金融中的价值观、伦理与结构
价值观、伦理与金融结构——约翰·C·博格,先锋集团创始人主题演讲 公私合作研讨会 乔治城大学法学院 华盛顿特区
Values, Ethics, and Structure in Finance Remarks by John C. Bogle, Vanguard Founder Keynote Speech The Public-Private Partnership Symposium Georgetown School of Law Washington, D.C.
2014 年 10 月 31 日 我很高兴能有这个机会,在以价值观与伦理为主题的“构建资产管理及共同投资的公私合作伙伴关系”研讨会上发言。回顾各位与会者令人瞩目的背景,我对诸位今天的光临深感荣幸。
October 31, 2014 I’m delighted to have this opportunity to address this symposium on “Structuring Public-Private Partnerships for Asset Management and Co-Investment,” focused on values and ethics. As I review the impressive backgrounds of each of you participants, I’m honored by your presence here today.
我对 P3 的了解——并且为之喝彩——还处于起步阶段,但在这一领域几乎没有一手经验。不过,我在美国金融行业有超过 63 年的经验,对金融业的价值观、伦理和结构有坚实的基础信念,这些同样适用于公私合作伙伴关系。
I’m familiar with—and I applaud—the incipient development of P3s, but have little first-hand experience in that area. But I have more than 63 years of experience in our nation’s financial sector, and have a strong foundation of beliefs about its values, ethics, and structure that are also applicable to public-private partnerships.
你们当中有些人可能知道,我近期的很多工作都集中在剖析美国金融体系整体的缺陷,尤其是机构资金管理领域的问题。这可不是小问题,因为我们的机构管理者们合计持有约 13 万亿美元的美国股票——这几乎是每一家上市企业 65% 的股份。这些管理者——主要是共同基金(最大的持有者)、公共和私营的固定收益型(DB)养老金计划,以及私营的固定缴款型(DC)节俭和储蓄计划——有力量推动企业行为向好的方向转变。然而迄今为止,它们巨大的集体力量在很大程度上仍未得到运用。
As some of you may know, much of my recent work has focused on the flaws that have developed in the American financial system in general, and specifically in the field of institutional money management. No mean problem, since our institutional managers collectively hold some $13 trillion of U.S. stocks—65% of the shares of virtually every publicly held corporation. These managers—largely mutual funds (the major holder), public and private defined benefit (DB) pension plans, and private defined contribution (DC) thrift and savings plans—have the power to change corporate behavior for the better. So far, however, their massive collective power remains largely unexercised.
金融体系参与者的道德、行为与诚信,是投资者信心赖以存在的根基。当对我们金融体系的信心下降、信任被侵蚀时,整个社会都要付出沉重的代价。
The ethics, the conduct, and the integrity of the participants in our financial systems are the foundation upon which investor confidence rests. When confidence in our financial system deteriorates and trust erodes, our society pays a steep price.
在最优情况下,我们的金融体系提供了润滑剂,让资本主义的轮子得以持续转动——它将新鲜的股权资本导向那些不断创新、以更低价格开发日益改善的商品和服务、并在这一过程中创造新就业的增长型企业。但新股权融资仅占全部股权交易的约 0.6%,而市场中的交易(主要是短期交易)则占到我们金融体系活动金额的 99.4%。
At its best, our financial system provides the grease that keeps the wheels of capitalism turning, by directing fresh equity capital to growing businesses that innovate and develop ever-improving goods and services at lower prices, creating new jobs in the process. But raising new equity capital accounts for only about 0.6% of all equity transactions, with trading (largely of the short-term variety) in our markets accounting for 99.4% of the dollar value of the activities of our financial system.
金融市场最糟糕的时候,是由投机、价值可疑的“新产品”、风险导向策略,以及市场投机者主导的大规模交易驱动的。投资者对市场的信心已经恶化,他们的信任遭到侵蚀,我们的社会价值观也已削弱。这种恶化可以说是咎由自取:想想 2003 年纽约州总检察长埃利奥特·斯皮策曝出的共同基金行业“时区”交易丑闻——那是基金经理与精明算计的投机者之间的一场合谋,目的是欺骗共同基金份额的长期持有者。再想想伯尼·麦道夫的庞氏骗局,那些机构投资顾问受贪婪驱使、摒弃尽职调查,纷纷跳上麦道夫那趟虚假的“肥差”列车,在他那列车出轨前赚取了数亿美元的费用。
At its worst, then, our financial system is driven by speculation, “new products” of dubious value, risk-oriented strategies, and massive trading dominated by market speculators. The confidence of investors in our markets has deteriorated, their trust has eroded, and our societal values have diminished. This deterioration has been, as it were, well earned: Think of the “time zone” trading scandals in the mutual fund industry, uncovered by New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer in 2003—a conspiracy between fund managers and sharp-penciled speculators to defraud the long-term holders of mutual fund shares. Think of Bernie Madoff’s Ponzi scheme, and the institutional investment advisers who, driven by greed and eschewing due diligence, jumped on the illusory Madoff gravy train, making hundreds of millions of dollars in fees before his train lurched off the rails.
