新全球经济
新全球经济——先锋集团创始人兼前首席执行官约翰·C·博格在哥伦比亚大学/麻省理工学院联合协会上的讲话,费城,2008 年 4 月 10 日。我很高兴有这个机会,来讨论我们今天面对的动荡金融市场。正如我演讲的标题所示,我会把重点放在“新全球经济”上,尽管全球经济其实谈不上“新”。亚洲著名的丝绸之路可以追溯到公元 200 年,而且——除了周期性的战争、黑死病和大萧条(部分是由保护主义关税导致的)——全球化自那时起一直在发展。¹ 或许没有比两个世纪前英国与中国贸易更好的例子能说明昔日的全球化了。它始于茶叶进口的惊人增长,这给大英帝国造成了一场国际收支危机,而危机的解决方式是用从东南亚向中国出口鸦片,来替代国库中迅速减少的英镑储备——这不是全球化历史中令人愉快的一部分。但即使在更有序的现代时代,全球贸易也已从第二次世界大战后约占世界 GDP 的 5%,增长到目前估计的 20%。
The New Global Economy Remarks by John C. Bogle, Founder and former CEO The Vanguard Group Before the Combined Columbia University/MIT Association Philadelphia, PA April 10, 2008 I’m delighted to have this opportunity to discuss the turbulent financial markets we face today. As the title of my talk suggests, I’ll focus on “the new global economy,” even though the global economy is hardly “new.” The famous silk routes of Asia date back to 200 A.D., and— with exception of periodic wars, the Black Plague, and the Great Depression (in part a result of protectionist tariffs)—globalization has been growing ever since.1 Perhaps no better example of the globalization of yore was British trading with China two centuries ago. It began with the staggering growth of tea imports, which created a balance of payments crisis for the British Empire, resolved by substituting opium exports from Southeast Asia to China for the rapidly-decreasing supply of sterling in the Exchequer, not a happy part of the history of globalization. But even in the more orderly modern era, global trade has grown from about 5 percent of world GDP immediately after World War II to an estimated 20 percent currently.
但如果说全球贸易的增长令人瞩目,那全球金融的增长就更是叹为观止。我们似乎生活在一个没有金融边界的世界里,交易者以纳秒级的速度,通过电子化手段在全球范围内瞬间完成巨额投资(和投机)。
But if the growth of global trade is impressive, the growth of global finance is truly breathtaking. We seem to live in a world without financial borders, with traders flashing enormous investments (and speculations) across the world electronically at a nanosecond pace.
如果你想领略全球贸易史上的精彩奇遇,别错过威廉·伯恩斯坦那本出色的新书《卓越交换——贸易如何塑造世界》,大西洋月刊出版社,2008 年。
For a wonderful adventure in the history of global trade, don’t miss William Bernstein’s terrific new book, A Splendid Exchange—How Trade Shaped the World, Atlantic Monthly Press, 2008.
注:本文发言中所表达的观点,未必代表先锋领航集团现任管理层的看法。
Note: The opinions expressed in this speech do not necessarily represent the views of Vanguard’s present management.
这种全球化未必是积极的发展,因为投机性金融产品可以无视国界,以流感病毒般的速度和持久力传遍全球。多亏全球疾病防控中心极为了得的防疫工作,才使得几年前那种传染性极强且往往致命的禽流感病毒至今未酿成一场现代灾难。
This globalization is not necessarily a positive development, for speculative financial products can spread around the world, irrespective of national borders, with the speed and persistence of a flu virus. It was only extremely good work by the global centers for disease control that has so far prevented the highly contagious and often-fatal avian flu virus of a few years ago from being a modern disaster.
我们的金融市场不存在这样的控制,这里盛行一种格雷欣法则——在这个案例中,“劣质产品驱逐优质产品”。担保债务凭证(由住房抵押贷款支持的债券,其中数百万笔贷款背后是可疑的信用)的爆炸式增长席卷全球。随之而来且不可避免的清算也同样波及全球。瑞士最大的银行瑞银集团(UBS)减记了 370 亿美元的次贷持仓,超过了美林(250 亿美元)或花旗集团(目前为 240 亿美元)。德国工业信贷银行(IKB Deutsche Bank)的 90 亿美元减记甚至超过了美国银行(80 亿美元)。而苏格兰皇家银行、法国兴业银行、法国农业信贷银行和瑞士信贷银行合计又减记了 200 亿美元。(法国兴业银行还因金融期货市场的一名流氓交易员而额外损失了约 80 亿美元。)
No such controls exist in our financial markets, where a sort of Gresham’s law—“bad products,” in this case, “drive out good”—prevails. The explosion in collateralized debt obligations—bonds backed by home mortgages, millions of which were backed by dubious credits—was worldwide. And the subsequent—and inevitable—reckoning was worldwide as well. UBS, Switzerland’s largest bank, has written down $37 billion (!) of sub-prime mortgage holdings, more than either Merrill Lynch ($25 billion) or Citigroup (now $24 billion). IKB Deutsche’s Bank’s $9 billion write-off was even larger than Bank of America’s ($8 billion). And Royal Bank of Scotland, Societe Generale, Credit Agricole, and Credit Suisse have together written-down another $20 billion. (Societe Generale suffered additional losses of some $8 billion, incurred by a single rogue trader in the financial futures market.)
