washington. Nothing happened for two years. Then Louis Bean, economic adviser to Secretary of Agriculture Henry Wallace, visited Ben. The Commodity Credit Corporation had been formed to support farm prices and had acquired large quantities of farm products. Bean thought that Ben's plan might be used as a method of financing the food surpluses, with the added benefit of stimulating prices, in general, by increasing the quantity of money in circulation. Ben continued to work on the plan, compiling a sizable statistical base to lend credence to its practicality. Finally he was satisfied,

本把他的计划复印了一份,交给富兰克林·罗斯福的一位朋友。这位朋友传话说,该计划正在华盛顿受到认真考虑。之后两年毫无动静。然后,农业部长亨利·华莱士的经济顾问路易斯·比恩拜访了本。当时已成立了商品信贷公司来支持农产品价格,并收购了大量农产品。比恩认为,本的计划或许可以用来为这些粮食剩余融资,同时还能通过增加流通中的货币量来刺激整体价格。本继续完善该计划,编制了大量统计数据来证明其可行性。最终他感到满意,在 1937 年出版了《储备与稳定》一书。麦格劳-希尔公司对这本书的商业前景颇有疑虑,但无论如何,他们很乐意接待《证券分析》这位资深作者。伯纳德·巴鲁克极为热情地讨论了该计划,本给了他一套校样,以便巴鲁克能尽快送到罗斯福总统手中。

publishing in 1937 the book Storage and Stability. McGraw-Hill had justifiable doubts about the commercial success of the book but, in any case, were glad to accommodate the senior author of Security Analysz:5. Bernard Baruch discussed the plan most enthusiastically, and Ben provided him with a set of galley proofs so that Baruch could speed these to President Roosevelt. The plan received considerable attention from economists. Ben exchanged a number of letters with John Maynard Keynes on this and other economic topics. Keynes agreed with the main goals of Ben's plan. The plan's chief merit was in providing a link between the real world in which major commodities are used and the world of money creation. It also avoided the problem of trying to stabilize the price of a single commodity, because each commodity could fluctuate in price, becoming a larger or smaller component of the "market basket" reflecting supply and demand changes. While the plan has not been adopted, it remains as one of the basic concepts in this area of economic theory, referred to from time to time by eminent economists. In preparation for World War II, the Federal Government started building stockpiles of strategic materials, a policy still maintained. Ben continued his studies in economics and in 1944 published World Commodities and World Currency, a volume detailing many of the problems with world currencies. If this plan for linking commodities and currencies had been adopted, it might have helped to avoid the extremes of price inflation in the mid-1970's.

BROADWAY

BROADWAY

该计划在经济学界引起了相当多的关注。本与约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯就这一计划和其他经济议题交换了许多信件。凯恩斯赞同本计划的主要目标。该计划的主要优点在于,它在大宗商品使用的现实世界和货币创造的世界之间建立了一种联系。它还避免了试图稳定单一商品价格的问题,因为每种商品的价格都可以波动,在反映供需变化的“市场篮子”中所占比重可大可小。该计划虽未被采纳,但至今仍是经济理论这一领域内的基本概念之一,不时被著名经济学家提及。为准备第二次世界大战,联邦政府开始建立战略物资储备,这一政策至今仍在延续。本继续他的经济学研究,并于 1944 年出版了《世界商品与世界货币》一书,详细论述了世界货币面临的诸多问题。如果这个连接商品与货币的计划被采纳,或许有助于避免 20 世纪 70 年代中期极端的物价通胀。

Ben's love of reading the world's classics--often in their original language-led him to write a play. In the same year (1934) that the first edition of Security Analysis was published, his play "Baby Pompadour" appeared on Broadway. The critic for the New York Times had the following comments to make:

本热爱阅读世界经典著作——通常阅读原著——这促使他写了一部剧本。就在《证券分析》第一版出版的同年(1934 年),他的剧本《娃娃庞巴度》在百老汇上演。《纽约时报》的剧评人发表了如下评论:

If one of Mr. Graham's students at Columbia University were to turn in an essay on security analysis as trite and diffused in its substance as this little play of his about a nationally famous journalist whose editorial policies are influenced by a moronic chorus-girl mistress, then the student would undoubtedly receive a D minus--and for very good reason, too. As a well-known figure in the financial world, Mr. Graham should know that neither businessmen with millions of dollars invested In Nicaraguan bananas nor

> 如果格雷厄姆先生在哥伦比亚大学的一位学生,上交一篇关于证券分析的作文,其内容像他这部小剧本一样陈腐散漫——剧中描写一位全国闻名的记者,其编辑政策竟受一个低能的合唱团情妇影响——那么这位学生毫无疑问会得个 D 减,而且理由很充分。作为金融界的知名人物,格雷厄姆先生应该知道,无论是把数百万美元投资在尼加拉瓜香蕉上的商人,还是副国务卿,他们的言行举止都不会像漫画里的夸张角色——即使在严肃的时候也不例外。唉,他这部喜剧里唯一的幽默,出现在那些可怜的演员们(这里就不提他们的名字让他们难堪了)发现自己没什么可做,只好嘲笑自己那些可悲的笑话的悲催时刻。格雷厄姆先生最好专心做好一件事——否则就另找个新爱好吧。

Under-Secretaries of State act and talk like a cartoonist's caricature-not even when they're serious. Alas, the only humor in his comedy comes during those pathetic moments when the unfortunate actors--who are here spared the humiliation of identification-find themselves with nothing more to do than laugh at their own pitiful jokes. Mr. Graham had better stick to one thing or the other-or find himself a new hobby.

该剧只演出了四场,而其第二轮尝试,更名为《忠于海军陆战队》后,也未能成功。

The play ran for only four performances and its second try, under the title "True to the Marines," was not successful.

BUILDING A PROFESSION

BUILDING A PROFESSION

从本在哥伦比亚大学开始教学生涯,一直到他逝世这长达 50 年的时光里,本把绝大部分清醒的时间都投入到了教育“新一代证券分析师”的事业中——他的著作正是献给这些人的。全美各地的金融专业学生,在大学期间就不得不吸收本杰明·格雷厄姆的方法,而进入投资界后,每当市场陷入逆境,他们又会重读格雷厄姆与多德的这部“圣经”,以重振自己的分析基本功。当市场陷入投机狂潮时,书中的案例和结论能让他们重拾分寸感。

本是一位多产的作家。1937 年,他出版了广受欢迎的《财务报表解读》一书,同年,《储备与稳定》也问世了。《财务报表解读》是与查尔斯·麦戈里克合著的,旨在帮助企业人士解读财务报表。事实证明,它对证券分析师以及其他在投资界工作的人也很有帮助。《证券分析》持续畅销,1940 年出版了第二版,进行了大量修订,并增加了新的时下案例研究。新材料进一步提升了它的实用性。

看到越来越多的分析师对公司和行业进行深入而客观的研究,本深受鼓舞。他为《分析师杂志》(1960 年起更名为《金融分析师杂志》)撰稿颇丰。1946 年,他的文章以笔名“思想者”出现在最初几期杂志上,此后便经常以本名发表。海伦·斯莱德是这本杂志背后的灵魂人物。她才华横溢,鼓励本贡献了不少文稿。此外,两人都爱猫成痴。海伦特别宠爱一只叫亚历山大的猫,并以它的名义买了几只股票。这只猫去世后,她设立了一个奖项……

Over the 50-year period from the start of his teaching career at Columbia and continuing up until his death, Ben devoted most of his waking hours to the education of the "new generation of security analysts" to whom his text was dedicated. Finance students throughout the nation had to absorb the Benjamin Graham approach during their university years and, after entering the investment world, they reread the "Bible" of Graham & Dodd to renew their analytical fundamentals during periods of adversity. Its cases and conclusions restored thcir sense of proportion when the market went into speculative excesses. Ben was a prolific writer. He wrote the popular The Interpretation of Financial Statements in 1937, the same year that Storage and Stability appeared. The Interpretation text was written with Charles McGolrick and was aimed at helping the businessman interpret financial statements. It also proved useful to security analysts and others working in the investment world. Security A nalysis continued to do well, and in 1940 the second edition was published, with extensive revisions and the addition of new current case studies. New materials further increased its usefulness. Ben was encouraged by the growing number of analysts who made thorough and objective studies of companies and industries. He contributed profusely to The Analysts Journal (Financial Analysts Journal beginning in 1960). His writing appeared in the first few issues in 1946 under the pseudonym of "Cogitator" and thereafter at frequent intervals under his own name. Helen Slade was the guiding spirit behind the Journal. Her brilliant mind encouraged a number of contributions from Ben. Also, both shared a weakness for cats. Helen had a particular favorite, Alexander, in whose name she purchased several stocks. After the cat's demise, she established an award for the

那一年《华尔街日报》上最好的文章,我给它起了个名字叫“亚历山大奖”。后来海伦·斯莱德去世后,这个奖的名字改成了“格雷厄姆与多德奖”。至于能取代亚历山大那个位置到底算不算一种荣誉,本一辈子也没拿定主意。

1947 年,金融分析师联合会举办了第一次年会。本在会上发表了演讲,呼吁行业需要更高的专业化水平。他指出,有必要建立一个有组织的学习计划,可能最终要通过考试,来评定候选人是否有资格获得专业的认证称号——就像其他行业那样。接下来的几年里,他在多次金融分析师联合会年会上发表演讲,还经常把演讲内容精炼后发表在《金融分析师杂志》上。

本意识到,有必要让他这套方法被聪明的普通大众所了解,于是在 1949 年写了《聪明的投资者》。接着他又修订了《证券分析》的第三版,这本在 1951 年出版。书里的内容再次更新,加入了针对当时投资者所面临情况的新素材和原创内容。

从 1942 年到 1956 年本退休前,股市总体处于上涨趋势,只有 1946 年出现了一次基本调整,之后到 1949 年一直在向下徘徊。本不断发掘那些被低估的特殊机会。在 1940 年版《证券分析》中列出的两份特殊机会清单,在接下来的八年里平均上涨了 252%,而同期标普工业指数的涨幅只有 33%。

year's best article in the Journal and titled it the "Alexander Award." In later years after Helen Slade's death, the title of the award was changed to the "Graham & Dodd Award." Ben never did make his mind up as to whether or not it was an honor to ascend to Alexander's place. The Financial Analysts Federation held its first annual conference in 1947. Ben addressed the conference on the need for greater professionalism. He pointed out the necessity of an organized study program, probably culminating in an examination to qualify candidates for a professional designation such as was the case in other professions. He addressed a number of F.A.F. conferences in the years following, often refining his presentation in the Financial Analysts Journal. Recognizing the need to bring his approach to the attention of the astute layman, Ben in 1949 wrote The Intelligent Investor. Then he worked on the Third Edition of Security Analysis, which came out in 1951. Again the text was brought up-to-date with new and original material covering situations confronting investors at that time. The stock market was in a general uptrend from 1942 until Ben retired in 1956, except for a basic reaction in 1946 and downward drift to 1949. Ben kept uncovering undervalued special situations. The two lists of special situations in the 1940 edition of Security Analysis advanced an average of 252 percent in the following eight years, as compared with a 33 percent advance for the Standard & Poor's Industrials.