想一想太多大银行的洗钱行为。想一想伦敦银行间同业拆借利率(LIBOR)操纵丑闻。想一想许多富裕美国人长期藏在瑞士银行以逃避美国税收的资产。想一想基于内幕信息的股票交易,其中的典型例子是 Galleon Group 对冲基金经理拉吉·拉贾拉特南,以及时任高盛董事、曾受人尊敬的麦肯锡掌门人拉贾特·古普塔,两人如今都身陷囹圄。想一想如今臭名昭著的债务抵押债券(具体来说,是“双层 CDO”),它们在 2008-2009 年金融危机期间崩盘。当抵押贷款及其他债务证券被打包成债务抵押债券,而这些债券本身又被进一步打包成第二层证券化产品时,投资者即使不是完全无法判断,也极难确定谁在承担风险。(提示:他们确实承担了风险。)想一想我们的投资银行公司,随着它们从承担无限责任的私人合伙制企业,转变为受有限责任保护的上市公司,杠杆率急剧飙升。
Think of money laundering by too many large banks. Think of the LIBOR rate-rigging scandal. Think of the assets long hidden in Swiss banks by many wealthy Americans to escape U.S. taxes. Think of stock trading based on inside information, exemplified by hedge fund manager Raj Rajaratnam of the Galleon Group, and then-Goldman Sachs director Rajat Gupta, once respected head of McKinsey, both of whom are now behind bars. Think of the now-notorious collateralized debt obligations (specifically, “CDO-squareds”), which collapsed during the 2008-2009 financial crisis. When mortgages and other debt securities are bundled into collateralized debt obligations which are themselves bundled into a second layer of securitizations, it becomes difficult, if not impossible, for investors to determine who is bearing the risk. (Hint: they were.) Think of our investment banking firms, with leverage that soared as they moved from private partnerships subject to unlimited liability, to public corporations protected by limited liability.
我说清楚了没有?我们的金融体系似乎(我确实认为“是”)存在严重缺陷。为什么?很大程度上是因为它的底层结构。在这个体系里,资金管理者(尤其是对冲基金经理)凭借短期投资成功就能获得巨额财务回报。长期投资被置于短期投机之后。“新产品”的创新设计是为了惠及投资服务的生产者(“华尔街”),而非其客户,即消费者(“主街”)。1 像先锋集团这样的资产管理公司,其业务不应是销售产品,而应当是管理他人钱财的专业行当。
Have I made my point? Our financial system appears to be (I really mean “is”) deeply flawed. Why? Largely because of its underlying structure. It is a system where huge financial rewards are reaped by money managers (especially hedge fund managers) for short-term investment success. Where long-term investment takes a back seat to short-term speculation. Where innovation in “new products” is designed to benefit the producers of investment services (“Wall Street”) rather than its clients, the consumers (“Main Street”).1 Asset managers such as Vanguard ought to be, not in the business of selling products, but in the profession of managing other people’s money.
如今,那些强大的机构资产管理者的目标和价值观,实际上是由一种结构塑造的:它们的所有者——现在令人遗憾地,主要是被金融集团控股的私人和公众股东——寻求的是用自己的资本赚取回报,而不是为委托给它们照管的客户资本赚取回报。在这种结构下,利益冲突无处不在。受托责任往往被推销术压倒,管理被营销压倒。在共同基金领域,管理者的股东利益与管理者的基金持有人利益相互冲突,而最终胜出的是管理者这个主人。正如《圣经》所言:“一个人不能侍奉两个主人。”如今,我们的金融业肆意无视这一古老箴言。
Today, the goals and values of those powerful institutional asset managers are shaped by a structure in which their owners—private and public stockholders, now, regrettably, dominated by financial conglomerates—seek to earn returns on their own capital, rather than the capital that has been entrusted to their care by their clients. In such a structure, conflicts of interest abound. Stewardship is too often trumped by salesmanship, and management is trumped by marketing. In the mutual fund field, the interests of the managers’ stockholders conflict with the interests of the managers’ fund shareholders, and it is the manager who is the master that wins. As it is said in the Bible, “no man can serve two masters.” Today, our financial sector wantonly ignores that ancient precept.
回望历史 揭露如此明显的结构缺陷对我来说并非新鲜事。早在 1971 年,将近半个世纪前,我在威灵顿管理公司合伙人面前的一次讲话中,就对投资机构走向公众持股的趋势感到失望:很难看出公众投资者为这一事业带来了什么独特贡献。通常来说,他们既不增加资本,也不增添专业能力,更不为我们客户的福祉做出贡献。事实上,可以想象这样一种情形:公众持股所带来的盈利及盈利增长压力,与专业机构的负责任运营是背道而驰的。
Going Back in History Speaking out against such an obvious structural flaw is hardly new territory for me. Way back in 1971, almost a half-century ago, in remarks before Wellington Management’s partners, I despaired over the trend toward public ownership of investment institutions: It is hard to see what unique contribution public investors bring to the enterprise. They do not, as a rule, add capital; they do not add expertise; they do not contribute to the well-being of our clients. Indeed, it is possible to envision circumstances in which the pressure for earnings and earnings growth engendered by public ownership is antithetical to the responsible operation of a professional organization.