全球股市也比以往任何时候都更加全球化。十年前,美国公司大约 15% 的利润来自其国际业务;到去年,美国以外地区贡献的利润已经翻了一倍多,达到 31%。这一点应该不让你意外。几乎所有大型美国公司都可以用“全球性”来描述其业务范围。想想可口可乐、IBM、微软、通用电气、通用汽车和花旗集团,你就明白了。
The world’s stock markets, too, have become more global than ever. A decade ago, about 15 percent of the earnings of U.S. corporations arose from their international operations; by last year, non-U.S. earnings had more than doubled to 31 percent. That can’t surprise you. Nearly all large U.S. firms can be characterized as “global” in their reach. Think Coca-Cola, IBM, Microsoft, GE, General Motors, and Citigroup, and you’ll get the idea.
在这个互联互通、相互竞争的“同一个世界”里,全球股票市场继续产生着类似的长期回报。举例来说(这可能会让你惊讶),自 1980 年以来,标普 500 指数的年化回报率平均为 13.0%,而非美国市场的 EAFE 指数(摩根士丹利资本国际欧洲、澳大利亚及远东指数)的年化回报率为 11.6%。公平地说,这其中相差的一个百分点,源于美元在这一漫长时期内的温和贬值;若以当地货币计算,EAFE 指数的年化回报率则是 10.6%。
And, in this “one world” of interconnection and competition, global stock markets continue to produce similar long-term returns. For example (this may surprise you), since 1980 the annual return on the S&P 500 has averaged 13.0 percent compared with the return of 11.6 percent for the non-U.S. EAFE Index (the Morgan Stanley Capital International Europe, Australia, and Far East Index). A percentage point of that return, in fairness, has resulted from the moderate weakness of the dollar over that long span; the EAFE annual return, measured in local currencies, was 10.6 percent.
这并不是否认某一市场可能长期表现出明显优势。20 世纪 80 年代,国际(即美国以外)股票大幅跑赢美国股票(年化 22% 对 17%),随后在 90 年代又远远落后(美国年化 18%,国际市场 7%)。进入本世纪这十年以来,两者的回报都微乎其微,美国和非美国市场——以本币计算——每年仅大约上涨 2%。
That is not to deny that there can be extended waves of superiority in one segment or the other. During the 1980s, international (i.e., non-U.S.) stocks substantially outpaced U.S. stocks (22 percent per year vs. 17 percent) and then fell far behind in the 1990s (U.S. 18 percent per year, international 7 percent). So far in this decade, returns of both have been barely positive, with both U.S. and non-U.S. markets—in local currency terms—delivering only about 2 percent per year.
然而,近年来随着美元走弱,以美元而非当地货币计价的海外市场回报异常强劲。自 2003 年 1 月市场低点以来,标普 500 指数上涨约 75%,而 EAFE 指数的涨幅几乎是其两倍,达到 142%。部分区域市场更是近乎暴涨——拉丁美洲基金上涨 600%;新兴市场基金上涨 300%;中国基金上涨 280%。结果或许不足为奇,美国投资者对全球投资的兴趣已升至顶点。
In recent years, however, with the weakness in the dollar, foreign market returns, measured not in local currency returns but in dollar returns, have been unusually strong. While the S&P 500 is up about 75 percent since the market lows reached in January 2003, the EAFE Index is up almost twice that amount—142 percent. Some regional markets have virtually exploded—Latin America funds up 600 percent; emerging markets funds up 300 percent; and China funds up 280 percent. As a result, perhaps unsurprisingly, interest in global investing by U.S. investors has reached a crescendo.
例如,在 1990 年代末至 2002 年期间,投资者向以美国市场为主的基金投入了约 6200 亿美元,而向国际基金投入的金额仅约 450 亿美元。但在 2003 年海外股市爆发之后,投资者向美国基金追加了 1500 亿美元,而向国际基金投入的资金则超过两倍,达到 4200 亿美元。事实上,去年所有股票型基金申购额中,有 92% 流向了国际基金。
During the late 1990s through 2002, for example, investors added some $620 billion to their holdings in funds with a U.S. focus, and only about $45 billion to international funds. But following the explosion in foreign stocks in 2003, investors have added $150 billion to their U.S. funds, but more than twice as much, $420 billion, to their international fund holdings. Last year, in fact, 92 percent of all equity-fund purchases flowed into international funds.
我的经验告诉我,在跳上全球化这趟列车之前,应该先谨慎一点——甚至应该非常谨慎。因为在基金领域,似乎正在——又一次!——上演“追涨业绩”的戏码:人们根据过去而非未来决定把钱投到哪里。那些在非美国股票看起来很便宜时并不感兴趣的投资者,当这些股票变得——即便算不上昂贵——至少贵得多的时候,似乎反而对它们产生了某种可能致命的好感。
My experience tells me to urge a little caution—maybe even a lot of caution—before jumping on the global bandwagon. For what seems to be happening—again!—in the fund arena is “performance chasing,” looking backward instead of forward in deciding where to invest. Investors who didn’t care for non-U.S. stocks when they seemed cheap seemed to develop a perhaps fatal attraction for them when they got, if not expensive as such, surely far more expensive.