GEICO 的故事

THE GEICO STORY

1948 年,一位华盛顿律师和一位来自巴尔的摩的债券推销员拜访了格雷厄姆-纽曼公司,带来了一桩待售的特殊机会。经过谈判,该基金买下了这家待售公司——政府雇员保险公司(GEICO)的一半权益。成本是 72 万美元,几乎占格雷厄姆-纽曼公司资产的四分之一。由于《投资公司法》规定,基金不能持有一家保险公司超过 10% 的股份,所以必须将每股格雷厄姆-纽曼公司股票拆分为 1.08 股 GEICO 股票。当时(1948 年 7 月 2 日)这 1.08 股的市场价值是 27 美元。这最终在 1972 年涨到了 16,349 美元的高点,到 1976 年底仍值 2,407 美元——几乎是起始点的 90 倍。

GEICO 于 1936 年在德克萨斯州由利奥·古德温创立,他持有 25% 的权益,其余部分由一位沃斯堡的银行家持有,正是这位急于出手的银行家将股份卖给了格雷厄姆-纽曼公司。其基本理念是,汽车保险可以

In 1948, a Washington lawyer and a bond salesman from Baltimore called at the Graham-Newman Corporation office with a special situation for sale. After negotiations, the fund bought a half-interest in the company offered for sale, Government Employees Insurance Company. The cost was $720,000, or nearly one-quarter of the Graham-Newman assets. It was necessary to spin off 1.08 shares of GEICO for each share of Graham-Newman Corp. because, under the Investment Company Act, it was not permissible to own more than 10 percent of an insurance company. The market value at that time (July 2, 1948) was $27 for the 1.08 shares. This eventually grew to $16,349 at the peak in 1972 and still stood at $2,407 at the close of 1976--nearly 90 times the starting point. GEICO had been founded in 1936 in Texas by Leo Goodwin, who had a 25 percent interest, with the balance owned by a Fort Worth banker who was the anxious seller to the Graham-Newman Corporation. The basic concept was that automobile insurance could be

保单通过直邮方式以优惠价格销售给消费者,因为无需向保险代理人支付佣金。这些保单只面向政府雇员,幸运的是,这个群体的平均理赔次数低于大多数人群。该公司在最初的十几年里取得了非凡的增长,在格雷厄姆-纽曼公司收购后,这一势头依然持续。1958 年,公司决定将保险范围扩展到专业人士、管理人员、技术人员、行政人员以及政府雇员。这使得目标市场从占汽车车主 15% 的比例扩大到 50%。同样,这些新投保人也证明是优质风险客户。

在随后的几年里,增长和盈利能力继续以惊人的速度推进,直到 GEICO 成为美国第五大汽车保险公司。然而,承保利润率高达 15% 的日子一去不复返了;GEICO 的规模已经如此庞大,以至于保险监管机构批准的费率旨在仅产生 5% 的承保利润,这与给予其他大型保险公司的费率相同。从 1974 年开始,随着通胀加速,成本上升。再加上无过错保险和低费率的问题,损失急剧飙升,GEICO 的净资产从 1975 年初的 1.44 亿美元下降到年底的 3700 万美元。

公司已经进行了大量变革,预计 1977 年 GEICO 将恢复盈利。GEICO 仍然拥有行业内成本最低的分销体系之一,费用率仅为 14%,而行业平均水平为 28%。该公司的长期前景仍有待确定,但对于格雷厄姆-纽曼公司的投资者来说,它一直是最赚钱的,多年来不仅派发了非常可观的股息,还持有三家 GEICO 关联公司(政府雇员人寿保险公司、政府雇员金融公司和标准保险公司)的权益。本总结道,购买 GEICO 半数权益的决定所带来的利润,远远超过他所有其他投资的总和:“一个显而易见的(教训)是,在华尔街赚钱和守财有几种不同的方式。”

sold by direct mail to the consumer at a reduced rate, as no commissions had to be paid to insurance agents. The policies were available only to government employees, a group that fortunately averaged fewer claims than most. The company had exceptional growth during its first dozen years and this continued after the Graham-Newman purchase. In 1958, it was decided to offer insurance to professional, managerial, technical and administrative workers, as well as government employees. This broadened the market from 15 percent of car owners to 50 percent. Again, these new policyholders also turned out to be preferred risks. In the following years, growth and profitability continued at an exceptional pace until GEICO became the nation's fifth largest automobile insurer. However, the days of 15 percent underwriting profit margins were over; GEICO was now so large that insurance commissioners would grant rates aimed at producing only a five percent underwriting margin, the same rates granted to other large insurance companies. Starting in 1974 costs rose as inflation accelerated. Adding in the problems of no-fault insurance and low rates, losses skyrocketed and GEICO's net worth dropped from $144 million at the start of 1975 to $37 million at the end of the year. A great many changes have been made and it is expected that 1977 will see GEICO return to profitability. GEICO continues to have one of the lowest cost distribution systems in the industry, with expense ratios at 14 percent as compared with the industry's 28 percent ratio. The long-term future of the company still has to be determined, but for Graham-Newman investors it has been most profitable with very substantial dividends over the years plus interests in three GEICO affiliates (Government Employees Life Insurance Company, Government Employees Financial Corp., and Criterion Insurance). Ben summed up the fact that the decision to buy the half-interest in GEICO brought in vastly more profits than all of his other investments combined as follows: "An obvious (moral) is that there are several different ways to make and keep money in Wall Street."

告别纽约

FAREWELL TO NEW YORK

本杰明的性格决定了他需要不断面对新的挑战。格雷厄姆-纽曼公司持续盈利,本质上还是重复着同一套挑选低估证券的方法。政府雇员保险公司(GEICO)那笔投资取得的巨大成功,也冲淡了他原本就不太强烈的财务成功欲望。本杰明的五个孩子都对进入投资界毫无兴趣,而杰里·纽曼的儿子霍华德·纽曼已经

Ben's personality required a stream of new challenges. The Graham-Newman Corporation continued to prosper, essentially repeating the same processes for selecting undervalued securities. The fabulous success of the Government Employees Insurance Co. investment also blunted much of his never very great desire for financial success. None of Ben's five children were interested in entering the investment world and Jerry Newman's son, Howard Newman, had

他选择成为费城雷丁公司(Philadelphia and Reading Company)的首席执行官,更向往活跃的企业管理生涯。因此,1956 年,他们决定清算格雷厄姆-纽曼公司。 本从未后悔 1956 年移居加州的决定。62 岁时,他在加州大学洛杉矶分校(UCLA)担任金融学兼职教授,开启了新的生涯。约翰·谢尔顿教授讲述了他与本初次见面的故事。谢尔顿对大多数华尔街从业者的智力水平颇为不屑,以为本也是典型代表,但觉得有义务请本吃顿午饭。在 UCLA 教师俱乐部走向餐桌时,谢尔顿教授介绍了一位同事,提到他正在写一本关于某位现代西班牙诗人的书。本顿时热情洋溢地脱口而出:“他是我最喜爱的诗人之一。”然后当场用西班牙语背诵了那位诗人的一首作品。谢尔顿教授当场认定,证券分析恐怕远比他想象的要深奥。 在洛杉矶和 UCLA 度过了将近十年后,本最后一次搬家,一半时间住在加州拉霍亚的公寓,另一半时间住在普罗旺斯地区艾克斯。用本自己的话来说,每套公寓看到的只是“大海的一瞥”,而非全景。 他继续将部分精力投入投资领域。1974 年,当被邀请在一个名为“价值投资复兴”的 CFA 研讨会上担任主讲嘉宾时,本欣然接受。研讨会安排在他方便的秋季行程中进行——从加州经纽约前往欧洲,沿途探访子女和朋友。1974 年 9 月,道琼斯工业平均指数已跌至接近 600 点。本传达的信息是,从当时众多股票中挑选一些,它们的价格按任何合理的估值标准来看都低得惊人。“这种‘甩卖价股票’还会被继续贱卖多久?” 会议结束时有人问道:“格雷厄姆先生,分析师们要等到真正的熊市才会对您的价值投资方法感兴趣,您对此是感到好笑还是失望?”本立刻回答:“沃波尔说过,理智的人看世界,看到的是喜剧;感性的人看世界,看到的是悲剧。” 第二年,本获得了业内最高荣誉——莫洛多夫斯基奖,在金融分析师联合会年会上颁发。随奖附带的现金捐赠被用于本感兴趣的一个研究项目,他希望能最终发展成为一份由金融分析师研究基金会出版的报告。这项研究旨在开发一些粗糙的筛选指标,将整个普通股池缩小到一