说实话,我今天也很难说得更好了。
Honestly, I could hardly say it better today.
在 15 年前(1999 年)我撰写《共同基金常识》第一版时,传奇经济学家彼得·L·伯恩斯坦在序言中表达了与我同样的担忧:当年我在领航集团时,曾明令禁止使用“产品”一词。在我看来,只有像牙膏、啤酒和汽车这类行业,才靠销售产品来经营。
In his foreword to the first edition of my book Common Sense on Mutual Funds (1999), now 15 years ago, legendary financial economist Peter L. Bernstein shared my concern: When I was running Vanguard, I banned the use of the word “product.” In my view, it is businesses such as toothpaste, beer, and cars that are in business to sell their products.
威灵顿管理公司本身在 1960 年“上市”了。
Wellington Management had itself “gone public” in 1960.
“……个人投资者的财富变化,与管理这些资产的行业结构密不可分。博格尔对这一结构如何影响他深切牵挂的个人福祉的洞见,正是本书最令人获益之处。”
“… What happens to the wealth of individual investors cannot be separated from the structure of the industry that manages those assets. Bogle’s insight into what that structure means to the fortunes of the individuals whose welfare concerns him so deeply is what makes this book most rewarding.”
金融机构的结构性缺陷——尽管形式各异——但很大程度上正是我之前所描述的种种弊病的根源。不妨回想一下我列举的那些证据:金融体系存在多重结构性缺陷,而更合理的结构本可以造福社会。如果这些机构按照联邦信托责任标准来构建,那些共同控制着我们国家企业的机构资产管理人,就会要求企业只能为股东利益行事。这些身为管理者的所有者,会在高管薪酬评估上毫不留情;会对股票期权的过度使用(及其“搭便车”结构)绝不姑息;会坚决制止企业动用股东的大笔资金、在未披露的情况下进行政治捐款。而这份清单,还只是冰山一角。
The flawed structures of financial firms—varied though they may be—can easily be seen as largely responsible for the ills that I described earlier. Think for a moment about the evidence that I presented about the multi-faceted structural flaws in finance, and how better structures might have helped our society: Had they been structured to honor a federal standard of fiduciary duty, the institutional asset managers who collectively control our nation’s corporations would have demanded that our corporation’s act solely in the interest of their shareholders. These manager/owners would have been tough in their evaluations of executive compensation; tough about the excessive use (and “free-rider” structure) of stock options; and tough about allowing corporations to throw around vast sums of their shareholders’ money, undisclosed, on political contributions. And that list only begins a long litany.
如果基金管理公司从未获准上市,且基金行业传统的私人所有制结构得以保留,那么经理人在试图同时服务其共同基金股东与集团(或其他上市)股东时所面临的许多明显利益冲突本可以得到缓解。让基金投资者(及养老金受益人)获得公平待遇,并公平分享管理日益庞大的他人资金(OPM)所能带来的惊人规模经济,本应成为这个如今规模庞大(15 万亿美元)的行业的特点。但事实上,基金管理人将规模经济带来的最大份额据为己有。
Had fund managers never been allowed to go public, and had the fund industry’s traditional private ownership structure remained intact, many of the obvious conflicts of interest that mangers face in trying to serve both their mutual fund shareowners and their conglomerate (or other public) shareholders would have been mitigated. Giving fund investors (and pension beneficiaries) a fair shake, and a fair participation in the staggering economies of scale that are available in managing the growing pools of other people’s money (OPM), would have come to characterize this now-giant ($15 trillion) industry. But in fact, fund managers arrogated the lion’s share of these economies of scale to themselves.
如果我们当时建立了关于资金流动的正式国际合作与信息共享架构(以及相应的执法架构),洗钱和逃税行为难道不会大大减少吗?
If we had built a formal structure of international cooperation and information-sharing on money flows (and a structure of enforcement as well), wouldn’t money laundering and tax dodging have been greatly reduced?
如果当今的电子通讯结构(电子邮件似乎会永远留存!)和司法批准的联邦窃听手段在更早的年代就已普及,那些利用内幕信息进行交易的不法分子难道不早就被发现——并受到惩罚——了吗?若果真如此,现有的内幕交易法规以及美国证券交易委员会(SEC)《公平披露规则》中的“充分披露”要求,难道不会得到更好的遵守吗?(瞧,我对人性略知一二,完全明白由贪婪滋生的非法和不道德行为不可能被彻底根除——可以减轻,没错;根除,不可能。)
If today’s structure of electronic communication (e-mails seem to last forever!) and judicially approved federal wiretaps had been prevalent in an earlier age, wouldn’t the cheaters who traded on inside information have been discovered—and punished—far earlier? If so, wouldn’t there have been better compliance with existing insider trading regulations and with the “full disclosure” requirements of SEC regulation FD? (Look, I know a bit about human nature, and fully understand that the illegal and unethical practices that arise from greed will be impossible to eliminate—mitigate, yes; eliminate, no.)