在我看来,试图挑选出表现最优的市场板块——无论是美国市场中的房地产、黄金、能源、科技板块,还是国际市场中的新兴市场、中国或拉美板块——都是一场败局已定的游戏。我依然信奉最广泛的分散投资,以及在股票和债券之间进行明智的资产配置(主要取决于个人的年龄、财富、收入需求和风险承受能力),然后便按兵不动。这不是那种典型的“别光站着,快做点什么!”,而是反过来:“别做任何事,就老老实实站在那儿!”
In my view, trying to pick winning market sectors,—whether sectors in the U.S. market such as real estate, gold, energy, technology, or sectors in the international market such as emerging markets, China, or Latin America—is a loser’s game. I remain a believer in the broadest possible diversification and intelligent asset allocation between stocks and bonds (depending largely upon one’s age, wealth, income needs, and risk tolerance) and then doing nothing. It’s not the typical case of “Don’t just stand there. Do something!,” but rather, “Don’t do something. Just stand there!”
从长远来看,成功的投资并不在于挑选股票、挑选行业或挑选基金经理,而在于捕获我们国家——乃至全世界——企业所创造的回报。实现这一目标的最佳方式,是持有一个囊括美国股市所有公司(当然,还要带点全球色彩)的投资组合,并且以尽可能低的成本去持有。这恰好是唯一一种能保证你公平地分得股市慷慨回报的策略。(对于债券市场而言,同样如此,甚至更为适用。)是的,我说的就是指数基金——这一策略不仅得到我的认可,也受到沃伦·巴菲特、保罗·萨缪尔森、耶鲁大学的大卫·斯文森以及几乎整个学术界的推崇。
For in the long run, successful investing is not about picking stocks, or picking sectors, or picking fund portfolio managers, but about capturing the returns earned by our nation’s—and the world’s—businesses. The best way to do so is to own a portfolio that holds all of the corporations that comprehend the U.S. stock market, albeit with a global flavor—at, of course, the lowest possible cost. This happens to be the only strategy that guarantees that you will capture your fair share of whatever returns the stock market is generous enough to deliver. (Ditto, but even more so, for the bond market.) Yes, I’m speaking of index funds, a strategy endorsed not only by me, but by the likes of Warren Buffett, Paul Samuelson, Yale’s David Swensen, and virtually the entire academic community.
其中的道理,当然,简单明了。总体而言,投资者必然获得市场的回报。但前提是扣除投资成本之前。扣除之后,投资者的回报必然以那个成本金额低于市场回报。因此,提供股票和债券投资组合成本最低的机构,其总体回报必然超过其他提供者。这种差距随时间复利,会变得极其巨大,因为基金管理费、运营费用、交易成本、销售佣金以及超额税负,在一个人的投资生涯中,很容易吞噬掉 80% 的投资价值。投资者承担了 100% 的资本,承受了 100% 的风险,难道我们不该获得超过 20% 的回报吗?
The reasoning, of course, is straightforward. Investors in the aggregate must earn the market’s return. But only before the costs of investing are deducted. After that deduction, investors must lose to the market return by that amount. So the lowest-cost provider of equity and bond portfolios inevitably provides returns that exceed the returns earned by other providers in the aggregate. Compounded over time, that difference is enormous, because fund management fees, operating expenses, trading costs, sales loads, and excess taxes can, over a lifetime, easily consume 80 percent of investment value. Investors put up 100 percent of the capital and consume 100 percent of the risk; aren’t we entitled to more than 20 percent of the return?
投资与投机。带着这个背景,让我转向当今金融市场的一些议题,包括短期投机战胜长期投资、债务市场危机的根源,以及金融创新的作用。符合我定义的“投资”,是买入并持有企业——信不信由你——这一理念,早在 1951 年我写普林斯顿大学关于共同基金行业的论文时就追求过。当时,受约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯智慧的启发,我在投资与投机之间划出了清晰界限。凯恩斯将“企业”定义为“预测资产在其整个生命周期内预期收益的活动”,将“投机”定义为“预测市场心理的活动”。
Investment vs. Speculation With that background, let me turn to some of the issues of the day in our financial markets, including the triumph of short-term speculation over long term investment, the roots of the crisis in the debt markets, and the role of financial innovation. It is buying and holding businesses that meets my definition of investment, an idea—believe it or not—that I pursued in my Princeton University thesis on the mutual fund industry way back in 1951. There, inspired by the wisdom of John Maynard Keynes, I drew a clear distinction between investment and speculation. Keynes defined “enterprise” as “the activity of forecasting the prospective yield of assets over their entire life.” He defined “speculation” as “the activity of forecasting the psychology of the market.
凯恩斯没有用数字来区分这两者。但在 1980 年代末,我确实这么做了。我将企业因素定义为投资回报,即股票当前股息率加上后续盈利增长率的总和。我将投机因素定义为投资者愿意为每一美元公司盈利所支付的金额变化带来的影响,也就是市盈率倍数的年化百分比变动。简单地把这两类回报加在一起,看吧!我们就得到了股市产生的总回报。(这个公式是有效的!)
Keynes used no numbers to make that distinction. But in the late 1980s, I did exactly that. I defined enterprise as investment return, the sum of the current dividend yield on stocks plus their subsequent rate of earnings growth. I defined speculative return as the impact of the change in the number of dollars that investors are willing to pay for each dollar of corporate earnings; that is, the annualized percentage change in the P/E multiple. Simply add the two categories of return together and, viola! we have the total returns generated in the stock market. (It works!)