become the chief executive officer of Philadelphia and Reading Company, preferring a life in active corporate management. Thus, in 1956, they decided to liquidate the Graham-Newman Corporation. Ben never regretted his move to California in 1956. At age 62, he began a new association as an Adjunct Professor of Finance at the University of California at Los Angeles. Professor John Shelton tells the story about his first meeting with Ben. He had a rather jaundiced view of the intellectual capacities of most Wall Streeters and assumed that Ben was a typical example but felt an obligation to take Ben to lunch. At the UCLA Faculty Club, while moving to their table, Professor Shelton introduced one of his colleagues, mentioning that he was writing a book on one of the modem Spanish poets. Ben burst out enthusiastically: "He's one of my favorites," and then proceeded to recite in Spanish one of the poet's works. Professor Shelton decided on the spot that there must be more to security analysis than he thought. Nearly a decade was spent in Los Angeles and at UCLA before the final move to apartments in La Jolla, California for half the year and Aix-en-Provence for the balance. As Ben phrased it, each of the apartments had a "glimpse of the sea" rather than a full view. He continued to devote a part of his time to the investment world. When asked in 1974 to be the main speaker at a C.F .A. Seminar entitled The Renaissance of Value, Ben accepted enthusiastically. The Seminar was scheduled to meet at his convenience on his fall trip from California by way of New York to Europe, visiting children and friends along the way. The Dow Jones Industrial Average had fallen to near the 600 level in September 1974. Ben's message was to select some of the many issues then available at prices dearly low by all reasonable valuation standards. "I-low long will such 'fire-sale stocks' continue to be given away?" The conduding question at the session was: "Mr. Graham, are you amused or disappointed that it takes a real bear market for analysts to be interested in your value approach towards investment?". Ben immediately replied: "Walpole said that the thinking man looks at the world and sees a comedy; the feeling man looks at the world and sees a tragedy." The following year saw the highest award of the profession, the Molodovsky Award, presented to Ben at the Annual Conference of The Financial Analysts Federation. The cash grant that went with the award was devoted to a research project that Ben was interested in and which he hoped might eventually develop into a project for publication by The Financial Analysts Research Foundation. This research was aimed at developing rough filters or screens for narrowing down the universe of common stocks to a representative group of likely candidates for

收购。本杰明开始与加州的一些朋友小规模地试验这种新方法。虽然死亡终结了他这一阶段的研究,但这恰恰显示了他对研究持续的投入——正如他在《证券分析》和《聪明的投资者》中展现得那样出色。

欧文·卡恩在哥伦比亚大学的小教堂为本杰明·格雷厄姆安排了一场追思会。本杰明的一百位老朋友和亲密挚友出席了追思会——他的合伙人杰罗姆·纽曼、哥伦比亚大学校长威廉·麦吉尔、戴维·多德、詹姆斯·邦布赖特教授、本杰明半个世纪的同事们,以及许多来自投资界和学术界的人士。他生活中其他领域的朋友也出席了。来自康涅狄格州布里奇波特市锡安山浸信会的十位黑人向他致意,感谢这位陌生人让他们能在自己的教堂里做礼拜。

本杰明的一生影响了很多人。所有金融分析师都深深受益于本杰明·格雷厄姆的开创性努力与著作——他堪称我们行业的院长。

purchase. Ben began to test this new approach in a modest way with some California friends. While death brought this phase of his research to an end, it nonetheless did show his continued devotion to research as displayed so well in Security Analysis and The Intelligent Investor. Irving Kahn arranged a memorial service for Benjamin Graham at the Chapel of Columbia University. A hundred old and dose friends of Ben attended-his partner Jerome Newman, Columbia's President, William McGill, David Dodd, Professor James Bonbright, Ben's colleagues for half a century, and many from the investment and academic communities. Friends from other areas of his life also attended. A group of ten blacks from the Mt. Zion Baptist Church of Bridgeport, Connecticut gave homage to the stranger who made it possible for them to worship in their own church. Ben's life has affected many. All financial analysts owe so much to the pioneering efforts and works of BenjaminGraham-~truly,the Dean of our profession.

对本·格雷厄姆人格的几点思考

SOME REFLECTIONS ON BEN GRAHAM'S PERSONALITY

欧文·卡恩 著

By Irving Kahn

大多数人认识本是通过他的著作。而那些曾是他学生、或与他共事过的人,则既了解这位传奇人物,也熟悉作为凡人的他。本身材相当矮小,但他硕大的头颅和犀利的蓝眼睛让人忘记了他矮小的个子。

他有着几个突出的特点。他的思维速度极快,大多数人还在困惑他怎么能刚听完一个复杂问题就立刻给出解答。他的思维训练源于他对数学、尤其是几何学的严谨钻研,这门学问要求在接受或拒绝一个前提或结论之前,进行严密而精确的推理。

他的另一个非凡特点是其记忆力的广度和深度。这解释了他为何能阅读希腊语、拉丁语、西班牙语和德语。更令人惊叹的是,在没有正式学习西班牙语的情况下,他竟能将一部西班牙语小说翻译成文学性英语,其专业水准之高,以至于被一家美国出版社接受。

早年,本既是滑雪爱好者,也是网球手。但他真正的乐趣在于让思维驰骋于远超其金融专业领域的广泛题材中。他热爱音乐,尤其是那些大型歌剧,不仅因为其旋律,更因为其歌词中蕴含的智慧。他还有一个隐秘但认真的爱好:改进平面几何学领域。他实际拥有几项简化量角器和圆形计算尺的专利。

拥有如此多的兴趣,不难理解,虽然本是一位尽职的父亲,但他实际上比普通丈夫更“嫁”给了他的事业和文化爱好。尽管兴趣如此多样广泛,他仍能抽出时间投身于有价值的慈善事业。他曾担任犹太盲人协会主席,为他们的善行吸引了许多热心的捐助者。

他曾向许多逃离希特勒德国的难民提供建议、推荐信和金钱,帮助他们在美国立足。这些人中的许多后来成为美国一些主要大学的重要教员和作家。

除了这一系列惊人的兴趣和才华,他在人际关系中是一个非常温暖的人。有需要的同事总会得到帮助——而且总是匿名相助。他喜欢让别人快乐。

Most people knew Ben through his writings. Those who were his students or worked with him got to know the man as well as the legend. Physically, Ben was quite short, but his massive head and penetrating blue eyes made people forget his diminutive stature. He had several outstanding characteristics. His speed of thought was so great that most people were puzzled at how he could resolve a complicated question directly after having heard it. His mental training came from his rigorous study of mathematics, particularly geometry, which required close and exact reasoning before accepting or rejecting either a premise or a conclusion. He had another extraordinary characteristic in the breadth and depth of his memory. This explains why he could read Greek, Latin, Spanish and German. Even more remarkable, without having studied Spanish formally, he was able to translate a Spanish novel into literary English so professionally that it was accepted by an American publisher. In his early years, Ben was both a skier and a tennis player. But his real pleasure was to exercise his mind over a wide range of subjects far beyond his specialties in the world of finance. He loved music, especially the major operas for the wisdom of their lyrics, as well as their melodies. He had a private, but serious hobby of making improvements in the field of plane geometry. He actuaHy patented several versions of a simplified protractor and a circular slide rule. With so many interests, it is understandable that, while Ben was a devoted father, he was really more married to his business and cultural interests than the normal husband. Despite these many and varied interests, he had time to give to worthy charities. He became the president of the Jewish Guild for the Blind, attracting many devoted benefactors to their good works. He helped numerous refugees from Hitler's Germany with advice, recommendations, and money to get them started in America. Many of these men later became important faculty members and authors in some of our major universities. In addition to this tremendous range of interests and talents, he was a very warm man in personal relations. A needy colleague would always be helped-and always anonymously. He loved to make others

笑声,靠的是他的机智幽默和层出不穷的双关语。凡与格雷厄姆打过交道的人,都会对他产生某种强烈的感受。这其中包括他与你分享热情和希望时带给你的振奋,以及他那极为公正、完全客观的头脑——在区分什么是对的、而不是对自己有利这方面。总之,本·格雷厄姆是一个品质如此罕见的结合体,只有多年来真正了解他的人,才能完整地描绘出他的全貌。

在金融界,本的墓志铭将如同克里斯托弗·雷恩在圣保罗大教堂的铭文那样:“若你寻找他的纪念碑,请环顾四周。”

laugh by means of his quick wit and large inventory of puns. Everyone that ever had dealings with Ben came away with certain strong reactions. These included the uplift that comes from someone who shares your enthusiasms and hopes, as well as the strong sense of a very fair mind, entirely objective, in distinguishing between what was fair rather than what was self-serving. In sum, Ben Graham was such a rare combination of qualities, only those who knew him well over the years can do full justice to presenting the whole man. In the world of finance Ben's epitaph will be as was Christopher Wren's in St. Paul's, "If you seek his monument-look about you."

与本杰明·格雷厄姆共处一小时

AN HOUR WITH MR. GRAHAM

哈特曼·L·巴特勒二世,特许金融分析师 著

by Hartman L. Butler, Jr., C.F.A.

加利福尼亚州拉霍亚

La Jolla, California

March 6, 1976

March 6, 1976

LIB:格雷厄姆先生,我十分感谢今天下午能来拜访您。当鲍勃·米尔恩得知我和巴特勒夫人会来拉霍亚时,他建议我不但来拜访您,还带上我的盒式录音机。我有很多问题想请教。首先,我们能否从一个时事问题开始——政府雇员保险公司(Government Employees Insurance Company),因为 GEICO 最近频频登上新闻头条。

lIB: Mr. Graham, I do appreciate so much being able to come and visit with you this afternoon. When Bob Milne learned that Mrs. Butler and I would be in La Jolla, he suggested that I not only visit with you but also bring along my cassette tape recorder. We have much I would like to cover. First, could we start with a topical question-Government Employees Insurance Company-with GEICO being very much in the headlines.

格雷厄姆:是的,事情是这样的,那个团队来到我们办公室,经过一番谈判,我们以 72 万美元买下了公司一半的股权。后来发现,整个公司在股市上的价值超过 10 亿美元。这事确实相当罕见。但证券交易委员会(SEC)强制要求我们把股票分配给股东,因为按照法律中的一项技术性条款,投资基金持有的保险公司股份不能超过 10%。杰里·纽曼和我开始积极参与 GEICO 的经营管理,尽管我们多年前都已退休。现在我很庆幸自己跟它没有关系了,因为亏损实在太惊人。

Graham: Yes, what happened was the team came into our office and after some negotiating, we bought half the company for $720,000. It turned out later that we were worth-the whole company--over a billion dollars in the stock market. This was a very extraordinary thing. But we were forced by the SEC to distribute the stock among our stockholders because, according to a technicality in the law, an investment fund was not allowed more than 10 percent of an insurance company. Jerry Newman and I became active in the conduct of GEICO, although we both retired a number of years ago. I am glad I am not connected with it now because of the terrific losses.