如果要求银行通过 CDO 形式进行证券化时,必须在自己账上保留一部分剥离出去的个人住房抵押贷款,它们还会不会对评估房贷客户的信用状况漠不关心(还记得 NINJA 贷款吗?——给没有收入、没有工作、没有资产的购房者发放的贷款)?可惜,多德-弗兰克法案的最新进展是,取消了住房抵押贷款发放机构必须自留部分风险的要求。这怎么可能发生?(提示:强大的游说集团。)这次,我就不去说我们那些评级机构的结构和激励机制了——发行人为了拿到那梦寐以求的 AAA 评级,可是支付了巨额费用!
Wouldn’t a requirement that banks retain on their own books a portion of the mortgage loans they were divesting through securitizations in the form of CDOs have precluded their disinterest in evaluating the creditworthiness of the homeowners for whom they underwrote mortgages? (Remember the NINJAs—home buyers with No Income, No Job, and No Assets?) Alas, the most recent news from the Dodd-Frank front is the elimination of the requirement that mortgage originators retain some of the risk of their mortgages. How could that happen? (Clue: powerful lobbyists.) On this occasion, I’ll ignore the structure and incentives of our rating agencies, paid huge sums by issuers seeking that coveted AAA rating!
最后,我们投资银行公司的资本结构发生了根本变化——从私人合伙制转为上市公司,从无限责任(“谨慎行事、保持保守”)转为有限责任(“资产负债表的杠杆率不必太担心。25 比 1 的债务权益比完全没问题。”)。在这种新结构下,无视甚至忽视高杠杆的风险变得极其容易。但过度冒险和表面化的质量标准,最终自食其果。(参见:贝尔斯登和雷曼兄弟,两者如今均已不复存在。)⁴ 是的,金融领域的结构性缺陷是导致行业价值观、伦理和职业操守恶化的一个主要因素。当我们想到“专业人士”时,通常会想到医生、律师、工程师、建筑师,以及——至少在理想层面——受托管理他人资金的人。然而,一个行业接一个行业,那种负责任、无私且明智地为客户和更广泛社会服务的传统价值观,已被我所谓的如今主导一切的“唯底线社会”所侵蚀。在太多情况下,不受约束的市场力量已大幅排挤了职业精神最初所秉持的价值观。
Finally, the new capital structure of our investment banking firms—from private partnerships to public corporations, from unlimited liability (“Be cautious and be conservative”) to limited liability (“Don’t worry much about leveraging the balance sheet. A 25-to-1 debt-to-equity ratio is just dandy.”) Under that new structure, it was all too easy to disregard, even to ignore, the risks of high leverage. But grossly excessive risk and superficial quality standards, finally, came home to roost. (See: Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers, both now gone.)3 Yes, structural flaws in finance have been a major contributing factor to the deterioration of the industry’s values, ethics, and professional conduct. When we think of professionals, we usually think of physicians, lawyers, engineers, architects, and—at least in the ideal—the trustees of other people’s money. Yet, profession by profession, the traditional values of serving clients and the broader society responsibly, selflessly, and wisely have been undermined by what I’ve called our now-dominant “bottom-line society.” Unchecked market forces have, in too many cases, substantially crowded out the original values of professionalism.
我对麦道夫那种建立在赤裸谎言上的结构没有解决办法。只要投资者既盲目又贪婪,而“管理者的管理者”基金完全不去做尽职调查,庞氏骗局和麦道夫式骗局就会不断冒出来,利用投资者“快速致富”的劣根性。
I have no solution to the Madoff structure built on bare-faced lies. As long as investors are blind and greedy, and fund “managers-of-managers” utterly fail to exercise due diligence, Ponzis schemes and Madoff schemes will arise to capitalize on the base instincts of investors to “get rich quick.”
当那些我们引以为傲的职业,其重心从为社会提供值得信赖的服务,转向成为谋求竞争优势、以赚钱为目的的商业机构时,社会上依赖这些服务的人们就成了输家。
When our proudest professions shift their balance away from trustworthy service to the community and toward becoming commercial enterprises that seek competitive advantage and aimed at making money, the human beings in our society who rely on those services are the losers.
先锋集团——一种新结构的故事 颇具讽刺意味的是,尽管我在职业生涯初期就开始对金融体系感到担忧,但最终通过脱离共同基金行业形成的有缺陷结构,我得以解决了自己的困境。这一切始于 20 世纪 60 年代中期,距今已有半个世纪。
Vanguard – The Story of a New Structure Ironically, while my concerns about our financial system began early in my career, I was able to resolve my dilemma by departing from the flawed structure that developed in the mutual fund industry. It all began in the mid-1960s, now a half-century ago.