从极长周期来看,决定股票总回报的是投资的经济基本面——即企业本身。而在短期至关重要的投资情绪——即投机——最终被证明几乎没有意义。例如,过去一个世纪美国股票年均回报率为 10.0%,这与 9.9 个百分点的投资回报几乎完全一致,其中包括平均 4.6% 的股息收益率加上平均每年 5.3% 的盈利增长。投机回报仅为总回报贡献了 0.1 个百分点。尽管股市历史上存在短暂的繁荣与萧条,但对于坚守阵地的投资者来说,买入并持有一个覆盖全美企业的投资组合,一直是一项极为成功的策略。
Over the very long run, it is the economics of investing—enterprise—that has determined the total return on stocks. The momentary emotions that surround investing—speculation—so important over the short run, have ultimately proven to be virtually meaningless. For example, the 10.0 percent average annual return on U.S. stocks during the past century was almost identical to the 9.9 percentage points of investment return, an average dividend yield of 4.6 percent, plus average annual earnings growth of 5.3 percent. Speculative return added only one-tenth of one percent to that total. Despite the transient booms and busts of stock market history, for the investors who have stayed the course, buying and holding a portfolio invested across all of American business, has been an extraordinarily successful strategy.
投机胜出。凯恩斯曾预言,本来明智的专业投资者会逐渐放弃对企业本身的关注,追随那帮无知莽汉去押注市场情绪,把希望寄托于市场普遍估值准则的变化——也就是说,他们会变成投机者。在我的论文里,我不同意这位大师的看法。我争辩说,在规模大得多的共同基金行业里,专业投资者终将专注于长期投资之智,而非短期投机之愚。(关于这个行业的光明前景,我当然是对的!这个 1951 年只有 20 亿美元的行业,如今已是 12 万亿美元的庞然大物。)
The Triumph of Speculation Keynes had predicted that otherwise sensible professional investors would gradually abandon their focus on enterprise and follow the ignorant crowd of uninformed individuals in betting on the psychology of the market, attaching their hopes to a favorable change in the conventional basis of valuation, i.e., that they are speculators. In my thesis, I disagreed with the master. In a much larger mutual fund industry, I argued, professional investors would come to focus on the wisdom of long-term investment rather than the folly of short-term speculation. (I was surely right about the industry’s bright prospects! That $2 billion industry of 1951 is today a $12 trillion behemoth.)
在换手率于 1929 年达到 140% 的峰值之后,我曾预测,基金管理人会表现得像“沉稳、老练、开明、理性”的投资者,关注企业本身——聚焦于公司业绩和内在价值——而非短暂易变的股价。唉,结果基金管理人的行为恰恰相反:“反复无常、幼稚无知、闭塞偏狭、肤浅表面。”不妨称之为凯恩斯赢一分,博格尔得零分。确实,我常常引用奥斯卡·王尔德对愤世嫉俗者的定义:我们这个行业的证券分析师太多人“知道一切的价格,却什么价值也不懂。”
After reaching peak turnover of 140 percent in 1929, I predicted that fund managers would behave as “steady, sophisticated, enlightened, and analytic” investors, focused on enterprise—on corporate performance and intrinsic value—rather than momentary and evanescent share prices. Alas, fund managers turned out to behave in the reverse; “volatile, unsophisticated, unenlightened, and superficial.” Call it Keynes 1, Bogle nothing. Indeed, I have often said, after Oscar Wilde’s definition of the cynic, that our industry’s security analysts too often “know the price of everything, but the value of nothing.”
基金换手率从我入行头十五年的约 15%,上升到近年来的 100%,这反映出自 20 世纪 60 年代中期以来日益增长的投机趋势。纽约证券交易所的总换手率在 60 年代中期之前也低于 20%。即使到 90 年代中期,也很少超过 50%。但到了 2007 年,股票换手率超过了每年 200%。如果算上交易所交易基金(ETF)的交易,这个数字现在已经飙升到 280%,是 1929 年水平的两倍。显然,我们股市的本质和特征已经改变。我们进入了一个新时代,一个投机成分在历史上最高的时代。
Fund turnover has risen from about 15 percent during my first 15 years in this business to 100 percent in recent years, reflecting a trend toward speculation that has been growing since the mid-1960s. Total turnover on the New York Stock Exchange was also less than 20 percent through the mid-1960s. Even by the mid-1990s, it rarely exceeded 50 percent. But in 2007, stock turnover exceeded 200 percent per year. If we include the trading in exchange traded funds (ETFs), that number has now soared to 280 percent, double the 1929 level. Clearly, the nature and character of our equity markets have changed. We are in a new era, one with the highest speculation component in history.
我们是如何走到今天这一步的?
How Did We Get Here?
