欧洲须以更广阔视野看待未来
“更广阔欧洲倡议”是欧盟委员会最近为管理与邻国关系而启动的计划,在纸面上看起来非常出色。但如果任由它被尘封在欧盟官僚机构的文件夹里,这项计划必将注定默默无闻。
The Wider Europe Initiative, launched recently by the European Commission to manage relations with its neighbors, looks great on paper. But the plan will be doomed to obscurity if it is allowed to moulder in the European bureaucracy.
这需要欧盟成员国齐心协力,支持这一前景广阔的计划。该倡议目前也称为“新睦邻政策”,若能付诸实施,将有助于把扩大后的欧盟东部和南部边境国家塑造为治理良好、与欧盟价值观同步的国家。
It is up to European Union members to rally behind this promising idea. If realized, the initiative—now also called the New Neighborhood policy—would help shape countries on the expanded EU’s eastern and southern frontiers into well-governed states in step with EU values.
在这方面,欧盟最有力的影响工具是成员国身份的前景。迄今为止,这一工具发挥了奇效。但当前欧盟扩大面临的问题,使得除了已纳入考量范围的国家(保加利亚、罗马尼亚、土耳其,或许还有前南斯拉夫的部分国家)之外,向其他国家提供这一前景变得不切实际。
In this respect, the EU’s most powerful tool of influence is the prospect of membership. So far it has worked wonders. But the current problems with EU enlargement make it unrealistic to hold out this prospect except to those already under consideration: Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, and possibly a few states from the former Yugoslavia.
从南部的摩洛哥到东部的乌克兰和白俄罗斯,欧洲东、南边境上的所有国家都尚未准备好加入欧盟。但“泛欧洲倡议”可以促使它们进一步靠拢,在某些情况下,甚至能为其最终加入欧盟创造条件。
No country on Europe’s eastern and southern borders—from Morocco in the south to Ukraine and Belarus in the east—is ready to join the EU. But the Wider Europe Initiative could prepare them for closer association and, in some cases, eventual membership.
“更广泛的欧洲”提案承认欧盟与邻国的关系本质上是不对称的,因此必须避免稳定公约的陷阱。在计划的总体框架确定之前,欧盟委员会就应该考虑为目前正在为重点国家制定的行动计划增加更多实质内容。应设立联合工作组来监督这些行动计划的执行。
The Wider Europe proposal, which recognizes that the EU’s relations with its neighbors are inherently asymmetric, must avoid the pitfalls of the stability pact. Even before the plan’s general framework is defined, the Commission should think about adding more substance to the action plans currently being worked on for countries deemed top priority. Joint working groups should be set up to monitor the action plans.
欧盟应使用激励措施来促进周边国家的民主发展,且不求互惠让步——若预期目标未能达成,这些激励措施可予以撤销。
The EU should use incentives to promote the democratic development of bordering countries without seeking reciprocal concessions, incentives that could be withdrawn if expectations are not met.
在东方,“大欧洲”就是俄罗斯的后院。欧盟短期内无法通过成员国身份吸引这些国家,而俄罗斯却非常乐意引诱它们加入一个重建的帝国。为了对抗俄罗斯的吸引力,欧盟必须提供更多进入欧洲共同市场的机会、更有利的签证制度、工作与移民机会,以及获取资本、文化接触和技术援助的途径。诚然,欧盟在 2007 年之前并未为“大欧洲”计划拨出预算;但只要愿意,它就能找到资金。切实推进这一计划将有助于增强欧洲内部的凝聚力,并为当前美国通过军事手段传播民主的政策提供一种有吸引力的替代方案。
In the east, Wider Europe is Russia’s backyard. The EU cannot entice those countries with membership any time soon, whereas Russia is only too happy to lure them into a reconstituted empire. To counteract Russia’s pull, the EU must offer greater access to Europe’s common market, more favorable visa regimes, job and immigration opportunities, and access to capital, cultural contacts and technical assistance. Admittedly, the EU has not budgeted for spending on the Wider Europe initiative before 2007; but it can find the money if desired. Giving real life to the initiative would help build cohesion in Europe and would offer an attractive alternative to the current U.S. policy of spreading democracy by military means.
我在前苏联各共和国建立了一个基金会网络,致力于在这些国家构建开放社会。它们正在小规模地做“大欧洲倡议”本应大规模去做的事情。这些基金会通过支持公民社会,并在可能的情况下与政府合作,来帮助推动民主发展。政府越不接纳,公民社会的支持就越发重要。同样的原则也必须指导欧盟;非党派的参与者——公民社会的代表——应该成为每一份行动计划的一部分。
I have established a network of foundations dedicated to building open societies in countries of the former Soviet Union. They are doing on a small scale what the Wider Europe Initiative should do on a large one. They help promote democratic development by supporting civil society and working with governments when possible. The less receptive the government, the more important the support of civil society becomes. The same principle must guide the EU; non- partisan players—representatives of civil society—should be part of every action plan.
鉴于这一点,欧盟必须在乌克兰、摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚加大介入力度。乌克兰和摩尔多瓦即将举行选举,而选举中常见的舞弊行为正在加剧。因为有望获得可观的奖励,当局可能会受到说服,从而遏制这种舞弊行为。格鲁吉亚刚刚经历了一场和平革命,应当被纳入这一倡议。
With this in mind, the EU needs to intensify engagement in the Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Elections are pending in Ukraine and Moldova, and abuses that often accompany elections are increasing. The prospect of substantial rewards might persuade the authorities to curb such abuses. Georgia has just undergone a peaceful revolution and should be brought into the initiative.
尽管格鲁吉亚的经历是独一无二的,但它让周边政权感到紧张。他们看不到加强法治和民主制度的好处。胡萝卜加大棒或许有助于说服他们。
While the Georgian experience is unique, it has made neighboring regimes nervous. They see no advantage in strengthening the rule of law and democratic institutions. Carrots and sticks might help to convince them.
白俄罗斯看似已无希望。但总统亚历山大·卢卡申科的出格行为,却可能引发意想不到的结果——政权更迭。当卢卡申科试图解雇欧洲人文大学校长时,欧盟成员国提出了抗议,结合其他事态的发展,总统的地位已被削弱。
Belarus may seem beyond hope. But the outrageous behavior of President Alexander Lukashenko could provoke the unexpected—a change of regime. EU members protested when Lukashenko tried to sack the rector of the European Humanities University and this, among other developments, has weakened the president’s position.
与此同时,俄罗斯不会在该地区促进积极改变。经历一段混乱时期后,恢复后的俄罗斯国家正在抛弃它曾获得的那仅有的几点开放社会特征。
Russia, meanwhile, will not foster positive change in the region. After a chaotic period, the restored Russian state is shedding the few attributes of an open society it had acquired.
西方未能提供有效援助,因此几乎无法施加什么影响。唯一的出路是加强经济联系,同时不再将俄罗斯视为新兴民主国家。俄罗斯当下的新形态凸显了欧盟应更积极介入那些政治取向仍悬而未决的邻国。
Having failed to provide effective assistance, the west can exert little influence. The only way is to strengthen economic ties while ceasing to treat Russia as a nascent democracy. Russia’s latest incarnation underlines how the EU should be more active in neighboring countries where political orientation remains in the balance.