IB:你认为 GEICO 能挺过去吗?

lIB: Do you think GEICO will survive?

格雷厄姆:是的,我认为它能活下来。没有根本理由证明它活不下来,但我自然要问自己,公司是不是扩张得太快,完全没有考虑出现巨额亏损的可能性。想到他们一年就能亏掉那么多钱,我就不寒而栗。难以置信!令人惊讶的是,最近几年里,有多少大公司一年就能亏掉 5000 万甚至 1 亿美元。这在过去是闻所未闻的。你得是个天才才能亏掉那么多钱。

Graham: Yes, I think it will survive. There is no basic reason why it won't survive, but naturally I ask myself whether the company did expand much too fast without taking into account the possibilities of these big losses. It makes me shudder to think of the amounts of money they were able to lose in one year. Incredible! It is surprising how many of the large companies have managed to turn in losses of $50 million or $100 million in one year, in these last few years. Something unheard of in the old days. You have to be a genius to lose that much money.

​H​B回顾您自己在投资领域的一生,您认为有哪些关键的发展或关键事件?您是在 1914 年去的华尔街?

HBLooking back at your own life in the investment field, what

are some of the key developments or key happenings, would you say? You went to Wall Street in 1914?

格雷厄姆:嗯,第一件事挺典型的。作为特别优待,我入职时周薪是 12 美元,不是 10 美元。接着,两个月后第一次世界大战爆发了,交易所关门。我的薪水又降回 10 美元——这在年轻人起步阶段多少算是常有的事。接下来对我真正重要的一件事——除了连续 15 年还算成功之外——就是 1929 年的市场崩盘。

Graham: Well, the first thing that happened was typical. As a special favor, I was paid $12 a week instead 0 f $10 to begin. The next thing that happened was World War I broke out two months later and the stock exchange was closed. My salary was reduced to $10-that is one of the things more or less typical of any young man's beginnings. The next thing that was really important to me-outside of having made a rather continuous success for 15 years-was the market crash of 1929.

HB你当时预见到了吗?你害怕吗?

HBDid you see that coming at all-were you scared?

格雷厄姆:不。我当时只知道价格太高了。我避开了那些投机热门股。我觉得自己做了不错的投资。但用了保证金买入,这是个错误,结果我在 1929 年到 1932 年那段时期备受煎熬。那之后我再没犯过同样的错误。

Graham: No. All I knew was that prices were too high. I stayed away from the speculative favorites. I felt I had good investments. But lowed money, which was a mistake, and I had to sweat through the period 1929-1932. I didn't repeat that error after that.

没有人真正预见到了 1929 年的大崩盘。

HB: Did anybody really see this coming-the crash of 1929?

格雷厄姆:巴布森确实卖了,但他早了五年就开始卖。

Graham: Babson did, but he started selling five years earlier.

HB那么到了 1932 年,你开始回升了?

HBThen in 1932, you began to come back?

格雷厄姆:嗯,那段时期我们确实熬得很辛苦。到了 1937 年,我们的财务状况已经恢复到 1929 年时的水平。从那以后,我们的路就走得相当顺畅了。

Graham: Well, we sweated through that period. By 1937, we had restored our financial position as it was in 1929. From then on, we went along pretty smoothly.

沃伦·巴菲特1937-1938 年的那次大跌,你对那次做好准备了吗?

HBThe 1937-1938 decline, were you better prepared for that?

格雷厄姆:嗯,这促使我们在操作流程上做出了一些调整,其中一位董事曾向我们提出过这个建议,这个建议很合理,我们采纳了。我们放弃了之前一直在尝试的一些做法,把精力更集中到了那些长期稳定盈利的事情上。后来一切顺利。1948 年,我们投资了 GEICO,从那以后,我们看起来就成了非常聪明的人。

Graham: Well, that led us to make some changes in our procedures that one of our directors had suggested to us, which was sound, and we followed his advice. We gave up certain things we had been trying to do and concentrated more on others that had been more consistently successful. We went along fine. In 1948, we made our GEIeO investment and from then on, we seemed to be very brilliant people.

HB唯一一次熊市间歇期——1940 年到 1941 年,发生了什么?

HBWhat happened III the only other interim bear

market-1940-1941 ?

格雷厄姆:哦,那只是一个典型的回调期。那些年我们一直在赚钱。

Graham: Oh, that was only a typical setback period. We earned money in those years.

HB二战爆发后你赚钱了吗?

HBYou earned money after World War II broke out?

格雷厄姆:是的,我们确实是这样。经营我们的业务时没遇到什么真正的难题,这也是我渐渐对它失去兴趣的原因。1950 年之后,我们不再感到太大的挑战。大约在 1956 年,我决定退出,然后搬到加利福尼亚来住。

Graham: Yes, we did. We had no real problems in running our business. That's why I kind of lost interest. We were no longer very challenged after 1950. About 1956, I decided to quit and to come out here to California to live.

我觉得自己的经营方式已经成型,到了不再需要解决任何根本问题的地步。我们一直在按我认为令人满意的节奏运转,而眼前出现的那些事,通常不过是老问题的重复,我对此提不起什么特别的兴趣去解决。

I felt that I had established a way of doing business to a point where it no longer presented any basic problems to be solved. We were going along on what I thought was a satisfactory basis, and the things that presented themselves were typically repetitions of old problems which I found no special interest in solving.

大约六年后,我们决定清算格雷厄姆-纽曼公司——终结它的主要原因,是管理层接班问题没能妥善解决。我们觉得看不到什么特别值得期待的前景。要是我们想干,本来可以把它做成一家规模巨大的企业,但我们把资本规模限制在最多 1500 万美元——在如今这个时代,这不过是沧海一粟。我们感兴趣的问题,是每年能不能赚到最高的收益率。我们在乎的不是总金额,而是每年能实现的回报率。

About SIX years later, we decided to liquidate Graham-Newman Corporation-to end it primarily because the succession of management had not been satisfactorily established. We felt we had nothing special to look forward to that interested us. We could have built up an enormous business had we wanted to, but we limited ourselves to a maximum of $15 million of capital-only a drop in the bucket these days. The question of whether we could earn the maximum percentage per year was what interested us. It was not the question of total sums, but annual rates of return that we were able to accomplish.

霍华德·巴菲特你是什么时候决定写出你那本经典著作《证券分析》的?

HBWhen did you decide to write your classic text, Security

Analysis?

本杰明·格雷厄姆:事情的经过是这样的——大约在 1925 年,我在华尔街待了 11 年之后,以为自己已经足够了解华尔街,可以就此写一本书了。但幸运的是,我当时灵机一动,觉得在动笔之前最好先对这个题目再多做些学习研究,于是我决定,如果有可能的话,先尝试去教书。我成了哥伦比亚大学商学院继续教育课程的一名讲师。1928 年,我们开设了一门关于证券分析和金融的课程——我记得课程名称叫“投资学”——当时有 150 名学生报名。那时华尔街正是一片火热。

Graham: What happened was that in about 1925, I thought that I knew enough about Wall Street after 11 years to write a book about it. But fortunately, I had the inspiration instead to learn more on the subject before I wrote the book, so I decided I would start teaching if I could. I became a Lecturer at the Columbia School of Business for the extension courses. In 1928, we had a course in security analysis and finance--I think it was called Investments-and I had 150 students. That was the time Wall Street was really booming.

结果,直到 1934 年我才真正和戴夫·多德合写了那本书。他是第一年我班上的学生。戴夫当时是哥伦比亚大学的助理教授,求知若渴。自然,他在我写书的过程中不可或缺。第一版于 1934 年问世。巧合的是,同年我在百老汇上演的一部话剧只撑了一周就收场了。

The result was it took until 1934 before I actually wrote the book with Dave Dodd. He was a student of mine in the first year. Dave was then Assistant Professor at Columbia and was anxious to learn more. Naturally, he was indispensable to me in writing the book. The First Edition appeared in 1934. Actually, it came out the same time as a play of mine which was produced on Broadway and lasted only one week.

沃伦·巴菲特你在百老汇演过一出戏?

HBYou had a play on Broadway?

格雷厄姆:是的。《蓬帕杜女郎》或《忠于海军陆战队》。这部电影用了两个片名发行过两次,但都不成功。幸运的是,《证券分析》成功得多。

Graham: Yes. "Baby Pompadour" or "True to the Marines." It was produced twice under two titles. It was not successful. Fortunately, Security Analysis was much more successful.

HB就是那本书,对吧?

HBThat was the book, wasn't it?

Graham:当时人们把那本书叫作“格雷厄姆-多德圣经”。是啊,嗯……如今我在证券分析细节上已经失去了大部分当年的兴趣——那些我曾那么投入、花了许多年钻研的东西。我觉得它们相对不那么重要了,从某种意义上说,这让我与整个行业的发展趋势对立了起来。我认为,用寥寥几种技巧和简单的原则就能把事情做好。关键在于拥有正确的基本原则,以及坚持它们的品格。

Graham: They called it the "Bible of Grahf-m and Dodd." Yes, well now I have lost most of the interest I had in the details of security analysis which I devoted myself to so strenuously for many years. I feel that they are relatively unimportant, which, in a sense, has put me opposed to developments in the whole profession. I think we can do it successfully with a few techniques and simple principles. The main point is to have the right general principles and the character to stick to them.

HB我的个人经验是,你必须深入钻研各个行业,才能看清管理层之间巨大的差异。我认为这正是分析师能够为解决问题所贡献的价值之一。

HBMy own experience is that you have to be a student of

industries to realize the great differences in managements. I think that this is one thing an analyst can bring to the solution.

格雷厄姆:嗯,我不否认这一点。但对于分析师整体上在应用这些精选方法时能取得多大成功,我持相当怀疑的态度。过去几年我自己工作中一直强调的方法是组合法——试图买入符合某个简单低估标准的一篮子股票,不论行业,也几乎不关注个股本身。我最近那篇关于三种简单方法应用于普通股的文章,就刊登在你们其中一期研讨会的论文集里。

Graham: Well, I would not deny that. But I have a considerable amount of doubt on the question of how successful analysts can be overall when applying these selectivity approaches. The thing that I have been emphasizing in my own work for the last few years has been the group approach. To try to buy groups of stocks that meet some simple criterion for being undervalued-regardless of the industry and with very little attention to the individual company. My recent article on three simple methods applied to common stocks was published in one of your Seminar Proceedings.