随后,机构资金管理者的公众所有权结构——这一结构后来将取代早先的私人所有权结构——才刚刚开始兴起。与此同时,股市中所谓的“Go-Go 时代”也刚刚拉开序幕。这种(最坏意义上的)动态组合,改变了曾经稳健的共同基金行业特征——当时该行业主要由投资于长期、持有“蓝筹”股票组合的中庸型股票基金构成。(1965 年,基金总资产仅有 350 亿美元。)
Then, the public ownership structure of institutional money managers that would come to overwhelm the earlier private ownership structure was just beginning. At the same time, the so-called “Go-Go Era” in the stock market was also just beginning. That dynamic (in the worst sense) combination changed the once-sound character of the mutual fund industry—then largely composed of middle-of-the-road equity funds investing for the long-term, holding portfolios of “blue chip” stocks. (Total fund assets in 1965 were but $35 billion.)
基金管理架构与投资策略的这两项近乎同步的变革,共同严重侵蚀了该行业最初的价值观与传统的受托人伦理。正如一位 Go-Go 时代的重要观察者所言:“短期投资有时可能确实比长期投资更安全,而股票的价格行为可能比大多数研究赖以建立的‘基本面’更重要……投资组合经理是在买入股票,而非‘投资’于企业。”(唉!)传统的“投资品质”已被抛弃。“现代理念、想象力、创造力、灵活性以及积极追求回报”取而代之。4 创业者、投机者,甚至金融海盗都呼啸着涌入这个此前由经验丰富、相当稳重、谨慎且保守的投资者所主导的行业。我亲眼目睹了这一切的发生。因为在 1969 年和 1970 年,我正是威灵顿管理公司年轻的新任领导者,同时也是投资公司协会的主席。可以毫不夸张地说,当时我被视为共同基金业的完美“内部人”,是这个新行业的新面孔。
Those near-contemporaneous changes in fund management structure and in fund investment strategy combined to seriously erode the industry’s founding values and traditional ethics of trusteeship. As one prominent observer of the Go-Go Era put it, “short-term investing may actually be safer than long-term investing sometimes, and the price action of the stocks may be more important than the ‘fundamentals’ on which most research is based … portfolio managers buy stocks, they do not ‘invest’ in corporations.” (Ugh!) Traditional “investment quality” was out. “Modern concepts, imagination, creativity, flexibility, and aggressively seeking rewards” were in.4 Entrepreneurs, speculators, even financial buccaneers came roaring into an industry that had previously been dominated by experienced, fairly staid, cautious, and conservative investors. I saw it all happen. For I was the new, young leader of Wellington Management Company and Chairman of the Investment Company Institute during 1969 and 1970. It’s fair to say that I was then considered the consummate mutual fund “insider,” the new face of the new industry.
可惜,这些话出自威灵顿基金 1967 年年报,由一位新任投资组合经理执笔,描述的是基金未来投资策略所依托的“现代概念与机遇”。
Alas, these were the words used in Wellington Fund’s 1967 Annual Report, penned by a new portfolio manager to describe the “modern concepts and opportunities” on which the fund’s future investment strategy would be based.
是的,事件——甚至可以说智慧——很快就强化了我对基金行业应有结构的看法,并促使我付诸行动。首先,我跳上了“快车”式增长(Go-Go)的潮流,将费城的威灵顿管理公司与波士顿一家热门的新基金管理公司合并。那次可怕的误判是我纯粹愚蠢的纪念碑;是我天真幼稚的证明;是我急切、甚至心甘情愿地忽视金融历史教训的写照;是我对(现已早被抛弃的)营销关注的体现;坦率地说,也反映了我对当时公开上市的威灵顿管理公司——其创始人是沃尔特·摩根,他于 1967 年指定我为接班人——利润和市值增长的追逐。我当时是基金的首席执行官,而我犯了一个可怕的错误……并为此付出了代价。1974 年 1 月 23 日,我被威灵顿管理公司的新“快车”合伙人解雇了,该公司是我们名义上控制的共同基金的顾问。
Yes, events—perhaps even wisdom—were soon to reinforce my view of the appropriate structure for the fund industry, and to do something about it. First, I jumped on the Go-Go bandwagon, merging Philadelphia’s Wellington Management with a hot new fund manager from Boston. That horrible misjudgment was a monument to my sheer stupidity; to my naiveté; to my eagerness, even willingness, to ignore the lessons of financial history; to my (now-long-gone) focus on marketing; and in candor, to my interest in increasing the earnings and market value of then publicly held Wellington Management Company—largely owned by founder Walter Morgan, who had named me his successor in 1967. I was the Fund’s chief executive, and I had made an awful mistake . . . and paid for it. On January 23, 1974, I was fired by my new Go-Go partners of Wellington Management Company, adviser to the mutual funds we had ostensibly controlled.
战略遵循结构,但惠灵顿共同基金各自且基本独立的董事会决定继续留任我担任首席执行官。在持续八个月的激烈斗争后,这些基金宣布脱离惠灵顿管理公司独立,先锋集团由此诞生。
Strategy Follows Structure But the separate and largely independent boards of the Wellington mutual funds decided to keep me on as their chief. After a bitter struggle that lasted for eight months, the funds declared their independence from Wellington Management, and Vanguard was created.