我们金融市场上这种急剧飙升的波动性——我称之为“一场投机的狂欢”——是多种力量共同作用的结果。令人惊讶的是,其中一个原因竟是股票市场的机构化。这一变化堪称翻天覆地:过去半个世纪里,个人投资者持有的股票占总市值的比例从 92% 下降到了 26%。而机构持股——主要来自共同基金、企业和政府养老基金——则从 8% 飙升至 74%——毫不夸张地说,这是一场股票所有权的革命,彻底改变了我们金融市场的性质和结构。
This soaring volatility in our financial markets—what I’ve described as “an orgy of speculation”—is a product of many forces. Surprisingly enough, one is the institutionalization of the stock market. The change is dramatic: Over the past half-century, individual ownership of stocks by individual investors has dropped from 92 percent of the total to 26 percent. Institutional ownership—largely by mutual funds and corporate and government pension funds— has soared from 8 percent to 74 percent—quite literally, a revolution in stock ownership that has changed the nature and structure of our financial markets.
部分问题在于,这些巨头机构为了提升自身盈利,将重心从管理转向了营销,转向了任何能卖得出去的东西,由此推销出越来越窄、风险越来越高的投资组合。我们不妨称之为销售术对受托责任的胜利。这些中介机构——如今大多由美国及国际大型金融集团控制——常常把自己的利益置于那些他们义不容辞应服务的人群之上,也就是那超过 1 亿的基金股东和养老金受益人,他们在投资食物链中注定处于底层。
Part of the problem is that these giant institutions, striving to build their own profitability, turned their focus away from management and toward marketing, toward whatever will sell, explaining ever-more-narrowly-focused, riskier portfolios. Let’s call that the triumph of salesmanship over stewardship. These agents—now largely controlled by giant U.S. and international financial conglomerates—have too often put their own interests ahead of the interests of those whom they are duty-bound to serve, those 100-million-plus fund shareholders and pension beneficiaries who inevitably feed at the bottom of the food chain of investing.
更有甚者,我要指出,当今作为主导力量的机构代理人不仅未能履行其对股东/受益人委托人的利益责任,还抛弃了那些推崇审慎长期投资智慧的经典投资原则,转而过度沉溺于短期投机——这一点从我前面描述的投资组合换手率飙升中已一目了然。这种转变不仅损害了它们自身的利益,也危害了我们的金融体系。
What’s more, I would argue that our now-dominant institutional agents have not only failed to honor the interest of their shareholders/beneficiary principals, but they have also abandoned the time-honored investment principles that focused on the wisdom of prudent long-term investment, and turned instead to an excessive focus on short-term speculation, so clearly demonstrated by the soaring portfolio turnover that I described earlier, a change that is detrimental to their own interests as well as to our financial system.
动荡与金融创新
的确,数十年来,金融机构一直持有美国股市的大部分股票,它们对短期预期的关注以及随之而来的高换手率,持续时间甚至更长。那么,近期市场动荡加剧的原因是什么?首先,在这种新环境下,资金管理者的存在理由——以及他们被问责的依据——变成了在短至数年甚至季度的时段内,最大化客户投资的价值。即使机构管理者越来越转向投机(正如凯恩斯所预言的),企业高管也日益关注短期利润和本公司的股票估值。我称其为“愉快的共谋”——股票市场的机构持有者、公司高管与董事们,更关注股价(即投机),而非长期内在价值(即投资)的共谋。
Turbulence and Financial Innovation To be sure, financial institutions have held the majority of all U.S. equities for several decades now and their focus on short-term expectations with the attendant high turnover has been in place even longer. So what is it that accounts for the recent surge of market turbulence? To begin with, in this new environment, the raison d’être for money managers, and basis by which they are held accountable, became the maximization of the value of the investments made by their clients, measured over periods as short as years or even quarters. Even as institutional managers turned increasingly to speculation (just as Keynes had predicted), corporate executives became increasingly attuned to short-term profits and the stock-market valuations of their firms. I call this the “happy conspiracy” among institutional owners of stocks and corporate managers and directors to focus more on stock prices—speculation—than on long-term intrinsic values— investment.
另一个罪魁祸首是金融创新。虽然创新普遍被视为纯粹的福音,但在金融领域,情况远非如此。在我看来,创新对金融机构本身——投资银行、资金管理公司——的价值,与创新对其客户的价值之间,存在着巨大的分歧。在自身利益强烈驱动下,金融服务提供者热衷于把商业和政府工具——我们姑且称之为股票和债券——组合包装成“产品”,这些产品既旨在满足投资者感知到的需求,同时为自己赚取利润。这些创新产品中,有些简单且成本高效;另一些,则极端复杂且昂贵得令人瞠目。
Another culprit is financial innovation. While innovation is broadly regarded as an unmixed blessing, in the financial sector it is hardly uniformly so. There is a sharp dichotomy it seems to me, between the value of innovation to the financial institution itself—the investment bank, the money manager—and the value of innovation to its clients. Heavily motivated by self-interest, the providers of financial services are to organize the instrumentalities of business and government—let’s call them stocks and bonds—into packages and, well, “products” that earn profits for themselves, even as they are also designed to serve the perceived needs of investors. Some of these innovative products are simple and cost-efficient; others, at the extreme, are mindbogglingly complex and expensive.