我刚刚完成一项历时 50 年的研究——把这些简单方法应用于一组股票,实际上,是应用于所有股票。

I am just finishing a 50-year study-the application of these simple methods to groups of stocks, actually, to all the stocks

在穆迪工业股票组中,我发现过去 50 年的结果非常好。它们的收益水平确实比道琼斯指数高出整整一倍。于是,我的热情就从选股转向了组合方法。我想要的,是在大多数年份里,收益率达到债券利率的两倍。投资者也可以采用股息标准或资产价值标准,同样能获得不错的结果。我的研究显示,最简单的盈利标准能带来最好的回报。

in the Moody's Industrial Stock Group. I found the results were very good for 50 years. They certainly did twice as well as the Dow Jones. And so my enthusiasm has been transferred from the selective to the group approach. What I want is an earnings ratio twice as good as the bond interest ratio typically for most years. One can also apply a dividend criterion or an asset value criterion and get good results. My research indicates the best results come from simple earnings criterions.

HB我一直觉得,我们采用市盈率而不是盈利率来衡量股票,实在是很遗憾。如果一只股票是 2.5% 的盈利率,而不是 40 倍市盈率,那要容易理解得多。

HBI have always thought it was too bad that we use the

price/earnings ratio rather than the earnings yield measurement. It would be so much easier to realize that a stock is selling at a 2.5 percent earnings yield rather than 40 times earnings.

格拉汉姆:是的。盈利收益率(earnings yield)会更科学,也更符合逻辑。

Grallam: Yes. The earnings yield would be more scientific and a more logical approach.

HB那么,假设股息支付率大约为 50%,你就可以用一半的盈利收益率来估算可持续的股息收益率。

HBThen with roughly a 50 percent dividend payout, you can

take half of the earnings yield to estimate a substainable dividend yield.

格雷厄姆:是的。基本上,我希望获得的收益率是利率的两倍。不过,在大多数年份,AAA 级债券的利率低于 5%。因此,我设定了两个上限:即使利率低于 5%,市盈率最高也不超过 10 倍;即使利率像现在这样超过 7%,市盈率最高也不超过 7 倍。所以,我通常的买入点是当前 AAA 级利率的两倍,市盈率倍数在 10 到 7 之间。我的研究就是基于这个思路开展的。去年在芝加哥,我获得了莫洛多夫斯基奖。

Graham: Yes. Basically, I want to double the interest rate in terms of earnings return. However, in most years the interest rate was less than five percent on AAA bonds. Consequently, I have set two limits. A maximum multiple of 10 even when interest rates are under five percent, and a maximum multiple of 7 times even when interest rates are above seven percent as they are now. So typically my buying point would be double the current AAA interest rate with a maximum multiplier between 10 and 7. My research has been based on that. I received in Chicago last year the Molodovsky Award.

HB据我所知,你们差不多快完成这项研究了。

HBI understand that you have about completed this research.

格雷厄姆:想象一下——似乎有一种几乎万无一失的方法,可以用最少的工作从普通股投资中获得良好回报。这听起来好得令人难以置信。但根据我 60 年的经验,我只能告诉你,这似乎经受住了我能想到的任何考验。我会设法让别人来批评它。

Graham: Imagine-there seems to be practically a foolproof way of getting good results out of common stock investment with a minimum of work. It seems too good to be true. But all I can tell you after 60 years of experience, it seems to stand up under any of the tests that I would make up. I would try to get other people to criticize it.

HB巧合的是,就在你作为作家的活跃度下降的同时,一批教授开始研究随机漫步理论。对此你怎么看?

HBBy some coincidence as you were becoming less active as a

writer, a number of professors started to work on the random walk. What do you think about this?

格雷厄姆:嗯,我相信他们都非常勤奋认真。但我很难把他们做的事情和实际的投资成果之间找到什么好的关联。实际上,他们说市场是有效的,意思是获取比别人已经知道的信息更多的信息并没有什么特别的意义。这话也许没错,但如果说因为信息传播得如此广泛,所以由此产生的价格就是合理的价格——这种说法就大错特错了。我实在看不出,以任何对合理价格的明智定义来衡量,怎么能说华尔街产生的价格就是正确的价格。

Graham: Well, I am sure they are all very hardworking and serious. It's hard for me to find a good connection between what they do and practical investment results. In fact, they say that the market is efficient in the sense that there is no particular point in getting more information than people already have. That might be true, but the idea of saying that the fact that the information is so widely spread that the resulting prices are logical prices-that is all wrong. I don't see how you can say that the prices made in Wall Street are the right prices in any intelligent definition of what right prices would be.

霍华德·巴菲特遗憾的是,没有更多活跃在实践中的分析师贡献观点,来平衡学术界那些出色的研究成果。

HBIt is too bad there have not been more contributions from

practicing analysts to provide some balance to the brilliant work of the academic community.

格雷厄姆:啊,当我们谈论购买股票时,就像我经常做的那样,我其实是在谈很实际的美元和美分、利润和亏损,主要是利润。我会说,如果一只拥有 50 美元营运资本的股票卖 32 美元,那它就是一只有趣的股票。如果你买 30 家这样的公司,你就一定会赚钱。这样做你不可能亏钱。这种方法有两个问题。第一,我这么说对不对——如果你以营运资本价值的三分之二买入股票,你就能得到一个可靠的群体低估信号?这是我们自己的商业经验证明给我们的。第二个问题,有没有其他办法做这件事?

Graham: Well, when we talk about buying stocks, as I do, I am talking very practically in terms of dollars and cents, profits and losses, mainly profits. I would say that if a stock with $50 working capital sells at $32, that would be an interesting stock. If you buy 30 companies of that sort, you're bound to make money. You can't lose when you do that. There are two questions about this approach. One is, am I right in saying if you buy stocks at two-thirds of the working capital value, you have a dependable indication of group undervaluation? That's what our own business experience proved to us. The second question, are there other ways of doing this?

HB还有别的办法吗?

HBAre there any other ways?

格雷厄姆:嗯,自然,我今天下午一直在大谈特谈的,就是运用一条简单的标准来衡量一只证券的价值。但其他大多数人试图做的,基本上就是挑出“施乐”那样的公司、“3M”那样的公司,因为看重它们的长期前景,或者判断明年半导体行业会是个好行业。这些似乎都不是可靠的赚钱方法。能让人忙个不停的办法当然多的是。

Graham: Well, naturally, the thing that I have been talking about so much this afternoon is applying a simple criterion of the value of a security. But what everybody else is trying to do pretty much is pick out the "Xerox" companies, the "3M's", because of their long-term futures or to decide that next year the semiconductor industry would be a good industry. These don't seem to be dependable ways to do it. There are certainly a lot of ways to keep busy.

HB30 年前你也会这么说吗?

HBWould you have said that 30 years ago?

格雷厄姆:嗯,不,30 年前我不会持那样否定的态度。但我的肯定态度会倾向于说,其实你会找到足够多的个别公司,它们被低估了。

Graham: Well, no, I would not have taken as negative an attitude 30 years ago. But my positive attitude would have been to say, rather, that you could have found sufficient examples of individual companies that were undervalued.

HB有效市场理论的那些人把水搅浑了,是不是有点这个意思?

HBThe efficient market people have kind of muddied the

waters, haven't they, in a way?

格雷厄姆:他们会说,如果他们对有效市场的基本论断是正确的,那么人们应当做的就是研究股票价格的行为,并试图从这些解读中获利。对我来说,这可不是一个令人鼓舞的结论——因为如果说我在华尔街这 60 年里注意到了什么,那就是人们从来没能成功预测股市将来的走势。

Graham: Well, they would claim that if they are correct in their basic contentions about the efficient market, the thing for people to do is to try to study the behavior of stock prices and try to profit from these interpretations. To me, that is not a very encouraging conclusion because if I have noticed anything over these 60 years on Wall Street, it is that people do not succeed in forecasting what's going to happen to the stock market.

HB确实如此。

HBThat is certainly true.

格雷厄姆:你只要听听“华尔街一周”节目就能发现,这些人对于股市未来走向的观点,没有哪一个特别有权威性。他们和经济学家都有自己的看法,而且如果你开口问,他们也乐于表达出来。但我觉得,他们并不坚持自己的观点一定正确。

Graham: And all you have to do is to listen to "Wall Street Week" and you can see that none of them has any particular claim to authority or opinions as to what will happen in the stock market. They, and economists, all have opinions and they are willing to express them if you ask them. But I don't think they insist that their opinions are correct, though.

霍华德·巴菲特你对指数基金有什么看法?

HBWhat thoughts do you have on index funds?

格雷厄姆:我对这个问题有非常明确的看法。我觉得,机构资金的管理方式——至少其中一部分——应该从指数化概念起步,也就是获得与指数相当的结果,比如从标普 500 指数中选出 100 或 150 只股票。然后,把做出偏离的权限交给基金经理,前提是他们要对自己引入的偏离所产生的后果承担个人责任。我假定,薪酬的基本衡量标准应该是业绩结果——要么以追上指数为基准,比如追上标普 500 指数,要么看你比指数改进了多少。现在,在小组讨论这件事的时候,典型的资金经理们并不接受这个想法,而不接受的主要原因……

Graham: I have very definite views on that. I have a feeling that the way in which institutional funds should be managed, at least a number of them, would be to start with the index concept-the equivalent of index results, say 100 or 150 stocks out of the Standard & Poor's 500. Then turn over to managers the privilege of making a variation, provided they would accept personal responsibility for the success of the variation that they introduced. I assume that basically the compensation ought to be measured by the results either in terms of equaling the index, say Standard & Poor's results, or to the extent by which you improve it. Now in the group discussions of this thing, the typical money managers don't accept the idea and the reason for non-acceptance is chiefly

他们说——不是说这不实际——而是说这不可靠,因为不同的投资者有不同的需求。他们从来没能说服我这种说法在多大程度上是真的——不同投资者有不同的需求。所有投资都需要令人满意的结果,而我认为令人满意的结果对每个人来说都差不多。所以我认为,比如说,过去 20 年的任何经验都表明,投资标普 500 指数所能取得的成果,与花费大量精力、智力和口舌所能取得的成果一样好。

that they say-not that it isn't practical-but that it isn't sound because different investors have different requirements. They have never been able to convince me that that's true in any significant degree-that different investors have different requirements. All investments require satisfactory results, and I think satisfactory results are pretty much the same for everybody. So I think any experience of the last 20 years, let's say, would indicate that one could have done as well with Standard & Poor's than with a great deal of work, intelligence, and talk.