正如我常说的:“战略服从结构。” 先锋领航独一无二、由客户所有、堪称真正互惠的结构,自然而然地催生出——甚至要求——一种将投资成本压到最低、让投资者能保留市场回报中公平份额的战略。当然,这里我说的正是世界上第一只指数共同基金——先锋领航的颠覆性创新,它最终重塑了整个共同基金行业。
As I’ve often said, “strategy follows structure.” Vanguard’s unique, client-owned, truly mutual structure naturally led to—even demanded—a strategy that held the costs of investing to the bare minimum and allowed investors to keep their fair share of the market’s return. Here, of course, I’m speaking of the world’s first index mutual fund—Vanguard’s disruptive innovation that would ultimately reshape the mutual fund industry.
开头那段日子很不好过。先锋创立的头四年,每年都遭遇巨额净现金流出,第一只指数基金上市时几乎无人问津——筹来的钱甚至不够买足标普 500 指数里每只股票的标准手。但投资者最终注意到了,并逐渐接受了先锋的投资方式。如今,我们的资产基础中指数基金占主导地位(71%),另外还有 25% 是“准指数基金”,这些基金虽然是“主动管理”的,但其设计目标是与相关市场板块的回报紧密挂钩。(两者合计占我们资产基础的 96%。)
We had tough going at first. Vanguard suffered huge net cash outflows in each of our first four years of existence, and the IPO of that first index fund was virtually ignored—not even raising enough money to buy round lots of each stock in the S&P 500. But investors eventually took notice and came around to the Vanguard way of investing. Today, our asset base is dominated by index funds (71% ,but another 25% is composed of virtual index funds) which, while “actively managed,” are designed to deliver returns that are closely linked to their relevant market sectors. (Together, that’s 96% of our asset base.)
1974 年先锋集团创立时,我们仅监管着 14 亿美元的 OPM(别人的钱)。如今,我们在全球管理着超过 3 万亿美元的资产。我们最初在美国长期资产(股票和债券基金)中的市场份额还不到 6%,如今已增长至超过 18%——这是行业内的主导地位,史无前例。
When Vanguard was founded in 1974, we supervised just $1.4 billion of OPM. Today, we manage over $3 trillion worldwide. Our initial market share of long-term (stock and bond fund) assets in the U.S. was less than 6% at the outset. It has now grown to over 18% today—a dominant level, one without precedent in the industry.
自省,这个关键的品质。我缺乏当今许多金融领袖具备的才能(以及资源!)。他们往往是精明的商人,像激光一样专注,追求不断攀升的收入和利润;一心要在自己提供的产品和服务上占据主导市场份额;典型地急不可耐地想要获得高于同行首席执行官的薪酬;常常专横且苛求;外向且自信。(我确信在座的大多数人都观察过这种典型的“CEO”范式。)
Introspection, the Crucial Ingredient I lack many of the talents (and resources!) of today’s financial leaders. They are often sharp businessmen, focused, laser-like, to produce ever higher revenues and profits; driven to achieve dominant market shares in the products and services that they offer; stereotypically desperate to be rewarded with higher compensation than their peer chief executives; too often imperious and demanding; extroverted and self-confident. (I’m sure that most of you here have observed this paradigmatic model of the “CEO.”)
这真的不是我的风格。可惜啊!是的,在我领导先锋集团时,我确实是用铁腕在管理(有时戴天鹅绒手套,有时不戴)。但我知道自己已经有了“够了!”(我的第六本书的书名)。我不喜欢花钱(尤其是股东的钱!)。我与团队成员相处时感到无比快乐(团队从 1974 年的 28 人发展到 40 年后的 16000 人),而最大的回报莫过于我们一起卷起袖子,拼命工作,然后欢欣鼓舞地庆祝我们的成就。
That just isn’t me. Pity! Yes, when I led Vanguard, I led with an iron hand (sometimes with, sometimes without, a velvet glove). But I knew that I had “ENOUGH!” (the title of my sixth book). I don’t like to spend money (especially our shareholders’ money!). I revel in being with our crew (up from 28 in 1974 to 16,000 forty years later), and find no greater reward then when we roll up our sleeves together, work like blazes, and celebrate our achievements with joy.
但我拥有——或者说我相信自己拥有——一项同行们或许欠缺、至少是深藏不露的特质:内省(Introspection)。根据《牛津英语词典》第八卷的定义——这部共计 18 卷的词典就摆放在离我办公室几步之遥的地方——内省是“探究事物表面之下或内部的行为,尤其指运用心智……自我审视……”。在我看来,内省就是审视一个企业的结构,然后思考:难道结构不该服务于业务吗?难道战略不该跟随结构吗?难道公司不该服务客户吗?难道它不该服务社会吗?难道没有更好的方式来实现使命吗?这些只是我问自己的众多问题中的一部分,而先锋领航就是我的答案。
But I have—or believe that I have—one quality that my peers may lack, or at least keep deeply hidden: Introspection. According to the definition in Volume VIII of the Oxford English Dictionary—all 18 volumes of which repose a few steps from my office—introspection is “the action of looking into, or under the surface of things, especially with the mind . . . self-examination . . .” In my view, introspection is looking at a business structure and thinking, shouldn’t the structure fit the business? Shouldn’t the strategy follow the structure? Shouldn’t the firm serve its clients? Shouldn’t it serve society? Isn’t there a better way to accomplish the mission? Those were among many questions that I asked myself, and Vanguard was my answer.