更有甚者,我们的机构有强烈的利益动机去偏爱复杂而昂贵的东西,而非简单——坦白说——便宜的东西;我认为这恰恰与大多数投资者想要和需要的相反。看看最近金融市场发生的事——我们国家乃至世界上一些最强大的金融机构,因为它们涉足我前面描述的那些相对较新、未经考验且复杂的金融工具,已经合计计提了约 1700 亿美元的减记(据估计,最终总额将达到惊人的 3000 亿美元),这还不算它们客户所承受的数千亿损失。创新——往往打着提升美国市场相对于外国市场竞争力的旗号——又一次走得太远了。
What’s more, our institutions have a large incentive to favor the complex and the costly over the simple and the, well, cheap; quite the opposite, I would argue, of what most investors want and need. Given recent events in the financial markets in which some of our nation’s—and the world’s—mightiest financial institutions have collectively already taken some $170 billion (estimated to total an astonishing $300 billion when all’s said and done) of write-downs from their forays into relatively new, untested and complex financial instruments that I described earlier—let alone the hundreds of billions of losses experienced by their clients. Innovation, often in the name of making our U.S. markets more competitive while foreign markets, has once again gone too far.
债务抵押债券(CDO)只是金融衍生品市场爆发式增长中的一个例子。就在 1960 年,以标普 500 指数为基础的衍生品——本质上是期货和期权,用来对指数未来价格进行投机,要么承担巨大风险暴露,要么对冲市场下跌——甚至还不存在。如今,这些期货和期权的未平仓合约估计高达 23 万亿美元,而标普 500 指数本身的实际市值仅为 13 万亿美元。这样一来,“投机市场”的规模几乎是“投资市场”的两倍。无论这种对比多么惊人,这些衍生品在全球约 500 万亿美元各类金融衍生品总量中,也不过是沧海一粟;作为参照,全球国内生产总值(GDP)约为 50 万亿美元,仅为衍生品总量的十分之一。
CDOs are but one example of the exploding market for financial derivatives. As recently as 1960, for example, derivatives on the S&P 500 Index—futures and options in essence, speculation on the future price of the Index, either to take on huge risk exposure or to hedge against market declines—did not even exist. Today, an estimated $23 trillion of these futures and options are outstanding, compared to the $13 trillion actual market value of the 500 Index itself. The “speculation market,” then, is almost double the value of the “investment market.” However striking that relationship, these derivatives are a mere drop in the bucket of the global total of some $500 trillion in financial derivatives of all types; as a point of reference, the gross domestic product (GDP) of the entire world is about $50 trillion, a mere one-tenth of the derivative total.
几年前,沃伦·巴菲特将衍生品称为“金融大规模杀伤性武器”,而艾伦·格林斯潘则对其益处大加赞赏,指出“审慎使用衍生品有助于银行降低风险”。如今,结果显而易见:巴菲特是对的。尽管衍生品这类创新为金融业(以及评级机构)带来了巨额收费,但那些被高估的担保债务凭证(CDO),却给购买并持有它们的机构——包括银行和券商自身——的资产负债表带来了灾难性打击。
A few years ago, Warren Buffett described derivatives as “financial weapons of mass destruction,” while Alan Greenspan applauded their benefit, noting that “the prudent use of derivatives help banks to reduce risk.” Today it seems clear that it was Buffett who got it right. While innovations such as derivatives have enriched the financial sector (and the rating agencies) with enormous fees, these over-rated, as it were, CDOs have wreaked havoc on the balance sheets of those who purchased them, and held them, including the banks and brokers themselves.
更有甚者(如果需要更多证据的话),相关的“结构性投资工具”(SIV)也造成了严重破坏。为了销售这些工具,我们的大型银行越来越多地向买家提供“流动性看跌期权”,保证按面值随时回购。事实证明,花旗银行不仅账面上持有 550 亿美元的 CDO,还有约 250 亿美元已被“退还”给银行的 SIV,而这一事实直到去年 11 月花旗才公开披露。令人震惊的是,前财政部长、花旗执行委员会主席罗伯特·鲁宾(我们可以说此人金融头脑相当精明)竟然声称,直到去年夏天他才第一次听说流动性看跌期权。(这还不像前董事长查尔斯·普林斯的早先评论那么尴尬:“只要音乐还在响,你就得继续跳舞。我们还在跳。”)
What is more (if we need more!), related “specialized investment vehicles (SIVs) have also created havoc. To sell these instruments, our giant banks increasingly issued “liquidity puts” to buyers, guaranteeing to repurchase them on demand at face value. Citigroup, it turns out, was not only holding $55 billion of CDOs on its books, but also some $25 billion of SIVs that have been “put” back to the bank, a fact not publicly disclosed by Citi until last November. Astonishingly, former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, chairman of Citi’s Executive Committee (and a man, one might say, of not inconsiderable financial acumen) has stated that until last summer he had never even heard of liquidity puts. (Not quite as embarrassing as former chairman Charles Prince’s earlier comment: “As long as the music is playing you have to keep dancing. We’re still dancing.”)