HB格雷厄姆先生,您对当下想要成为证券分析师和特许金融分析师的年轻人有什么建议?

HBMr. Graham, what advice would you have to a young man or

woman coming along now who wants to be a security analyst and a Chartered Financial Analyst?

格雷厄姆:我会建议他们研究股票市场的历史记录,研究自己的能力,看看能否找到一种自己觉得满意的投资方法。如果找到了,就按自己的方法去做,别管别人怎么干、怎么想、怎么说,坚持自己的做法。我们当年就是这么经营自己的生意的。我们从不跟风,我觉得这对年轻的分析师有好处。如果他或她读了《聪明的投资者》(我觉得这本书比《证券分析》更有用),从中选择一种自己认为能赚钱的方法,那就要坚持去做。我有个侄子,多年前开始在华尔街闯荡,跑来问我建议。我对他说:“迪克,我给你一条实用建议:封闭式投资公司平均有 15% 的折价。让你朋友每月拿‘X’美元买这些折价封闭式公司,你一开始就能占便宜,以后也会过得不错。”他照做了——以这个为基础起步没什么大困难,确实也干得不错。后来大牛市来了,他自然转到其他领域,做了大量投机生意。但至少他起步是稳健的。如果你起步稳健,就已经成功了一半。

Graham: I would tf~J1 them to study the past record of the stock market, study their own capabilities, and find out whether they can identify an approach to investment they feel would be satisfactory in their own case. And if they have done that, pursue that without any reference to what other people do or think or say. Stick to their own methods. That's what we did with our own business. We never followed the crowd, and I think that's favorable for the young analyst. If he or she reads The Intelligent Investor-which I feel would be more useful than Security Analysis of the two books-and selects from what we say some approach which one thinks would be profitable, then I say that one should do this and stick to it. I had a nephew who started in Wall Street a number of years ago and came to me for some advice. I said to him, "Dick, I have some practical advice to give you which is this. You can buy closed-end investment companies at 15 percent discounts on an average. Get your friends to put "x" amount of dollars a month in these closed-end companies at discounts and you will start ahead of the game and you will make out all right." Well, he did do that-he had no great difficulty in starting his business on that basis. It did work out all right and then the big bull market came along and, of course, he moved over to other fields and did an enormous amount of speculative business later. But at least he started, I think, on a sound basis. And if you start on a sound basis, you are half-way along.

HB您认为华尔街、典型分析师或投资组合经理们,是否已经从“狂飙”基金、成长股崇拜、单一决策股票、双层市场等等教训中学到了东西?

格雷厄姆:没有。过去人们说波旁王朝的人,什么也没忘记,什么也没学到。我要说,华尔街的人,典型特点就是什么也学不到,什么也记不住。我对华尔街人未来的行为毫无信心。我认为,只要人类存在,贪婪这一套——过度的希望与恐惧等等——就会一直伴随着我们。英国经济学家白芝浩有一段著名论述,描述了恐慌是如何产生的。通常,人们手里有钱,这些钱就注定会亏掉,他们拿钱去投机,然后把钱赔掉——恐慌就是这么来的。我对华尔街非常不信任。

HBDo you think that Wall Street or the typical analyst or

portfolio managers have learned their lessons of the "Go-Go" funds, the growth cult, the one-decision stocks, the two-tier market, and all? Graham: No. They used to say about the Bourbons that they forgot nothing and they learned nothing, and I'll say about the Wall Street people, typically, is that they learn nothing, and they forget everything. I have no confidence whatever in the future behavior of the Wall Street people. I think this business of greed-the excessive hopes and fears and so on-will be with us as long as there will be people. There is a famous passage in Bagehot, the English economist, in which he describes how panics come about. Typically, if people have money, it is available to be lost and they speculate with it and they lose it-that's how panics are done. I am very cynical about Wall Street.

HB不过,华尔街和全国各地都有一些独立思考者做得不错,不是吗?

格雷厄姆:是的。在华尔街成功需要两个条件:第一,你必须正确思考;第二,你必须独立思考。

HBBut there are independent thinkers on Wall Street and

throughout the country who do well, aren't there? Graham: Yes. There are two requirements for success in Wall Street. One, you have to think correctly; and secondly, you have to think independently.

HB是的,正确且独立。现在太阳正努力地从拉霍亚这里钻出来。你在华尔街看到了什么样的阳光?

格雷厄姆:嗯,自从 1974 年中期市场触底以来,阳光充足。我猜华尔街一点也没变。当前的乐观情绪会过度,下一次悲观也会过度,你又会坐上摩天轮——随便你叫它什么——跷跷板、旋转木马。你还会回到那上面。就目前而言,在我看来,股票整体并未被高估。但似乎没有人关心 1970 年和 1973-1974 年的行情在未来五年内重演的可能性。显然,没人考虑过这个问题。但这类经历会在未来五年左右重演——这一点,你可以拿道琼斯工业平均指数来打赌。

HBYes, correctly and independently. The sun is trying to come

out now, literally, here in La]olla. What do you see of the sunshine on Wall Street? Graham: Well, there has been plenty of sunshine since the middle of 1974 when the bottom of the market was reached. And my guess is that Wall Street hasn't changed at all. The present optimism is going to be overdone, and the next pessimism will be overdone, and you are back on the Ferris Wheel-whatever you want to call it--Seesaw, Merry-Go-Round. You will be back on that. Right now, stocks as a whole are not overvalued, in my opinion. But nobody seems concerned with what are the possibilities that 1970 and 1973-1974 will be duplicated in the next five years. Apparently, nobody has given any thought to that question. But that such experiences will be duplicated in the next five years or so, you can bet your Dow] ones Average on that.

HB这次访问令人极为愉快且深受启发。我们期待在夏洛茨维尔收到您的回忆录手稿。非常感谢您,格雷厄姆先生!

HBThis has been a most pleasant and stimulative visit. We will

look forward to receiving in Charlottesville your memoirs manuscript. Thank you so much, Mr. Graham!

本杰明·格雷厄姆作为投资组合经理

BENJAMIN GRAHAM AS A PORTFOLIO MANAGER

在如今这个用复杂技术衡量投资组合收益的时代,读一下本关于他管理的投资基金的印象派评论,还是蛮有意思的。关于格雷厄姆公司(Graham Corporation),没有现成的业绩数据,只知道在两年半的运作结束后,“盈利可观”。这笔利润是在向他支付了相当于初始资本 4% 的薪水,再加上每年 6% 分配给投资者的收益之后得出的。因此,公司的年化总回报率肯定超过了 10%。同期道琼斯工业平均指数的回报率如下:

时间道琼斯指数包含股息再投资的指数股息
6-1-2395.36100.00
12-31-2395.52102.582.30
12-31-24120.51134.004.27
12-31-25156.66178.844.17
年化复合收益率26.2%

至于本杰明·格雷厄姆联合账户(Benjamin Graham Joint Account)在中间几年的业绩,我们只能根据本回忆录中提到的资料进行大致估算。不过,整个十年期间的业绩记录大体上是准确的,因为直到第十年,也就是 1935 年,大崩盘的破坏性才被完全修复,而自 1928 年以来,本也第一次有资格参与利润分成。以下数据仅为近似值:

In these days of sophisticated techniques for measuring portfolio performance, it is interesting to read Ben's impressionistic comments about the profits of the investment funds that he managed. No information is available on the Grahar Corporation except that the two and a half years ended with "a substantial profit," after providing him with a salary that amounted to four percent of the starting capital plus six percent annually for distributions to the investors. Thus, the total annual return must have exceeded 10 percent. The return for the Dow Jones Industrial Average would have been as follows: Index Including Dow .I ones Dividend Reinvested Dividends 6-1-23 95.36 100.00 12-31-23 95.52 2.30 102.58 12-31-24 120.51 4.27 134.00 12-31-25 156.66 4.17 178.84 Annual compounded rate of return 26.2% The record of the Benjamin Graham Joint Account can only be approximated for the intermediate years, from references supplied in Ben's memoirs. The record for the entire period of ten years is, however, reasonably correct since it was not until the tenth year, 1935, that the ravages of the crash were recovered in full and, for the first time since 1928, Ben became eligible for profit-sharing. The following figures are only approximations:

指数——含再投资股息 Ben GrahamS&P道琼斯
12-31联合账户*500工业
1925100100.00100.00
1926110111.60104.40
1927150153.56138.10
1928250220.83208.73
1~29200202.05177.80
1930100151.54125.73
19318085.6265.93
19327578.5154.63
1933115121.1594.16
1934120119.33101.51
1935180176.13145.06
Indexes-Including Reinvested Dividends Ben GrahamS&PDow Jones
12-31Joint Account*500Industrials
1925100100.00100.00
1926110111.60104.40
1927150153.56138.10
1928250220.83208.73
1~29200202.05177.80
1930100151.54125.73
19318085.6265.93
19327578.5154.63
1933115121.1594.16
1934120119.33101.51
1935180176.13145.06

这十年的操作为投资者带来的业绩略微优于市场表现——即便在前三年向本和杰瑞支付了非常可观的利润分成,并且在最后两年也支付了相当可观的利润分成。

格雷厄姆-纽曼公司的业绩记录记载于下表中,涵盖从 1945 年 1 月 31 日(其财务数据首次在《穆迪银行与金融公司手册》中公布)至 1956 年的这段时期。表 1 为原始数据,显示了格雷厄姆-纽曼公司在最后十二年运营期间的基本业绩记录(不包括政府雇员保险公司的股份)。