很少有人比黑石集团副董事长、瑞士央行前行长菲利普·希尔德布兰德更透彻地讨论过这些问题。在 2014 年 10 月 12 日由国际货币基金组织举办的“金融的未来”会议上,作为精英小组的发言者,他批评了“我们集体的…… 除了菲利普·希尔德布兰德,该精英小组成员还包括英国央行行长马克·卡尼、国际货币基金组织总裁克里斯蒂娜·拉加德、新加坡政府投资公司全球投资主席吴国松、以及坎特伯雷大主教贾斯汀·韦尔比牧师。
Few have described these issues better than Philipp Hildebrand, vice-chairman of BlackRock and former head of the Swiss National Bank. As a speaker on a distinguished panel at the “Future of Finance” conference held by the International Monetary Fund on October 12, 2014,5 he faulted “our collective In addition to Philipp Hildebrand, the distinguished panel included Mark Carney, Governor of the Bank of England; Christine Lagarde, Managing Director of the IMF; Kok-Song Ng, Chair of Global Investments for the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation; and Reverend Justin Welby, Archbishop of Canterbury.
未能看清当今金融结构中的严重缺陷。“那该怎么办?希尔布兰德先生的想法如下:1)金融领域的激励机制至关重要,因此我们需要关注的不是复杂的监管体系,而是让基本激励机制正确,以获取正确的结果。2)领导者的个人行为至关重要。我们需要一种金融领导层的个人转变。
failure to see the serious flaws in today’s structure of finance.” What’s to be done? Here are Mr. Hildebrand’s thoughts: 1) Incentives in finance matter a great deal, so we need to focus, not a complex regulatory system, but on getting the basic incentives right in order to get the right outcomes. 2) The personal behavior of leaders counts. We need a form of personal transformation in the leadership of finance.
3)如果金融业不采取正确的激励机制——这一机制将催生正确的商业模式,进而推动个人层面的转变——那么监管机构很可能会以不利于创造财富与繁荣的方式,将这些变革强加于该行业。
3) If the financial industry does not adopt the right incentive structure, which would lead to the right business model, which would lead to personal transformation, these changes will likely be imposed on the industry by regulators in a way that is counterproductive to the creation of wealth and prosperity.
这些目标中没有一项是容易实现的,这一点不言自明。但当我们思考金融的未来时,这些应当成为我们重点关注的主要标准。
That none of these goals will be easy to achieve is self-evident. But they should represent the major criteria on which we focus as we contemplate the future of finance.
公私合作伙伴关系。现在,请允许我以对公私合作伙伴关系的一些看法作为结尾。P3 的基本策略已经相当成熟。在美国之外,据称约有 1300 个此类项目正在运营,总资本达 2500 亿美元。然而,美国远远落后,尽管农村地区、太阳能和军营住房需求迫切,更不用说我们国家日益恶化的基础设施需要大规模翻新。据估计,我们需要额外投资 1.6 万亿美元,用于公路、桥梁、铁路、港口和机场的必要维护和升级,其中一些被描述为“结构缺陷或过时”。
Public-Private Partnerships Now let me close with some thoughts about public-private partnerships. The basic strategy of P3s has already been fairly well established. Outside the U.S., some 1,300 are said to be operating now with present capital of $250 billion. The U.S., however, lags far behind, despite the needs of rural America, solar energy, and military housing, to say nothing of the massive rehabilitation of our nation’s deteriorating infrastructure. There it’s estimated that we need an additional investment of $1.6 trillion to do the necessary maintenance and upgrading of our roadways, bridges, railroads, ports, and airports, some of which are described as “structurally deficient or obsolete.”
随着 P3(公私合作伙伴关系)在美国的初步发展逐步成形,我们必须密切关注如何确保这些合作关系服务于纳税人、为之提供融资的州及地方政府,以及承担这些项目建设、维护和管理工作的私营承包商这三方的利益。
As the incipient development of P3s builds in the U.S., we must give our close attention to assuring that these partnerships serve the interests of the taxpayers, the state and local governments that finance them, and the interests of the private contractors that do the work of building, maintaining, and managing these projects.
这意味着诚实投标、诚实交付和诚实披露——无论是市政部门还是承包商都应如此。我几乎不必向在座各位指出,大型建设项目往往充斥着政治偏袒,而那些明知规格变更是家常便饭、会给成本大幅上涨留下空子的承包商,却故意报出低价投标。6 这也意味着,各州和地方政府必须发展出进入公私合作(P3)领域所需的技术能力和专业水平,以保护公共利益。“没有什么比利益未被置于首位的纳税人更愤怒的了。”
This means honest bidding, honest delivery, and honest disclosure—both by municipalities and contractors. I hardly need tell this group that giant construction projects are too often fraught with political favoritism and contractors who submit low bids knowing full well that the inevitable changes in specifications leave the door wide open for huge increases in costs.6 It also means that states and local governments must develop the technical capacity and expertise to enter the P3 arena, and to protect the public interest. “Hell hath no fury like a taxpayer whose interests are not placed front-and-center.”
