正中他们下怀
布什政府习惯于对批评其政策的人进行个人报复,但证据正一点一滴地累积,表明入侵伊拉克是美国历史上最严重的失误之一。
The Bush administration is in the habit of waging personal vendettas against those who criticize its policies, but bit by bit the evidence is accumulating that the invasion of Iraq was among the worst blunders in U.S. history.
如果政府不能承认并纠正自己的错误,就无法调整其政策。
If the administration cannot recognize and admit its mistakes, it cannot correct its policies.
在反恐的语境下,“战争”是一个错误且具有误导性的比喻。这个比喻迎合了政府的意图,因为它调动了我们的军事力量。但军事行动需要一个可识别的目标,最好是一个国家。结果,反恐战争主要针对的是像阿富汗这样窝藏恐怖分子的国家,而不是追踪恐怖分子本人。
War is a false and misleading metaphor in the context of combating terrorism. The metaphor suited the purposes of the administration because it invoked our military might. But military actions require an identifiable target, preferably a state. As a result, the war on terrorism has been directed primarily against states like Afghanistan that are harboring terrorists, not at pursuing the terrorists themselves.
假设一下,如果 9 · 11 事件被当作危害人类罪来处理,我们会去阿富汗追捕本·拉登(希望取得更大成功),但我们不会入侵伊拉克。如今,我们的军队也不会穿着全套战斗装备艰难地执行警务工作,并在这个过程中牺牲士兵。
Imagine for a moment that Sept. 11 had been treated as a crime against humanity. We would have pursued Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan (hopefully with more success), but we would not have invaded Iraq. Nor would we today have our military struggling to perform police work in full combat gear, getting soldiers killed in the process.
这并不意味着我们不应该在适当的时候使用军事手段抓捕恐怖分子并将其绳之以法。但保护自己免受恐怖主义侵害,我们需要预防措施、情报收集和警惕意识——这些最终都依赖于恐怖分子活动所在人群的支持。向那些我们本应争取来共同反恐的人宣战,是一个巨大的错误。我们必然会制造一些无辜受害者,受害者越多,怨恨就越深,有些人变成下一批施害者的可能性就越大。
This does not mean that we should not use military means to capture and bring terrorists to justice when appropriate. But to protect ourselves against terrorism, we need precautionary measures, awareness and intelligence gathering—all of which ultimately depend on the support of the populations among which terrorists operate. Declaring war on the very people we need to enlist against terrorism is a huge mistake. We are bound to create some innocent victims, and the more of them there are, the greater the resentment and the better the chances that some victims will turn into the next perpetrators.
9 · 11 当天,美国是一桩滔天罪行的受害者,全世界都自发地表达了真诚的同情。自那以后,尽管我们美国人很不愿意承认,但反恐战争在阿富汗和伊拉克夺走的无辜平民生命,已经超过了世贸中心和五角大楼袭击中的损失。在美国,很少有人做这种比较:美国人的生命与外国人的生命被赋予不同的价值,但国外的人们对这种区别的感受不那么明显。
On Sept. 11, the United States was the victim of a heinous crime, and the whole world expressed spontaneous and genuine sympathy. Since then, though we Americans are loath to admit it, the war on terrorism has claimed more innocent civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq than were lost in the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon. The comparison is rarely made in the U.S.: American lives are valued differently from the lives of foreigners, but the distinction is less obvious to people abroad.
布什政府推行的反恐战争更可能导致永久的战争状态,而不是恐怖主义的终结。恐怖分子是隐形的,因此他们永远不会消失。他们将持续为美国通过军事手段追求霸权提供便利的借口。这反过来又将继续引发抵抗,形成暴力升级的恶性循环。
The war on terrorism as pursued by the Bush administration is more likely to bring about a permanent state of war than an end to terrorism. Terrorists are invisible; therefore, they will never disappear. They will continue to provide a convenient pretext for the pursuit of American supremacy by military means. That, in turn, will continue to generate resistance, setting up a vicious circle of escalating violence.
关于恐怖主义,重要的一点是要记住它是一种反射性现象。它的影响和发展取决于受害者的行动和反应。如果受害者的反应是变成施害者,那么恐怖主义就赢了,因为它引发了越来越多的暴力。这正是策划 9 · 11 袭击的狂热伊斯兰圣战分子所希望达到的。当我们让一场针对恐怖主义的“战争”成为我们的首要关注点,我们就正中了恐怖分子的下怀:是他们——而不是我们——在设定我们的优先事项。
The important thing to remember about terrorism is that it is a reflexive phenomenon. Its impact and development depend on the actions and reactions of the victims. If the victims react by turning into perpetrators, terrorism triumphs in the sense of engendering more and more violence. That is what the fanatically militant Islamists who perpetrated the Sept. 11 attacks must have hoped to achieve. By allowing a “war” on terrorism to become our principal preoccupation, we are playing straight into the terrorists’ hands: They—not we—are setting our priorities.
美国是地球上最强大的国家。虽然它不能把自己的意志强加给世界,但没有它的领导或至少积极参与,国际合作的任何努力都难以取得成效。
The United States is the most powerful country on Earth. While it cannot impose its will on the world, nothing much can be done in the way of international cooperation without its leadership or at least active participation.
在决定世界格局方面,美国比其他国家拥有更大的自由裁量权。其他国家别无选择:它们必须对美国的政策做出回应。这赋予了美国一种独特的责任:我们的国家必须关心世界的福祉。美国是唯一一个能够在需要集体行动的问题上发挥主导作用的国家:维护和平、确保经济进步、保护环境等等。打击恐怖主义和控制大规模杀伤性武器也属于这一类。
The United States has a greater degree of discretion in deciding the shape of the world than anybody else. Other countries don’t have a choice: They must respond to U.S. policy. This imposes a unique responsibility on the United States: Our nation must concern itself with the well-being of the world. The United States is the only country that can take the lead in addressing problems that require collective action: preserving peace, assuring economic progress, protecting the environment and so on. Fighting terrorism and controlling weapons of mass destruction also fall into this category.
通过将反恐战争作为彰显我们军事霸权的借口,我们正陷入恐怖与反恐暴力不断升级的螺旋。相反,如果我们以身作则,展现合作行为,我们不仅能减轻世界上的贫困、苦难和不公,还能获得支持来防御恐怖主义。如果这样做,我们将是最大的受益者。
By using the war on terror as a pretext for asserting our military supremacy, we are embarking on an escalating spiral of terrorist counterterrorist violence. If instead we were to set an example of cooperative behavior, we could not only alleviate poverty, misery and injustice in the world, but also gain support for defending ourselves against terrorism. We will be the greatest beneficiaries if we do so.