表 1

格雷厄姆-纽曼公司投资业绩

(不含 GEICO)

日期资产价值股息认股权证价值标普 500 指数总回报率总回报指数
45-1-31140.8431.184.08100.00100.00
46-1-31140.5133.205.00126.8926.89%42.76%142.76
47-1-31116.8412.20116.53- 8.16-11.85125.85
48-1-31114.1317.10130.8812.31.83124.80
49-1-3197.565.2028.00*149.9514.579.94137.21
50-1-31106.5710.55180.0220.0519.51163.98
**51-1-31123.2512.00228.4626.9135.66222.45
**52-1-31125.7917.75266.0716.4617.96262.40
**53-1-31136.119.24307.4415.5515.12302.08
**54-1-31128.679.03311.041.1714.36345.46
**55-1-31101.8244.42353.5113.6546.36505.61
**56-1-3189.6132.77424.8920.1924.11627.52
**56-8-2093.1120.27537.6026.5312.32704.82
  • 包含 1.08 股政府雇员保险公司股份的市值 27.00 美元

** 根据 1 比 10 的反向拆股调整

This decade of operations produced performance for the investors modestly greater than that of the market---even after providing Ben and Jerry with very substantial profit sharing in the first three years---and fairly substantial profit sharing in the final two years. The record of Graham-Newman Corporation is documented in the following tables covering the period from January 31, 1945, when figures were first published in Moody's Manual of Banks and Finance Companies, until 1956. Table 1 consists of the raw data indicating the basic record of Graham-Newman Corporation during its final dozen years of operation except for the Government Employees Insurance Company shares. TABLE 1 Investment Performance of the Graham-Newman Corp. (Excluding GElCO) S&P 500 Asset Value of Total Total Value Dividend Rights Index Return Return Index 1-31-45 140.84 31.18 4.08 100.00 100.00 1-31-46 140.51 33.20 5.00 126.89 26.89% 42.76% 142.76 1-31-47 116.84 12.20 116.53 - 8.16 -11.85 125.85 1-31-48 114.13 17.10 130.88 12.31 .83 124.80 1-31-49 97.56 5.20 28.00* 149.95 14.57 9.94 137.21 1-31-50 106.57 10.55 180.02 20.05 19.51 163.98 **1-31-51 123.25 12.00 228.46 26.91 35.66 222.45 **1-31-52 125.79 17.75 266.07 16.46 17.96 262.40 ** 1-31-53 136.11 9.24 307.44 15.55 15.12 302.08 **1-31-54 128.67 9.03 311.04 1.17 14.36 345.46 **1-31-55 101.82 44.42 353.51 13.65 46.36 505.61 **1-31-56 89.61 32.77 424.89 20.19 24.11 627.52 **8-20-56 93.11 20.27 537.60 26.53 12.32 704.82

  • Includes $27.00 market value of 1.08 sh. Government Employees Insurance Co.

**Adjusted for I-for-l0 reverse split.

以下是对应段落的译文:

这些业绩结果可以总结如下:

These performance results can be summarized as follows:

格瑞厄姆-纽曼公司 标普 500 指数

年化收益率 17.4% 18.3%

管理费 -1.9

Graham-Newman Corp. S&P 500 Annual rate of return 17.4% 18.3% Management fee -1.9

股东的年回报率

Annual return to shareholders

原件此处是表格,PDF 抽取时列结构已丢失,下面只剩按列读出的数字,行列对应关系无法还原。核对数据请打开来源正文。

这个回报率并不算突出,但其性质可以从图 1 中看出 —— 该图展示了基金和标普 500 指数获得的风险调整后回报率。

图 1

风险调整后回报率;

格雷厄姆-纽曼公司和标普 500 指数

格雷厄姆-纽曼公司:30%, - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

This rate of return was not exceptional, but its character can be seen from Figure 1 which shows the risk-adjusted rates of return earned by the fund and by the S&P 500. FIGURE 1 Risk-Adjusted Rates of Return; Graham-Newman Corp. and S&P 500 Graham- 30% , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - , Newman Corp. x

x

x

l<

l<

x

alpha '= 7.70

beta .39

r2 .46

x alpha '= 7.70 beta .39 r2 .46

o 10 20 30 40%

o 10 20 30 40%

S&P 500

S&P 500

图 1 所反映的关系显示,贝塔系数为 0.39,阿尔法系数为 7.70。数据已根据 91 天美国国库券利率衡量的无风险收益率进行了调整。格雷厄姆-纽曼公司在这十二年间的表现表明,其对市场风险的敏感度极低——其回报与本杰明不断发掘的特殊投资机会的成熟度更直接相关。图 1 所示的风险特征总结如下:

标普 500 指数年化收益率 18.3%

无风险收益率 – 1.2

标普 500 风险溢价 17.1%

格雷厄姆-纽曼公司

预期风险溢价 6.6%

无风险收益率 1.2

预期收益率 7.8%

实际收益率 15.5%

——

超额收益率 + 7.7%

The relationship depicted in Figure 1 indicates a beta coefficient of .39 and an alpha coefficient of 7.70. The data are adjusted for the risk-free rate of return as measured by the interest rate on 91-day U.S. Treasury Bills. The performance of Graham-Newman Corporation during these dozen years indicates a very low sensitivity to market risks-with returns more directly related to the maturing of the special situations that Ben kept finding. The risk characteristics illustrated in Figure 1 are summarized as follows: S&P 500 performance 18.3% per year Risk-free rate of return - 1.2 S&P 500 Premium for risk 17.1% Graham-Newman Corp. Expected risk premium 6.6% Risk-free rate of return 1.2 Expected return 7.8% Actual return 15.5%

Excess return + 7.7%

总之,考虑到该基金的低贝塔值(对市场波动的敏感性),其业绩每年比预期高出 7.7%。然而,格雷厄姆-纽曼公司的投资者中,恐怕很少有人用这种方法来评估自己的投资业绩。GEICO 投资的惊人成功,让其他一切都相形见绌了。

表 2 列出了分派的两家主要 GEICO 公司的持股市场价值:GEICO 本身,以及政府雇员人寿保险公司。另外两家关联公司——政府雇员金融公司和标准保险公司——没有列出,不过如果行使了这些股票的权利,它们本会为利润带来小幅增加。由于此表未考虑股息再投资,总回报会比表中所示更高。

表 2

GEICO 与 GEICO 人寿股票市场价值

GEICO 股票GEICO 人寿股票
日期股数价格价值股数价格价值
1949-1-311.8028.50$ 51
1950-1-312.1657.251242.1615.25$ 33
1951-1-312.5239.751002.1617.5038
1952-1-313.6038.501392.1614.8832
1953-1-313.6058.502112.1618.0039
1954-1-313.9688.253492.1628.3561
1955-1-317.9270.505582.1634.0073
1956-1-318.5566.505692.1642.5092
1956-8-209.2055.005062.2149.00108
1960-12-3129.4090.882,6724.7763.00301
1965-12-3146.34105.754,90014.5951.00744
1970-12-31111.1451.945,77330.9630.00929
1972 年最高222.2763.7514,17031.8966.252,113
1976-12-31231.167.311,69047.8315.00717

In summary, the fund did 7.7 percent per year better than would have been expected considering its low beta (sensitivity to market fluctuations). It is doubtful, however, that very many of the investors in the Graham-Newman Corporation used this approach to measure the success of their investment. The fabulous success of the GEICO investment far overshadowed everything else. Table 2 shows the market values for the holdings of the two main GEICO companies that were distributed; GEICO itself, and Government Employees Life Insurance Company. Two other affiliates, Government Employees Financial Corporation and Criterion Insurance Company, are not shown, although they would have added modestly to the profits received if the rights to these issues had been exercised. As this table makes no provision for the reinvestment of dividends, total returns would have been larger than those indicated. TABLE 2 Market Values of the GEICO and GEICO Life Shares GEICO GEICO Life Shares Price Value Shares Price Value

  • -

1-31-49 1.80 28.50 $ 51 1-31-50 2.16 57.25 124 2.16 15.25 $ 33 1-31-51 2.52 39.75 100 2.16 17.50 38 1-31-52 3.60 38.50 139 2.16 14.88 32 1-31-53 3.60 58.50 211 2.16 18.00 39 1-31-54 3.96 88.25 349 2.16 28.35 61 1-31-55 7.92 70.50 558 2.16 34.00 73 1-31-56 8.55 66.50 569 2.16 42.50 92 8-20-56 9.20 55.00 506 2.21 49.00 108 12-31-60 29.40 90.88 2,672 4.77 63.00 301 12-31-65 46.34 105.75 4,900 14.59 51.00 744 12-31-70 111.14 51.94 5,773 30.96 30.00 929 1972 High 222.27 63.75 14,170 31.89 66.25 2,113 12-31-76 231.16 7.31 1,690 47.83 15.00 717

以下是该段落的翻译:

若于 1948 年 1 月 31 日以 1141.3 万美元买入 100 股 Graham-Newman 公司普通股,与同等金额投资于标普 500 指数相比,结果如下。两列数据均未调整股息,但假设 Graham-Newman 公司 1956 年清算所得已重新投入标普 500 指数。这些结果不言自明。

The results of an investment in 100 shares of Graham-Newman Corporation common at 1-31-48, costing $11,413, compared with an equivalent investment in the Standard & Poor's 500, are presented below. Neither series has been adjusted for dividends, but the proceeds from the 1956 liquidation of Graham-Newman were assumed to have been reinvested in the S&P 500. These results certainly speak for themselves.

Graham-Newman 和 GEICO标普500
1-31-48$ 11,413$11,413
8-20-5670,41330,968
1972 峰值1,658,98993,181
12-31-76262,49084,060
1948-76 增值11.4% 每年7.1 % 每年
Graham-Newman and GEICOS&P 500
1-31-48$ 11,413$11,413
8-20-5670,41330,968
1972 Peak1,658,98993,181
12-31-76262,49084,060
1948-76 Appreciation11.4% per year7.1 % per year

1948-76 年 收益率 11.4% 每年 7.1% 每年

1948-76 Appreciation 11.4% per year 7.1 % per year

本杰明·格雷厄姆语录

QUOTATIONS FROM BENJAMIN GRAHAM

我们强调理论,并非为了理论本身,而是看重它在实践中的价值。我们努力避免制定那些过于严苛而难以遵循的标准,或是那些麻烦大于价值的专业方法。

We have stressed theory not for itself alone but for its value in practice. We have tried to avoid prescribing standards which are too stringent to follow, or technical methods which are more trouble than they are worth.