要落实这些政府与私营部门之间的合约协议——设计、建造、运营、维护并融资即将到来的、海啸般的基础设施必要升级——什么样的结构才是最理想的?正如我常说的先锋领航(Vanguard)的结构和战略,“想法一文不值;执行才是一切。”公私合作伙伴关系也是如此。
What is the optimal structure for implementing these contractual agreements between governments and the private sector to design, build, operate, maintain, and finance the coming tsunami of essential improvements in infrastructure? As I have often said about Vanguard’s structure and strategy, “ideas are a dime a dozen; implementation is everything.” And so it is with public-private partnerships.
我会远远超出自己在某个明显不同于本专业领域的经验与专长,去推测实施以 P3 为特征的复杂安排的最优方式,同时充分保护公众利益。但在之前的发言中,我已尽力阐述了围绕职业道德与价值观的问题,这些对于我自己的专业领域——我在其中度过整个职业生涯的金融行业——至关重要。
I would go far beyond my own experience and expertise in a field distinctly different ffrom my own to speculate on the optimal means of implementing the complex arrangements that characterize P3s, while at the same time fully protecting the public interest. But in my earlier remarks, I’ve done my best to set forth the issues surrounding the professional ethics and values that are essential to my own area of expertise, the financial sector in which I have spent my entire career.
在此,我引用乔丹教授在本次会议总结中的话作为结尾:“价值观与伦理应当引导公共与私营部门之间这些新出现的联系方式。”(我要强调,双方都肩负这一责任。)
Here, I close by reaffirming the ideas expressed by Professor Jordan in her summary of this conference: “Values and ethics should guide these new forms of relations emerging between the public and private sector.” (I underscore that both parties have this obligation.)
乔丹教授还提醒我们注意,“金融(因依赖逐利而运转)关乎他人的钱财,这常常为不当行为打开了通道。”她继续说:这仅仅是关于诚实与道德的问题吗?部分如此,但更关键的是,金融体系存在结构性缺陷,包括公司的薪酬结构、组织层面向非道德活动施压的压力、文化、激励机制以及利益冲突。因此,这不仅关乎个人行为,同样也涉及组织与系统性因素。
Professor Jordan also asks us to be aware that “finance (being reliant on the quest for gain) concerns other people’s money, which often opens the pathway for misconduct.” She continues: Is this a question of honesty and morality? Yes, in part, but more importantly it is a question of a structural flaw in finance which includes the compensation structure of firms, organizational pressures to engage in unethical activities, culture, incentives, and conflicts of interest. Therefore, it is not only about individual conduct, but also of organizational and systemic factors.
乔丹教授也和我一样对“创新型金融产品”以及“复杂与不透明”的风险感到担忧。因此,在我们考虑如何以最优方式组织公私合作伙伴关系时,波士顿市中心的“大挖掘”项目最初预计成本为 28 亿美元,最终成本却高达 146 亿美元。
Professor Jordan also shares my concern about “innovative financial products” and the perils of “complexity and opacity.” So as we consider the optimal means for organizing public-private partnerships The cost of the “Big Dig” in downtown Boston was originally estimated at $2.8 billion. Final cost: $14.6 billion.
为了满足我们国家迫切的基础设施需求,并找到为其融资的最佳方式,让我们始终坚持将结构与战略的关系,以及道德与价值观,放在我们思考的最前沿。
to meet our nation’s compelling infrastructure needs, and the optimal means to finance them, let’s keep the relationship between structure and strategy on the one hand, and ethics and values on the other, at the forefront of our thinking.
是的,我们金融体系的结构和价值观树立了一个坏榜样。但学习最便宜的捷径,就是从别人的错误中吸取教训。我们必须拥抱阳光那照亮人心的光辉,它会激励我们走向更光明的未来,而不是洞穴中那束跳动的火焰——那火光至今仍让我们着迷,并主宰着我们的价值观与视角。⁷ 自己构建信息库;形成独立的见解;对所有模型进行压力测试;计算每一项风险;质疑,嗯,一切。就像我在先锋集团常说的:“看在上帝的份上,至少给判断一个能战胜流程的公平机会吧。”用你所能调动的最深自省,去思考你的工作。
Yes, the structure and values of our financial sector have set a bad example. But the cheapest way to learn is to learn from the mistakes of others. We must embrace the illuminating glow of sunlight that will inspire us to realize a brighter future, rather than the flicker of light from the fire in the cave that until now has transfixed us and dominated our values and perspectives.7 Build your own bank of information. Form your own opinions. Stress test all models. Calculate all risks. Challenge, well, everything. As I say at Vanguard, “for God’s sake, give judgment at least a fighting chance to triumph over process.” Think through your work with the deepest introspection that you can command.
熟悉柏拉图“洞穴寓言”的各位,会完全明白我在说什么。
Those of you who are familiar with Plato’s “Allegory of the Cave” will know exactly what I’m talking about.