金融创新的特殊之处并不限于投资银行承销的固定收益产品。共同基金行业同样难辞其咎。举例来说,1990 年代末,共同基金领域的创新旨在利用所谓的“新经济”。我们创建了数以百计的科技基金、电信基金、互联网基金和“激进成长型”基金,这些基金的重仓股几乎都来自上述行业,在 2000 年 3 月市场见顶前后的三年泡沫期间,从基金投资者那里吸引了近 5000 亿美元资金。在随后的大熊市中,纳斯达克(“新经济”)指数下跌了近 80%,而纽交所(“旧经济”)指数下跌了 33%。这种创新对基金营销人员有利吗?显然是的。对基金投资者有利吗?绝对没有。至于当下最热门的共同基金创意——ETF,即“可以全天候实时交易”的指数基金——最终对基金投资者究竟是福是祸,仍有待检验。
The peculiar characteristics of financial innovation are not limited to fixed-income investments underwritten by our investment banks. The mutual fund sector too has much to answer for. For example, in the late 1990s, innovation in the mutual fund sector was designed to capitalize on the so-called “New Economy.” We created literally hundreds of technology funds, telecommunication funds, internet funds, and “aggressive growth” funds whose holdings were dominated by stocks in those sectors, luring nearly a half-trillion dollars from fund investors during the three-year-bubble surrounding the market’s peak in March 2000. In the great bear market that followed, the NASDAQ (“New Economy”) Index dropped nearly 80 percent, and the NYSE (“Old Economy”) Index fell by 33 percent. Was this innovation good for fund marketers? Clearly yes. Good for fund investors? Categorically no. It remains to be seen whether today’s hottest mutual fund idea, ETFs—index funds that “can be traded all day long, in real time”—will prove to be a blessing to fund investors, or a bane.
动荡时代 我们当下所处的这个“动荡时代”,是多年廉价信贷、信贷标准急剧恶化,以及衍生品和产品打包(如抵押贷款证券化)这类“新”产品的产物——放贷机构借此将贷款转移给投资者。我们高杠杆的商业银行和投资银行未能充分考虑它们创造并推销的证券所带来的非凡风险,即使自身资产负债表上因此留下了数百亿乃至数千亿美元的敞口,它们仍赚取了数十亿美元的费用和佣金。
The Age of Turbulence This “age of turbulence” in which we now live is the product of too many years of cheap credit, and of sharply deteriorating credit standards, as well “new” products like derivatives and product packaging—like securitizing mortgages—in which its lenders off-load their loans to investors. Our highly-leveraged commercial banks and investment banks failed to consider the extraordinary risks of the securities they were creating and marketing, and earned billions in fees and commissions, even as they were left with tens of billions of dollars—even hundreds of billions—on their own balance sheets.
今天的关键问题在于,我们金融体系中的这些问题将在多大程度上波及美国经济体系以及全球体系。房地产市场的长期繁荣现已转向下行,房价在回落,这与 2000 年初“新时代”股市的情况何其相似,而股票价格仍低于八年前达到的水平。在我看来,我们的决策者们正惊慌失措,美联储向银行提供信贷(很可能是必要的一步)并压低短期利率(这对借款人有利,但对贷款人和储蓄者很糟糕,可能对美元也很糟糕)。我完全不确定这是明智的决策,因为这增加了日后通胀抬头的可能性。
The key question today is the extent to which these problems in our financial system will infect our U.S. economic system and our global systems as well. The long boom in the real estate market has now turned down, with home prices in retreat, so similar to what happened in the “new era” stock market early in 2000, and stock prices remain below the levels they reached eight long years ago. As I see it, our policy makers are running scared, with the Federal Reserve making credit available to banks (likely a necessary step) and driving short-term interest rates down (great for borrowers but terrible for lenders and savers, and probably terrible for the dollar). I’m not at all sure that this is sound policy-making, for it increases the likelihood that inflation will rear its ugly head later on.
我们的政治领袖们似乎也按下了某种恐慌按钮,其力度足以在一个选举年将民主党控制的国会与共和党政府团结起来。但我同样担心,这套直接源自凯恩斯主义的 1600 亿美元财政刺激计划——即便它让本已惊人的联邦预算赤字进一步膨胀——也未必能对经济起到多大的刺激作用。没错,我们的政客们很容易把钱“送给”人民,毕竟,实际上出钱的恰恰也正是这些人民。当他们要么通过更高的税收、要么通过贬值的美元来为这份“礼物”买单时,这个不言自明的道理便会一清二楚。
Our political leaders, too, seem to have pressed some sort of panic button, enough to unite a Democratic congress and a Republican administration in an election year. But I’m also concerned that the $160 billion fiscal stimulus plan—right out of Keynesianism—will not provide much in the way of stimulating the economy, even as it adds to an already staggering deficit in the Federal budget. Yes, it’s easy for our politicians to give money to “the people,” for of course it’s these self-same people who are in fact doing the giving. When they pay for the “gift,” either through higher taxes or through devalued dollars, that truism will become clear.
简而言之,我们的货币主管当局和财政当局联手打出这一击,究竟会对我们的市场或经济产生正面影响,绝不明朗。或许,说不定,我们就不应该干预,干脆让市场自行出清。我们的市场不仅由投资者用真金白银押注的信心驱动,我们的经济也由消费者为满足需求和欲望而支出的信心驱动,还有企业为提升资本回报而支出的信心驱动。而这种信心已经动摇了。
In short, it is by no means obvious that this combined blast from our monetary masters and our fiscal authorities will make a positive difference either to our markets or our economy. Maybe, just maybe, we should not intervene and just let the markets clear. Not only are our markets driven by the confidence of investors putting their dollars on the line, but our economy is driven by the confidence of consumers spending on their needs and wants, and corporations, spending to enhance the returns on their capital. That confidence has been shaken.