正是保守型投资者最需要不断被提醒 1931-1933 年以及以往市场崩盘的教训。因为,我们所谓的固定价值类投资,只有用斯宾诺莎式的视角——"从灾难的角度"——来审视,才可能做出明智的选择。在处理其他类型的证券承诺时,我们始终努力引导读者防止过度强调表面和暂时的因素。在华尔街二十年的多样经验让资深作者明白,这种过度强调既是金融世界的迷妄,也是它的报应。

《证券分析》

第一版,1934 年

It zs the conservative investor who w£ll need most of all to be reminded constantly of the lessons of 1931-1933 and of previous collapses. For what we shall call f£xed-value investments can be soundly chosen only if they are approached--in the Spinozan phase- 'from the viewpoint of calamity.' In dealing with other types of security commitments, we have striven throughout to guard the student against overemphasis upon the superficial and the temporary. Twenty years of varied experience in Wall Street have taught the senior author that thzs overemphaszs zs at once the delusion and the nemesis of the world of finance. Security Analysis First Edition, 1934

我们没有为证券分析师设立评分系统,因此也没有所谓的“打击率”。也许这样也好。但如果我们把一生奉献给为客户提供具体建议,却无法在任何一个案例中——无论是向客户还是向自己——证明自己的判断是否正确,那确实也太不合常理了。一位优秀分析师的价值,无疑会在多年后,从他全部建议的总体结果中清晰地体现出来。

We have no scoring system for security analysts, and hence no batting averages. Perhaps that is just as well. Yet it would be anomalous indeed zf we were to devo te our lives to making concrete recommendations to clients without being able to prove, either to them or to ourselves, whether we were right in any given case. The worth of a good analyst undoubtedly shows itself decisively over the years in the sum total results of his recommendations.

《分析师期刊》

1946 年第一季度

The Analysts Journal First Quarter, 1946

如果我们假设每一只主流股票的价格已经反映出了未来一两年可预见的发展,那么随机选择的效果应该和只挑那些近期前景最好的股票差不多。

If we could assume that the pn"ce of each of the leading issues already reflects the expectable developments of the next year or two, then a random selectz"on should work out as well as one conf£ned to those with the best near-term outlook.

证券分析

1951 年第三版

Security Analysis Third Edition, 1951

持有优质股票组合的投资者应当预料到价格会波动,既不应因大幅下跌而忧心忡忡,也不该因大幅上涨而欣喜若狂。他应当时刻谨记,市场报价的存在不过是为了方便他——要么加以利用,要么置之不理。

The investor with a portfolio of sound stocks should expect their prices to fluctuate and should neither be concerned by sizable declines nor become exC£ted by sizable advances. He should always remember that market quotations are there for his convenience, either to be taken advantage of or to be ignored.

笼统的概括性论断比错误的论断更危险,因为它们会诱使更多人采取不合理的行动。

Sound generalz"zations can be more dangerous than unsound ones because they lure more people into unwarranted actions.

《聪明的投资者》

1959 年第三版

The Intelligent Investor Third Edition, 1959

二战后的世界被形容为“勇敢”且“崭新”。确实,它堪称勇敢,但我们并不确信它也同等崭新。对于与过去彻底决裂的说法,我们可以保持怀疑。

The post-World War II world has been characterized as 'brave' and 'new.' Brave it is, indeed, but we are not positive that it is equally new. We can be skeptical about a complete break with the past.

证券分析

1962 年,第四版

Security Analysis Fourth Edition, 1962

普通股有一个重要的投资属性和一个重要的投机属性。几十年来,随着未分配收益再投资积累的净资产增长,它们的投资价值和平均市场价格以不规则但持续的方式上升。……然而,在大多数时间里,普通股的价格会因大多数人根深蒂固的投机或赌博倾向——即屈服于希望、恐惧和贪婪——而出现非理性且过度的双向波动。

Common stocks have one important investment characteristic and one important speculative characteristic. Their investment value and average market price tend to increase irregularly but persistently over the decades, as their net worth builds up through the reinvestment of undistributed earnings . ... However, most of the time common stocks are subject to irrational and excessive price fluctuations in both directions, as the consequence of the ingrained tendency of most people to speculate or gamble-i.e., to give way to hope, fear and greed.

《金融分析师期刊》

1976 年 9/10 月

Financial Analysts Iournal September/October, 1976

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Books

格雷厄姆,本杰明,与多德,戴维·L.《证券分析》。纽约:麦格劳-希尔图书公司。第一版,1934 年;第二版,1940 年;第三版,1951 年;第四版(与悉尼·科特尔和查尔斯·泰瑟姆合著),1962 年。

格雷厄姆,本杰明,与麦戈尔里克,查尔斯。《财务报表解读》。纽约:哈珀与罗出版公司。第一版,1937 年;第二版,1955 年。

格雷厄姆,本杰明。《储备与稳定——一种现代的常平仓》。纽约:麦格劳-希尔图书公司。1937 年。

格雷厄姆,本杰明。《世界大宗商品与世界货币》。纽约:麦格劳-希尔图书公司。1944 年。

格雷厄姆,本杰明。《聪明的投资者》。纽约:哈珀与罗出版公司。第一版,1949 年;第二版,1954 年;第三版,1959 年;第四版,1973 年。

贝内德蒂,马里奥。《休战》。本杰明·格雷厄姆译自西班牙语。纽约:哈珀与罗出版公司。1967 年。

哈蒙,埃尔默·梅雷迪思。《商品储备货币——关于稳定初级生产国收入的格雷厄姆-古德里安提案》。哥伦比亚大学出版社。1959 年。

Graham, Benjamin, and Dodd, David L. Security Analysis. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. First edition, 1934; Second edition, 1940; Third edition, 1951; Fourth edition (with Sidney Cottle and Charles Tatham), 1962. Graham, Benjamin, and McGolrick, Charles. The Interpretation of Financial Statements. New York: Harper & Row, Inc. First edition, 1937; Second edition, 1955. Graham, Benjamin. Storage and Stability, A Modem Ever-Normal Granary, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. 1937. Graham, Benjamin. World Commodities and JVorld Currency. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. 1944. Graham, Benjamin. The Intelligent Investor. New York: Harper & Row, Inc. First edition, 1949; Second edition, 1954; Third edition, 1959; Fourth edition, 1973. Benedetti, Mario. The Truce. Translated by Benjamin Graham from the Spanish. New York: Harper & Row, Inc. 1967. Harmon, Elmer Meredity. Commodity Reserve Currency, the Graham-Goudriaan Proposal for Stab£lizing Income of Primary Produe£ng Countr£es. Columbia University Press. 1959.

本杰明·格雷厄姆文章选

Selected Articles by Benjamin Graham

“美国企业死后比活着更值钱吗?”《福布斯》,1932 年 6 月 1 日;1932 年 6 月 13 日;1932 年 7 月 1 日。

“股票股息”,《巴伦周刊》,1953 年 8 月 3 日和 8 月 10 日。

“价值的复兴”,金融分析师研究基金会,1974 年。

"Is American Business Worth More Dead Than Alive?" Forbes, June 1, 1932;June 13, 1932;July 1, 1932. "Stock Dividends," Barron's, August 3 and August 10, 1953. "The Renaissance of Value," The Financial Analysts Research Foundation, 1974.

本杰明·格雷厄姆在《金融分析师杂志》上发表的文章

Articles by Benjamin Graham in the Financial Analysts Journal

“证券分析师是否应当拥有专业评级?肯定观点”,1945 年 1 月。

“在证券分析中做到正确”,1946 年第一季度。

“证券分析中的希波克拉底方法”,1946 年第二季度。

“证券分析中的 S.E.C. 方法”,1946 年第三季度。

“特殊情况”,1946 年第四季度。

"Should Security Analysts Have a Professional Rating? The Affirmative Case," January 1945. "On Being Right in Security Analysis," First Quarter 1946. "The Hippocratic Method in Security Analysis," Second Quarter 1946. "The S.E.C. Method of Security Analysis," Third Quarter 1946. "Special Situations," Fourth Quarter 1946.

“关于 1939-1945 年企业营运资本的一点说明”,1946 年第四季度。

“1939-1945 年企业营运资本的增长”,1947 年第一季度。

"A Note on Corporate Working Capital 1939-1945," Fourth Quarter 1946. "Growth of Corporate Working Capital, 1939-1945," First Quarter 1947.

“股东-管理层关系问卷”,1947 年第四季度。

“证券投资中赚钱(与亏钱)的两种方式”,1948 年第二季度增刊。

“战时经济与股票价值”,1951 年第一季度。

“迈向证券分析的科学”,1952 年 8 月。

“如何解除对公司利润的双重征税?”1954 年 2 月。

“关乎充分就业的若干结构性关系”,1955 年 5 月。

“普通股公式估值的两种示意性方法”,1957 年 11 月。

“普通股的新投机”,1958 年 6 月。

“我们的国际收支——沉默的共谋”,1962 年 11 月。

“财务分析的未来”,1963 年 5 月。

“若干观察”,1967 年 11 月。

“与本杰明·格雷厄姆的一次对话”,1976 年 9 月。

"A Questionnaire on Stockholder-Management Relationship," Fourth Quarter 1947. "Two Ways of Making (and Losing) Money in Securities," Second Quarter 1948 Supplement. "The War Economy and Stock Values," First Quarter 1951. "Toward a Science of Security Analysis," August 1952. "Which Way to Relief from the Double Tax on Corporate Profits?" February 1954. "Some Structural Relationships Bearing Upon Full Employment." May 1955. "Two Illustrative Approaches to Formula Valuations of Common Stocks," November 1957. "The New Speculation in Common Stocks," June 1958. "Our Balance of Payments-the Conspiracy of Silence," November 1962. "The Future of Financial Analysis," May 1963. "Some Observations," November 1967. "A Conversation With Benjamin Graham," September 1976.