我们金融市场固有的风险——在近来的时代,因时间视野缩短、投机压倒投资、过度的金融创新、宽松信贷、对日益膨胀的信用风险似乎浑然不觉,以及资产集中在银行集团手中而加剧——在这一时期已显著上升。我与许多经济学家一样担忧,金融体系中的这些问题很可能会传导至经济的表现,而美国经济已接近衰退,甚至可能已在衰退之中。如果情况果真如此,我们将看到企业盈利增长趋于平缓,随后或许会出现盈利大幅下滑。因此,市场持续动荡的可能性很大,经济层面也会有些动荡。
The inherent risk in our financial markets—enhanced in the recent present era by truncated time horizons, the dominance of speculation over investment, excessive financial innovation, easy credit, a seeming unawareness of burgeoning credit risk, and a concentration of assets in banking conglomerates—has markedly increased during the recent era. I share the concern of many economists that these problems in our financial system may well carry over to the performance of our economy, now approaching—if not already in—recession. If that is the case, we will see the leveling off of corporate earnings growth, perhaps followed by significant earnings declines. Thus, the probabilities favor continued market turbulence—and some economic turbulence as well.
所以,风险很高;不确定性比比皆是。不过,或许我们还能勉强撑过去。毕竟,在 230 年的历史中,美国一向如此。也许,我们的社会和经济将再次展现出它们过去曾一再展现的那种韧性,常常是在逆境之中。也许,我们终会集体醒悟,鼓起勇气,迎向我今天所描述的这片苦难的汪洋,通过与之对抗,来终结它们。如果我们做到了,股票市场无疑会做出回应,恢复基于企业增长的内在经济价值的上行轨道。
So the risks are high; the uncertainties rife. Yet perhaps we’ll muddle through. After all, throughout our 230-year history, America has always done exactly that. Perhaps, once again, our society and our economy will continue to reflect the resilience that they have demonstrated in the past, often against all odds. And perhaps we’ll come to our collective senses and develop the courage to take arms against this sea of troubles that I’ve described today, and by opposing, end them. If we do, the stock market will undoubtedly respond and resume the upward course that is based on the intrinsic economic value of business growth.
让我以一个更具建设性的结尾收场。当然,我们的市场需要“金融创业者”、交易员和短期投机者,即那些“不安分地寻找市场中的异常与缺陷,以谋取盈利优势的风险承担者”。同样确定的是,我们的市场需要“金融保守派”,即那些长期投资者,他们“对审慎、稳定、安全和稳健这些传统价值推崇备至”。2 在我看来,让这种平衡失控,应对如今的市场动荡和不确定性承担重大责任。
Let me close on a more constructive note. Of course our markets need “financial entrepreneurs,” traders, and short-term speculators, “risk-takers restlessly searching to exploit anomalies and imperfections in the market for profitable advantage.” Equally certain, our markets need “financial conservatives,” long-term investors who “hold in high esteem the traditional values of prudence, stability, safety, and soundness.”2 In my judgment, letting that balance get out of hand bears a heavy responsibility for today’s turbulence and uncertainty.
这两处引文出自考夫曼博士的著作,第 304 页。
The quotations are from Dr. Kaufman’s book, page 304.
在他 2001 年精彩的自传《论货币与市场》中,经济学家兼投资者亨利·考夫曼——华尔街漫长历史中最明智的智者之一——与我有着同样的担忧,表达了他对金融全球化、衍生品革命、华尔街公司化、政策制定者权力受限,以及市场特质转变的恐惧。在最后一章中,他总结了自己的担忧:信任是生活中大多数关系的基石。金融机构和市场也必须建立在信任的基础之上……不受约束的金融创业精神可能变得过度且有害——导致严重滥用,并践踏金融体系的基本法则和道德。这种滥用会削弱一个国家的金融结构,并破坏公众对金融界的信心……只有改善创业创新与传统价值之间的平衡,我们才能提高经济体系中收益与成本的比例……监管者和金融机构的领导者必须是最尽职尽责的。
In his brilliant 2001 memoir, On Money and Markets, the economist/investor Henry Kaufman, one of the wisest of all the wise men in Wall Street’s long history, shared my concerns, expressing his own fears about the globalization of finance, the derivatives revolution, the corporatization of Wall Street, the limits on the power of policy makers, and the transformation of the character of our markets. In his final chapter, he summarizes his concerns: Trust is the cornerstone of most relationships in life. Financial institutions and markets must rest on a foundation of trust as well. . . . Unfettered financial entrepreneurship can become excessive and damaging as well-leading to serious abuses and the trampling of the basic laws and morals of the financial system. Such abuses weaken a nation’s financial structure and undermine public confidence in the financial community. . . . Only by improving the balance between entrepreneurial innovation and more traditional values can we improve the ratio of benefits to costs in our economic system. . . Regulators and leaders of financial institutions must be the most diligent of all.
我们金融市场的参与者必须共同努力,恢复这种平衡,让金融保守主义重新回到其应有的主导地位。因为正如凯恩斯勋爵多年前所写的那样,“当企业只是投机漩涡上的一个泡沫时,资本主义的工作就会做得一塌糊涂。”
Together, participants in our financial markets must work together to restore that balance, and return financial conservatism to its rightful pre-eminence. For as Lord Keynes wrote all those years ago, “When enterprise becomes a mere bubble on a whirlpool of speculation, the job of capitalism will be ill-done.”
这是我们任何人都承受不起的事情。
That is the one thing that none of us can afford to allow.